فهرست مطالب سیدجلال دهقانی فیروزآبادی

one of the points of contention in Iraq and the region has been the issue of the independence of Iraqi Kurdistan. What has made this issue international in scope is the connection of this region with Kurds in Iran, Turkey, Syria, etc. This linkage has led to convergent behavior in the foreign policies of these countries, particularly Iran and Turkey, concerning Iraqi Kurdistan. Therefore, the research question arises: What impacts did theKurdistan independence referendum have on the foreign policy of Iran and Turkey, and what has been the unified and common approach of Iran and Turkey's foreign policy regarding the independence-oriented orientation of Iraqi Kurdistan? This article, using a library-based method and based on a descriptive-analytical approach, posits the hypothesis that the challenge of the Kurdistan referendum and their independence aspirations have become so serious for both countries that it has led to the formation of an alliance regarding this issue, and both countries have always sought to prevent the independence of this region. Hence, the approach taken by these two countries concerning Iraqi Kurdistan can be explained within the framework of the Balance of Threat theory. The research findings indicate that in recent years, the main strategy of Iran and Turkey, despite numerous differences regarding recent Middle East crises, includes several components. One of the most important components is the emphasis and effort topreserve the territorial integrity of Iraq and opposition to its fragmentation. To achieve this goal, the two countries have formed an alliance to secure their national interests. This is because Iran and Turkey have significant Kurdish populations, and the creation of a Kurdish state in Iraq would establish a successful model in the region and influence the Kurds in both countries.

In recent decades, "Iranology" has been proposed as an independent science in academic circles in Iran and around the world. Moreover, after the Islamic revolution, an institution with this title was established in 1997 to advance the goals related to Iranology. All the while, the synergy of "Iranology" with other sciences is one of the most important concerns regarding this field of study. In the meantime, "Foreign policy", as a branch of the relatively nascent science of International relations, is considered an important aspects of the science of "Politics", whose synergy with Iranology can lead to fruitful results. Based on this, the main question will be raised, how Iranology (as knowledge or the foundation of Iranology) and Foreign policy can mutually improve the levels of official diplomacy and public diplomacy of the country. The research method in this article is descriptive-analytical, and to collect data and information, library and internet sources have been used. Based on the findings of this research, Iranian studies and Foreign policy can improve the levels of official diplomacy and public diplomacy of the country through three concepts, which are: The concept of "Iranology in Foreign policy", with its efforts to solve cognitive difficulties; The concept of "Iranology for Foreign policy" through actions that include facilitating, deepening, and developing various types of diplomacy; and the concept of "Foreign policy for Iranology" through measures such as introducing and supporting the "Iranology Foundation" in the international arena.

Islamic Awakening is the continuity of “Prophecy/Imamate" and their emergence as a civilization. The research method is "qualitative" based on "descriptive-analytical" data. Objective is applicative and developmental. Data collection was done with library/field methods. SWOT was used for desired strategy. Data analysis was performed via mean-rank method using Friedman test with SPSS and the validity of the research was measured by Cronbach's alpha. The research findings are the result of interviews/questionnaire by 57 Islamic awakening experts: "Karbala paradigm/Ashura culture", "Localization of the Islamic model for the Resistance, the Islamic World and The Oppressed", "Development of technical and infrastructural capacity for Islamic Internet”, “Staffing of local leaders", "Creating unity for Palestinian", "Developing social interactions of the Resistance Front with Muslims/Oppressed", "Correcting the eclectic, extremist and sectarian approaches of Shiites/Sunnis", "Strengthening Muslim world against Infidelity”, "Organizing Scientific Movements in the Islamic World", "Confronting the Cultural NATO/International Zionism in Engineering of Muslim Beliefs", "Exposing, Intelligence Influence of the US, UK and the Zionist Regime over Islamic countries” ; are among the desired strategies within the framework of "Resistance Theory "; and They rely on interaction with" Muslims and The Oppressed”. Keywords: Islamic Revolution, Islamic Awakening, The Oppressed, Theory of Resistance, Strategy.

Undoubtedly, Iran's nuclear issue has been one of the most important issues in the history of foreign policy, and its importance in the last decade has caused Iran's domestic and foreign policy to be affected by it. The beginning of the nuclear crisis, from the Saad Abad statement to the JCPOA, left several strategies for Iran's elites, and this era should be evaluated in a context related to regional environments. Based on this, this article, with descriptive-analytical method based on library studies and mass media follow-up, tries to examine and analyze the model of nuclear crisis management in the government of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad on the regional policies of the Islamic Republic in Southwest Asia. The results of the present research show that the government of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's adoption of a confrontational policy in the nuclear issue was more a result of the personal beliefs and ideals of the ruling movement than it was subject to the currents and patterns of behavior governing the world system and the geopolitical realities of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The management of the nuclear crisis, the regional policies of the Islamic Republic also faced fundamental challenges.

