فهرست مطالب سعیده امینی

In the interweaving of political and social affairs, social forces have joined the political arena. Women are one of the most important social forces that can be a subject in the field of politics and power. But the possibility or refusal of this feature is very much influenced by their mentality towards this field. The purpose of this article is to investigate how women perceive and understand the political issue and build political subjectivity from their perspective. For this purpose, the theme analysis method and individual interview technique (35 people) and focus groups (4 groups of four people) of Tehrani women aged 25 years and above and with a bachelor's degree or higher and were selected by purposive sampling method were used. became. According to the results of this article, in response to the first question, there are four themes of gender stuttering in the political sphere, tension in the political sphere, gender alienation in the political sphere, and aversion to morality in the political arena, and in response to the second question, there are four themes of the sterile presence of women in the field of power, women As the seat of power square, the rejection of femininity in political subjectivity and the coordinates of female politics were extracted. Also, the results of the research indicate three important points: 1. The political issue of gender in Iranian society is a function of the political issue in its social totality. 2. Due to the interweaving of the political and gender issues in women's experience, it is not possible to understand women's political activism without gender sensitivities. 3. The centrality of men in political experience leads to the rejection of women's issues and experience in political relationships and disputes, and discouragement and boredom of women from the political sphere.

In the discourse of social sciences, the concept of “self” is a social construction, and something more than a pure biological-psychological configuration as well. Regarding the point stated above, one can suppose that ‘the self’ while emerging as a historical, time-oriented as well as place-directed phenomenon constructs the most variation of social actors’ everyday identities. The purpose of the study is to describe the experience of married persons either men or women of Sari City regarding the visible becoming of their “selves” under the circumstances of their everyday lives. The study was performed through implementation of descriptive phenomenology as the research method. Married persons owing at least 10-year marital experience were selected purposefully on the basis of predetermined inclusion criterion as the research informants. Data seeking has been done through thirty semi structured interviews. Data analysis and exploration in participants’ experiences was done on the basis of employment of Collaizi method. Consequent abstraction of 1650 descriptive concepts led to construction of 4 types of “selves” including exchanged self, convergent proud self, decomposed- other directed self, and single fanciful self as well. On the basis of final conclusion of the performed research, research informants under any of the discovered visible selves and in their approaching the perceived situation have to inevitably apply active and interpretive mechanisms in conflict with their inner deep consciousness. The above experience as a dilemma is led to production of a duality namely called alienation- emancipatory-oriented attempts.

The purpose of this article is to examine the relationship between social networks and political activism, considering intervening factors such as emotions that can either strengthen or weaken this link. The focus is on investigating the connection between moral shocks and shared emotions during the fall of 2022. To achieve this objective, a conceptual framework was developed based on the sociology of emotions. Data for the research was collected from the Twitter platform, specifically from September 6,, to November 6, . The calculation method was employed to determine fluctuations in common and mutual emotions during collective action related to moral shocks. The most significant findings of the study indicate that during the mentioned period, mutual emotions (enthusiasm, joy, empathy, and hope) gradually surpassed common emotions (fear, sadness, anger, and hatred). enthusiasm emerged as the strongest emotion, while sadness was the weakest. Furthermore, moral shocks directed at specific individuals generally evoked less anger, hatred, and sadness compared to moral shocks associated with collective identity. Among Twitter activists, the tweets of opposition figures abroad and their subsequent reposting played a prominent role in intensifying common emotions, particularly anger and hatred. Conversely, the tweets of civil and rights activists had a significant impact on strengthening mutual emotions, specifically fostering a sense of enthusiasm, leading to short-term victories.