The Genealogy and construction of Iran's foreign policy after the revolution towards the United States has been based on the traumatic memories of Iranians from this country, especially the 1953 Iranian coup d'état. The connection of these memories with the lack of pursuit of transitional justice and appropriate politics of memory by the United States and creation of new negative memories, has led to the continuation of post-traumatic situation in Iran-US relations. On the other hand, the will of the revolutionary and Islamic government of Iran has been focused on the fight against global arrogance, led by the United States. In this regard, memory conflict became one of the important dimensions of Iran's approach to the United States. Also, after the revolution, Iranians sought to change its role from being a mere victim and by attacking the most painful memory site, the US Embassy, on November 4, 1979. Politics of memory is the mobilization of collective memories in order to legitimize the existing order and advance political-ideological projects in the internal and external environment through mnemonic socialization, the question of this research is what is the memorial approach of the Islamic Republic of Iran to the United States about the Nov 4, 1979? The answer is that Iran's memorial approach in this regard is the politics of remembrance of the Nov 4, 1979 memory through memorial practices with the narration of hatred and victory at the same time and its continuous reproduction in order to legitimize and motivate foreign policy.

Regional integration is considered one of the most important international phenomena in the world, which has always had special theoretical literature in international relations and regional studies. Theories such as federalism, functionalism, neo-functionalism, communication theory, etc. are among the most important theories that specifically seek to explain how regional integration occurs in a specific region. "Practice turn" or "practice theory" is considered one of the latest theoretical achievements in international relations, which many researchers have tried to apply in regional integration studies. According to the main principles of this theoretical approach, international phenomena are analyzed in terms of international "actions". The specific and pluralistic ontology, epistemology, and methodology of this theoretical approach have made many researchers of European studies use it to analyze and investigate the integration in Europe. For this purpose, in the present article, we intend to describe this theoretical approach and apply it to European integration studies and its development. Therefore, the main question of this article is, how has practice theory influenced the development of integration studies in Europe? The findings of this paper show that studies based on practice theory have challenged the more traditional understanding and previous theoretical literature on the dynamics of European integration. In fact, practice theory has forced the new generation of European studies researchers to reconsider the main assumptions of the European Union and go beyond the ontology and methods related to the existing theories in international relations.

Islamic awakening as in "continuation of Prophecy and Imamate"and Islam’s grand entrance into the gates of true Islamic civilization; are necessary requirements for the phenomenon of Mahdism.The main problem statement of this research is"Analysis of the desired trends of the Islamic Republic in the Islamic Awakening".The research method is"qualitative"and data gathered for the research are of"descriptive-analytical"nature and the objectives are applicative and developmental.Extracting desirability from the foundations of the Islamic Revolution and analyzing trends are qualitative in nature.Data were collected by library and field research methods and evaluated based on "trend analysis" techniques.Validity and reliability of the findings were performed by through SPSS. Based on the research findings gathered via interviews and a questionnaire by 45 experts in the field of Islamic Awakening;"The most desirable trends of the Islamic Awakening is that of the Islamic Revolution and the Resistance Front.“The Arbaeen Global Movement”is an emerging complement to the ultimate objectives of the Islamic Awakening.The potential opportunities of cyberspace for direct access across nations is also noteworthy. Extremism and Takfirism act as deviant alternatives to the Islamic Revolution,and the occupying regime in Jerusalem is the main enemy of the Islamic Awakening. Direct and unmediated interaction with the "Muslim public and the Oppressed" based on the "Model Islamic State" and the "Theory of Resistance" is the key to reviving the Islamic Awakening.The removal of people from the political scene has caused the Islamic awakening to distance itself from proper growth and development.