In social life, ensuring a sense of security is critical. Obstacles that hinder this growth, whether individual or societal, can arise in the form of violent acts, including sexual assault. Sexual assault is a type of violence that is often considered a women's issue, and any attention to a woman's body without her explicit or implicit consent, if it has a sexual nature, is considered assault, ranging from rape, physical contact, lustful gaze, and verbal teasing to the use of words with sexual themes (Ishaghi, 2003). Hossein Qanbranjad, the Judiciary's representative, reported that the number of cases of rape and sexual abuse in Iran increased from 2011 to 2021. In 2013, there were about 1313 cases of rape, which has shown an increase since then. The number of cases of harassment for women and girls has also grown, from approximately 72,000 cases in 2009 to 142,933 in 2013 (Sharq, 2014, 8/17). Regardless of the multiple causes of such incidents, it is essential to acknowledge the significance of victims sharing their experiences. Internal and external factors, such as feelings of shame and guilt, fear of rejection by family and friends, and the risk of losing one's job, may cause women to remain silent when they experience harassment. Recently, social media platforms have provided a space for the voices of the underrepresented to be heard. The #MeToo hashtag against sexual assault and harassment went viral globally, and the sexual misconduct of prominent and influential figures, including Harvey Weinstein, was exposed online. Twitter was one of the most suitable social media platforms for this campaign (Hermida, 2010). In Iran, people are affected by the global environment and the many years of women's protests as they shared their painful experiences of sexual harassment. Women, men, and even boys participated in this campaign. The campaign gained momentum following the disclosure of sexual harassment of well-known celebrities and spread to everyday people as well. Analyzing these cases can help us develop a deeper understanding and more empathetic attitude towards these experiences.

Conceptual framework:

Today, communication technologies have revolutionized human societies by penetrating all social and individual fields, resulting in an unprecedented paradigm shift in human knowledge and the reconstruction of familiar concepts and categories. With the emergence of new information and communication technologies, the technological space has connected remote parts of the world, forming a network that facilitates a fundamental transformation in human social and individual spheres (Castells, 2001, p. 48). Activism is a process by which a group of individuals puts pressure on organizations or other institutions, demanding changes in policies, actions, or critical conditions (Smith, 2005, p. 5). From a rhetorical perspective, co-creational activism refers to the emergence of societal discourses through a negotiation process involving multiple parties, creating social capital and common concepts (Saffer, 2016). According to research, social movements play a crucial role in enabling the democratic process, promoting social change, and influencing policymakers (Uysal & Yang, 2013, cited by Xiong et al, 2018). In the 1960s and 1970s, the liberal and radical branches of the women's movement experienced a resurgence. While the liberal feminist movements emphasized the struggle for equal rights, the radical feminist movements acknowledged the presence of capitalism and male supremacy as the precursors to women's oppression (Taylor & Rupp, 1993). On the other hand, contemporary feminist research aims to comprehend how individuals and social movements combat social inequality and promote the free expression of gender identities while opposing the oppression of marginalized groups (King, 2016).
Studies have established that social media users engage in conversations about social and political issues by liking and sharing content that is linked to a specific hashtag. The hashtag acts as a profiling system in social media, providing users with an avenue to discuss political and social issues and eventually leading to hashtag activism, or the use of hashtags to fight for a cause or support it while raising awareness. In the #MeToo movement, individuals and social movement organizations made use of a bottom-up mechanism to disseminate information among global social networks.

To examine the Twitter campaign on sexual abuse and its ups and downs, it is crucial to consider the available data in the digital space. The data collection and analysis techniques employed in this study are based on computational social science methodology. This emerging field strives to utilize large data, particularly internet data generated by individuals, and computational methods to model and evaluate social science theories. In this article, data was collected using computational methods from April 2020 to January 2021, based on hashtag searches utilizing the Twitter API. Additionally, news related to sexual harassment of women was obtained from three news agencies, ISNA, IRNA, and Mehr, by utilizing relevant keywords such as "harassment of women," "rape," "sexual assault," and similar terms from April 2020 to March 2022. The target population included those who tweeted in Persian language on the Twitter social networking platform and employed the hashtag "Narrative of Harassment." During this stage, a vocabulary-based approach was utilized in unsupervised machine learning based on the mentioned hashtag. After collating the data and segregating the tweets related to users' reactions from the tweets of survivors, the motivations and contexts of the users' responses to the narratives of sexual abuse were examined using the thematic analysis method. The themes emerged from this analysis were extracted and comprehended through multiple stages of coding the tweets.

In the aftermath of the publication of narratives of sexual assault against women on Persian Twitter, domestic news agencies released more related news. Among the various categories of news, those categorizable under domestic general news made up 13.33% of the overall volume. Notable events included coverage of the follow-up on the "Prohibition of Violence Against Women" bill, passed by parliament after nearly a decade of preparation. The bill was approved by the government board on January 14, 2018, and submitted to parliament on January 24 (Barna, 7/6/2018). This instance demonstrates how digital spaces and social activism can influence the legal sphere. Quantitatively, the study of tweets further highlights how Twitter has established a space for people with minimal social capital to find opportunities to increase it and express themselves anew. Through virtual social networks, the voices of marginalized groups can be heard and influence public opinion. Persian Twitter offers survivors a platform to gain social support in the form of sensory, informational, evaluative, and instrumental resources in the absence of support from the judicial system. These factors align with the characteristics of a counterpower super network, as described by Emmanuel Castells, which motivates participants to express themselves in the form of collective actions. The potential for wide dissemination of Twitter content, facilitated by the retweet feature, allows survivors to gain some social support outside of formal, organizational structures. One of the key outcomes of the analysis of user tweets during three distinct periods of increased activity and hashtag growth relates to the themes discovered: emotional self-extinguishment, social emotions, empathy, feelings of social responsibility, female rhetoric, permanent trauma, and condemnation of the campaign. The study takes into account socioeconomic factors that led to the reflection of this topic on the virtual space and also considers the critical flow of the campaign.

The study suggests that users are concerned about the continuation of the issue and are attempting to solve these problems by urging the judicial system to support the victims. Twitter has empowered women and granted them agency, transforming them from passive activists into powerful social agents and advocates who influence public opinion about redefining their identity. The role of this space in the rhetorical strength of women should not be ignored. Women can use this space to influence and persuade their audience about their difficult circumstances with different types of legal and emotional speeches. The modern form of rhetoric is also visible through the tolerance of women's posts on virtual networks, including tweets and retweets, and the themes discovered in the tweets showed that in some tweets, users tackled their legal situation by relying on logical arguments or framed tweets to capture the audience's mental space about their conditions. Emotional tweets should not be overlooked; instead, the emotional positions around women's issues serve as a motivational framework for the audience, creating heated emotions around women's issues and providing incentives to improve the status quo and create a public opinion in society. The unique characteristic of this research is the critical narrative formed in conjunction with the revealing and supportive narrative of the campaign in Iran. In the summer of 2022, some activists working in the field of women in Iran issued a statement to remind their cautionary warnings after two years of the movement's formation. These warnings included verifying narratives, reducing sexual assault and harassment to deception, patronizing Iranian MeToo pages, adopting "name-centeredness" in the course of narration rather than informing, the disempowerment of abused women, and other factors. Thus, a two-way flow was established regarding the MeToo campaign in Iran, with a supporting flow aimed at stimulating emotions and encouraging shared actions for women who have faced abuse, and a critical flow aimed at exposing a group of women as opportunists and fishing for attention in the muddy waters of the virtual space, leading to the phrase "women against women." During this criticism, the relationship between the two sexes became distorted, and many female users wanted to verify the authenticity of the victimized women's narratives.

Protest as non-institutional forms of political participation are an undeniable reality in any society. The frequency and proliferation of this fact in history after the Islamic revolution and its changes have doubled the need to pay attention to this form of collective action. As a result of these actions, the protestors chanted slogans that expressed their wishes and demands for political and social changes and their ideals for fundamental changes. In this article, using the thematic analysis method and based on Snow and Benford's framing theory, an attempt has been made to separate the slogans of the protests of the last three decades based on three interpretive frameworks, Slogans should be identified in each framework and each period of protests to reveal the thematic changes of slogans in three decades. The results show that in the protests of July 1999, the motivational interpretative framework and in the protests after the presidential elections of 2009, December 2017, and November 2019 have also assigned the diagnostic framework the most weight to the slogans. The findings showed that in the protests of 1999, freedom-loving themes, in 2009, political-justice themes, and in 2017 and 2019, anti-Islamic themes had the most frequency among other themes.