The Historical roots of liberal international order goes back to after the Second World War. Nowadays, it is faced with the problem of decline. While this issue is a multi-layered debate in terms of content, it is also a controversial and controversial issue among thinkers and theoreticians in the field of international relations. Based on this, the current research seeks to answer the main question, why is the international liberal order declining? This research using the theoretical approaches of liberalism in international relations, including the theories of democratic peace,  economic interdependence as well as neoliberal institutionalism as a theoretical research framework is based on the hypothesis that the weakening and degeneration of the triple pillars of the liberal order, including liberal democracy, global free trade, and various international institutions and regimes, have caused the decline of the liberal international order. So that the weakening of the three pillars of the liberal international order has caused the foundation based on political and economic liberalism of this order to be destroyed from within, and as a result, the unique components of the liberal international order will face a serious challenge. Based on historical evidence, this argument can be made. In the meantime, the United States of America has played an important role in the decline of the pillars and components of the liberal order over many years and decades, contrary to some common inferences and stereotypes.

Some governments and organizations are preparing to exploit artificial intelligence (AI) in order to destabilize the world and benefit from numerous cyber-attacks. The rapid advancement of AI enables cybercriminals to amplify their destructive impact worldwide, as AI has the potential to reshape and disrupt global conditions in the coming years. The primary objective of this research was to establish a comprehensive framework for critically evaluating the role of AI in facilitating unethical practices within the realm of security, both in theory and in practice. To lay the groundwork for the practical implementation of national security measures based on grounded theory requires adopting a problem-oriented perspective on terrorism, warfare, and conflict. A strategic instance of this approach is the concept of algorithmic national security which has the potential for creating and developing a new security order. This article aimed to contribute to the existing body of scientific literature, as there is currently a dearth of research in this field, thereby paving the way for future investigations. The primary objective of this research was to establish a comprehensive framework for critically evaluating the role of AI in facilitating unethical practices within the realm of security, both in theory and in practice. The present research aimed to develop a comprehensive framework for the critical evaluation of the role of AI in the unethical utilization of its functions in security matters, both in theory and in practice. In this line, the main question is: How can national security topics be problematized in light of AI hegemony and within the framework of terrorism, war, conflict, and defense?

Adopting a descriptive–analytical approach, the present research relied on library research and documentary method to collect the data from various printed and electronic sources, including websites and magazines. Note-taking was used as a tool in data collection stage. In this study, AI and national security were considered as the independent and dependent variables, respectively.

The debate surrounding the use of AI and its autonomy on future battlefields has predominantly centered on the ethical implications of granting complete authority to independent and autonomous weapons, often referred to as killer robots, capable of making life or death decisions. Is it truly feasible for these systems to operate without any human intervention, or does their deployment potentially violate the principles of warfare and international humanitarian laws? Avoiding such a predicament necessitates that those involved in warfare differentiate between combatants and civilians on the battlefield, prioritizing the preservation of civilian lives and minimizing harm to them to the greatest extent possible.Proponents of this emerging technology argue that machines will eventually possess enough intelligence to distinguish themselves from humans. Conversely, opponents maintain that machines will never possess the capability to make such a fundamental distinction. They argue that machines lack the capacity to make split-second decisions in the heat of war or exhibit timely empathy. In response to these concerns, several human rights and humanitarian organizations have launched the Campaign to Stop Killer Robots, aiming to establish an international ban on the development and deployment of fully automated and autonomous weapon systems. In the meantime, a highly contentious debate is unfolding within the military sphere regarding the use of AI in the command and control systems governing how senior officers convey essential orders to their subordinate soldiers. Throughout history, generals and admirals have consistently sought to enhance the reliability of command and control systems to ensure the fullest realization of their strategic objectives.Nowadays, these systems are heavily relied upon to ensure the security of radio and satellite communication systems that connect headquarters to the front lines. However, strategists are concerned that in a future hyper-warfare environment, these systems could be vulnerable to disruptions caused by jamming, which would make the speed of military operations exceed commanders’ limited ability to receive battlefield reports, process data, and issue timely orders. It is important to go beyond these concerns and consider the practical definition of the uncertain fog of war, which is further complicated by the multiplication effect of AI and the potential for failure. Many military officers see a solution to this dilemma in relinquishing the control of machines to these systems. As stated in a report by the Congressional Research Service, AI algorithms can offer more reliable tools for real-time analysis of the battlefield and enable faster decision-making, thus being able to stay updated.