Protest actions, as a form of socio-political orientations, have challenged the governments beyond the expiry of the electoral periods, in order to display new forms of participation. The demands raised in the form of protest slogans and their relationship with political discourses are the concern of this article. Therefore, in order to examine the semantic change of protest slogans of the last three decades in terms of political discourses, relying on Snow and Benford's framing theory and using the method of  content analysis to analyze the protest slogans in July 1978, in January 1996 and November 1998 . The results showed; In 1978, compared to other years, the diagnostic framework of the protesters was developed around the lack of coherence in the political structure, in 1988 around the non-realization of political values, and in 1996 and 1998 about the structural dimension of the political system. The themes of the slogans in 1978 (freedom, democracy) were consistent with the elements of the Reform discourse, but there was no correspondence between the slogans and the government's dysfunction. The themes of the slogans in 1988 (political justice) did not match the elements of the discourse of justice (reduction of poverty and deprivation), but it was in harmony with the functional dysfunction of the government in the field of politics. In the movements of the 90s, the slogans of the protestors were consistent with both the elements of Moderation discourse and the functional dysfunction of the government

Despite the increase in awareness and expansion of women's higher education and the religious and legal structures that require their political agency in Iran, the presence and agency of women in politics is limited and therefore it seems that women face obstacles to enter this field. Are facing. Content analysis method and individual interview technique and focus groups were used. The study samples were individual interviews (35 people) and focus group interviews (4 groups of 4 people) of Tehran women 25 years and older with a bachelor's degree or higher who were selected by purposive sampling method. . Based on the results of this study, four themes of masculine hegemonic politics, the notion of feminine temperament, the impossibility of pure politicking and the domination of hegemonic masculinity values were extracted. In addition, the results of the study indicate three important points: 1. In discussing the barriers to the presence and agency of women in the realm of politics, the important point is the existence of cultural-historical barrier (gender structural obstruction) and lack of social model in this area. 2. In today's world, there is no universal normative model of women's political agency. 3. Obstructing the presence of women in politics and the homosexuality of this field is one of the most important reasons for the increase of destructive confrontations in the political space and power field.

Iranian women adopt various strategies to enter the field of politics or to face political issues. The purpose of this study is to understand these strategies from the perspective of women. Strategy refers to large-scale approaches that can be explored as a whole from individual behaviors in different situations, and in the present article, we are particularly concerned with mechanisms Iranian women use to enter politics and confront political issues and problems? For this purpose, a conceptual - critical approach was developed with an interpretive approach relying on sensitive concepts such as understanding gender inequality, different experience (female lived experience) and slow progression from perspectives such as radical feminism and that of Asif Bayat. This research has been done with a qualitative approach (individual and group interviews) and with the method of content analysis. Based on the results of this study, four types of strategies were identified:  bold gender resistance, anticipatory inaction, feminine political attitude (soft strategy) and desperate isolation. Thus it can be said that due to the difference in the method of awareness and its origin in different individuals, the choice of strategy is different among women, and consequently there is a multiplicity of patterns of agency and subjectivity of women in politics. In addition, the results of the study indicate two important points: 1. Gender sensitivities and women's political activism are interconnected and inseparable. 2. Gender can be considered one of the determining factors of political activism in the micro and macro arenas.

Gender and emotion are social constructs that are connected to each other in the structures of social context which play a prominent role in creating the possibilities of life. This study aims to explain the feeling of felicity by investigating its relationship with femininity and masculinity. In order to achieve this goal, an appropriate theoretical framework was prepared and hypotheses were designed that were examined based on applying the survey method. The sample included two hundred individuals among Zanjan citizens. The sampling method was also based on multi-stage cluster method. The results indicated that 50% of Zanjan citizens feel high level of felicity and this feeling is relatively equal among men and women. There is a significant meaningful relation among the influential variables affecting felicity, life satisfaction, job satisfaction and gender satisfaction on the one hand, and comparison with others and comparison with one's own past on the other hand. There is also a significant relationship between types of femininity (emphatic and compatible) and types of masculinity (hegemonic and inferior) among which there is a significant relationship between inferior masculinity. The results of path analysis also indicated that family life satisfaction, comparison with their own past, resilient femininity, comparison with others and hegemonic masculinity explain the most frequent variance of feeling felicity.

Metaphysics or ontology is the most important stream of philosophy, or in other words, the whole stream of philosophy in history. Its two great representatives, Aristotle and Ibn Sina, each had a profound effect on the history of metaphysics. As the founder of metaphysics, Aristotle was able to master the whole course of Greek philosophy for the first time in history and to cover almost all subsequent metaphysical discussions. Therefore, the history of metaphysics must always be written about Aristotle from its beginning to its end. But Ibn Sina's philosophy, unlike Ibn Rushd's, is very different from Aristotle's. Thus, we can speak of two distinct ontologies that were studied in the history of metaphysics from the Middle Ages to Hegel, so that the work of Ibn Sina is more engraved on the history of metaphysics than Aristotle. The present study seeks to pave the way for a fundamental revision of the two philosophers' backgrounds in the re-reading of the history of philosophy, so that the different foundations of their philosophical views can be fully distinguished. The method in question is hermeneutic phenomenology, which seeks to find the foundation of thought in these two different metaphysical developments, although they develop on a single platform, which is metaphysics.

Nowadays, the study of people’s conception toward the way they provide help in an earthquake is of utmost importance. The purpose of this study has been to describe and explain the condition of humanitarian help in the Kermanshah earthquake. To achieve this goal, a theoretical framework has been developed based on theories of social psychology: John Piliavin's social exchange, Latané and Darley’s theory of decision making process, and Alvin Goldner's Social Responsibility. The sample size of the study was 220 residents of Tehran aged over 18. A multi-stage cluster sampling method was used. The results showed that 69 percent of the people in Tehran contributed to the Kermanshah earthquake, 48 percent of which was in the form of cash and 36 percent non-cash. The explanatory results of the PLS ​​software showed that the financial status of individuals had a coefficient of 29%, the extent of financial assurance to donor organizations had a coefficient of 19%, the experience of past earthquakes had a coefficient of 20%, and obtaining a spiritual reward had a coefficient of 16%.

Growing old, decreasing perception of social efficiency because of retirement and separation from children cause the elderly to feel lonely. Therefore, the present study was conducted to investigate the role of psychological capitals and psychological flexibility in predicting loneliness among elderly. It was a correlational descriptive study. The statistical population of the study included elderly living in Isfahan in 2018. Samples included 253 elderlies who were selected through convenience sampling method. Loneliness scale (Russell), psychological flexibility questionnaire (Denis and Vanderwal) and the questionnaire of psychological capitals (Lotanz and Olio) were used to collect data. Data were analyzed using Pearson Correlation and simultaneous multiple regression. The results reported a significant relationship between psychological capitals and psychological flexibility and feeling loneliness in the elderly (P˂0.001). Moreover, the results showed that psychological capitals and psychological flexibility were significant predictors of loneliness among elderly, while there was no significant difference in predicting predictive variables (psychological capitals and psychological flexibility) (P˃0.05). Considering the meaningful role of psychological capitals and psychological flexibility in significantly predicting loneliness in elderly, it seems a necessity to provide training for psychological capitals and improve psychological flexibility among elderly to decrease feeling lonely and apply the outcomes to decrease loneliness in elderly.

The present study seeks to deal with emotions and gender from a sociological perspective. Emotions and gender are social and cultural components. Socio-cultural variables at the micro and macro levels play a crucial role in gender reconstruction as well as in positive and negative emotional actions of social actors. The importance of this matter configures the structure of this study. It emphasizes on the feeling of unhappiness in the process of development through numerous types of emotions. To investigate the feeling of unhappiness between the two sexes, a theoretical framework devised from the theoretical approaches of the sociology of emotions and gender to investigate questions and hypotheses. A survey methodology was used in order to answer the questions and examine the hypotheses. Subjects of this study were students of Allameh Tabataba’i University; they were selected by a survey methodology with a sample size of 381 people. The foremost vital results showed that the feeling of unhappiness was higher among MA students and among other students with a moderate socioeconomic base rather than students with other degrees. Among the effective sociological variables on the feeling of unhappiness, inability to manage emotions, feelings of powerlessness, nonconformity and social disapproval affect the unhappiness feeling of male and female students. It can be argued that place of residence is the effective variables affecting the unhappiness of female students.

Increasing age, decreasing social efficacy perception due to retirement, and getting the children away cause feeling loneliness in the elderly.

this study was conducted to investigate the role of experiential avoidance and psychological capitals in predicting feeling loneliness by mediating the meaning in life in the elderly in the city of Isfahan.

The study was descriptive-correlational of structural equation modeling type. The statistical population of the study included the elderly in the city of Isfahan in 2018. The study sample was 253 elderly people who were selected through convenience sampling. The applied instruments included the loneliness scale (Russel, 1996), the psychological capital questionnaire (Lotanz and Olio, 2007), the meaning in life questionnaire(Stagger et al., 2006), and the acceptance and action questionnaire (Bond et.al, 2011). After collecting questionnaires, the data were analyzed through Pearson correlation and structural equation modeling methods.

The results showed that there were significant relationships between the variables (p˂0/001). Moreover, the mediating role of the meaning in life in the relations of experiential avoidance and psychological capitals to feeling loneliness  in the elderly was confirmed.

 Developing meaning in life in elderly, can overcome felling of loneliness and experiential avoidance.

The  aim of this article is critical evaluation of sociology of revolution & social revolutions book has been written by Mohammad Taghi Sabzeie. The author attempts to provide a book for sociology of revolution .In this book, at first, the concept of revolution and similar concepts like coup ,riot and social movement have been raised. Second, the process of revolution’s elements (ideology, mobilization, organizing and leadership) was taken into consideration. Then the author deals with the explanation of revolution. In this work, after mentioning the process and explanation of revolution, the consequences of revolution (social changes in post revolution society) has been raised. Finally, in the last chapter different kinds of revolution like republican ,communist,… is examined. The most important outcome of  critical evaluation of this work in formal sector is the loss of proper equivalence for English words, in content sector, is the loss of logical coherence. At last the main aim of author is not accomplished.

Emotion in the field of sociology has been considered as a social structure, therefore, it can be concluded that social factors play a pivotal role in its development and interpretation. The present study intends to draw attention to the issue of unhappiness as an important emotion from the sociological point of view and to examine its social backgrounds among university students. On the basis of theories in the realm of sociology of emotions (Symbolic Interaction, Ritual Interaction, Human Social Exchange, Dramaturgical Theory, Power and Social Base), this survey has been conducted as quantitative research  on the sample of 381 students from Allameh Tabataba’i University who were selected through the stratified sampling method. The results showed a significant relationship between unhappiness and the variables of their place of residence and place of education. Therefore, the students who lived in dormitories felt more unhappiness than dwellers whose families were in the city where they studied and the self-supporting students of independent campuses. Furthermore, the relationship between the main independent variables (inability to manage emotions, social rejection, distrust, social unconformity, and feeling powerless) and unhappiness was meaningful. Feeling powerless, inability to manage emotions and social unconformity explained the most variance of unhappiness respectively.

Todays in human and animal researchs addressing the ethical principles is more, but still less attention is dental researchs. The aim of this study to evaluate compliance with ethical codes at professional theses of Isfahan dental school done in a period of 15 years (2001-2015).
In this cross-sectional study that was performed on 300 thesis of dental college, at first a checklist of ethics codes in working with human and animal subjects was prepared and in next level theses information was gathered by this checklist and valuated with Two-way analysis of variance and least significant difference test (LSD) (α = 0/05).
A total of 70 on human study, in 38 cases (54/2%) written consent and in 10 cases (14/2%) oral consent was obtained. In 46 cases (65/7%) subjects were enrolled voluntarily and in 18 cases (25/7%) had consciousness about the power to withdraw from the study at any time. In 20 cases (52/6%) had been referred to the compensation. A total of 51 on animal studies (46/5%) of ethical codes was compliance and in 36 cases (70/5%) of donor organizations were mentioned.
Although the general trend comply with ethical codes in residential studies is improving but it seems that there is a long way to achieve the ethical principles in human and animal studies.

Every human wants to accomplish all of its’ expectations but the gap between people’s expectations and their attitudes toward the possibility of accomplishment of them make the feeling of relative deprivation. This article seeks to examine the feeling of relative deprivation among Tehranian youth. In order to achieve this goals the conceptual framework was arranged and the hypotheses were raised. Survey method was used and descriptive & inferential statistics applied to analyze data. The number of samples (400) selected from the youth of developed and undeveloped regions(3,15) of Tehran and the cluster sampling was used. The findings demonstrated the feeling of relative deprivation among 15 region youth was more than 3 region youth and economic & cultural capital among 3 region youth was more than 15 region youth. Moreover, the power values were dominate among 15 region youth and welfare & power values were dominate among 3region youth. The people with high economical & cultural capital have low relative deprivation . The main reference group of 3 and 15 regions youth was their friends. the output of regression showed economic capital and reference groups are more important than cultural capital in determining the variation of feeling of relative deprivation.

Women are one of the most important social forces and interconnected nature of the political and social has made them to engage in politics. In Iran, after the Islamic Revolution, different states have made efforts to solve women's socio-cultural problems. This article seeks to examine the social status of women in employment and unemployment, taking governmental administrative position, education, and being head of households from the fifth to the eleventh states in the Islamic Republic of Iran. To achieve this goal, secondary analysis was used and the following results were obtained: The presence of women in governmental administrative position has a rising trend in two decades, but in the basic and middle levels of management. The employment status of women in the 70's was relatively better than the 80's and the unemployment rate for women has been increasing since the 80's. On the other hand the employment and education of women did not rise harmoniously. Education and employment of women was better in the second term of President Khatami and the first term of President Ahmadinejad compared to the periods before and after. Prior to this period, the rate of employment passed education rate, but in the second term of Ahmadinejad until Rouhani's state this has reversed and education has passed employment. In the field of household, the percentage of female-headed households has raised from 7.5 percent in the first state of Hashemi Rafsanjani to 12.9 percent in the administration of Rouhani. During this period the identity of the female-headed households has changed in a way that single and divorced women mainly comprise female-headed households.

This article seeks to deal with the political orientations (reformist & conservative) of different provinces. In other words, we try to answer this question; which provinces tend to reformism and which of them tend to conservatism. In this article a secondary data analysis was used and political orientations of provinces were determined based on the results of the seventh to the eleventh presidential elections and other elections during this period. Study of provincial participation showed that East Azerbaijan, West Azerbaijan, Ardabil, Ilam, Sistan and Baluchestan, Kordestan, Kermanshah, Golestan, Fars, Yazd, Bushehr and Hormozgan are reformist. Isfahan, Chaharmahal and Bakhtiari, Zanjan, Semnan, Qom, Qazvin, Kohkilooyeh and Boyerahmad, Markazi, Hamedan and Khorasan are conservative. Tehran, Gilan and Kerman are reformist-inclined (tend to reformism) and Lorestan, Khuzestan and Mazandaran are conservative-inclined (tend to conservatism) provinces.