We are currently witnessing a turning point in technology. The pace of advancements in AI is surpassing even the expert predictions. These breakthroughs offer significant advantages to humanity, enabling AI systems to tackle complex issues in medicine, the environment, and other fields. However, along with progress, there are also accompanying risks. The implications of AI for national security are becoming increasingly profound with each passing year. In this article, the aim was to assess the extent of these consequences in the years ahead. The findings indicate that AI is likely to highlight several, if not all, of the most challenging aspects of transformative military technologies. It thus becomes increasingly crucial to address its implications in examining how policymakers in the realm of national security respond to this technology.Unfortunately, AI carries the potential for risks comparable to those posed by previous technologies, and in some cases, its impact could be even more devastating, owing to the rapid pace of technological advancement and the intricate relationship between government and industry in the present era. While we appreciate the increasing number of high-quality AI reports published in recent years, we acknowledge that a certain degree of conservatism has somewhat impeded comprehensive analysis. In this article, the objective was to provide an honest description of the AI revolution as truly revolutionary rather than merely different. To address this challenge effectively, governments must approach the issue with ambition, emphasizing both research and development while considering its ramifications.The advancement of AI technology in the military, information technology, cybersecurity, and economic sectors over the next decade will lead to profound transformations worldwide. These changes are occurring at a faster pace than anticipated, and undoubtedly, they will present their own set of challenges, with implications extending to various aspects, including national security. AI introduces a level of complexity in the interactions between states, industries, and individuals, necessitating the deployment of skilled experts to respond quickly and effectively to the evolving landscape shaped by this phenomenon.

This paper explores the potential impact of artificial intelligence (AI) on international relations, with a particular focus on international politics theories. Assuming a future in which international relations studies center on AI and its applications, this paper employs an analytical-descriptive approach to address the question: How does the Computer-Related Self-Concept bring about fundamental changes in international relations theory? The results indicate that computing and algorithmic systems, through the reproduction of innovative indicators in international relations theories and the application of AI’s military, security, political, economic, and legal functions, significantly influence the evolution of international relations.

In recent years, the Globalization approach has become a powerful theory in International Relations discussions and has keep out the National States theories but spreading of coronavirus pandemic in recent month and involving all countries and international organizations around the world, challenged globalization and its beliefs. The main issue and questions about this event is how it will influenced National State theory and how we can reach a clear result about globalization challenges. The most of articles have published in recent days, discus about empowering the national state theory by this pandemic. COVID-19 recalls the vital role of States for watching and looking after their citizen’s needs; especially in security and daily needs and also, failure of international organizations in this case. In this pandemic, national states performance was better than International Organizations like European Union (EU) or World Health Organization (WHO). This effective performance on struggle with the pandemic, revivals national state importance in international relations theories and will change some parts of international economic and political structure. It seems Realistic theories in international relations will be more validated and globalists have to answer lots of questions about this failure in protecting people all around the world against the coronavirus pandemic.

Today, the debate over whether religion and religious actors can be influential in various political levels seems to be over and unnecessary. Rather, the discussions of experts are now focused on the question of how religion should be treated and interpreted. Is religion in international relations an object that can be examined and explained by various IR theories, or can religion itself act as a subject and provide an independent perspective and worldview in the form of a scientific theory for understanding and interpreting the world? In response to this question, there are two views among experts that will be discussed in this article. Some believe that it is possible to address religion in the form of existing IR theories, and others argue for the need to process independent theories by emphasizing the inadequacy of existing theories when referring to religion. While accepting the second view, this paper proposes that in the current state of IR discipline and given the inherent failure of existing theories of this knowledge to understand and interpret the behavior of religious actors caused by fundamental meta-theoretical differences, it is completely possible to develop a religious theory that can provide researchers with an independent perspective and worldview. This hypothesis, if proven, would underpin the formation of the religious theory of International Relations.

One of the most challenging topics of Iran's foreign policy during the years after the Islamic revolution, especially during the last decade, has been the issue of big data. During these years, few theoreticians and theoreticians have tried to process this challenge, but part of this important has been realized in this article. These conditions lead to raising the question of how artificial intelligence in the theoretical framework of the continuum of power - in this article specifically the three components of physical deterrence, club/fear and deterrence strategy - affects the decision-making of Iran's political leaders and their success in forming a strategy. Has the international influence? The hypothesis of the current research is based on the argument that according to Christopher Hill's power continuum theory, among the nine variables in this continuum, three components of physical deterrence, club/fear and deterrent strategy tending to hard power have played a role. The findings of the research mention the three mentioned components as the most important factors in achieving the implementation of hard power in the era of artificial intelligence in Iran's foreign policy. However, it does not ignore the influence of the other 9 variables of the mentioned continuum. In the current research, a descriptive qualitative method and electronic and written sources have been used.

The international system is one of the widely used concepts of international relations,which has evolved under the influence of the assumptions of different theories of international relations.The different tendencies of the paradigm of realism,each based on their meta-theoretical and theoretical foundations,reflect a different approach towards the international system.Accordingly,the current research seeks to answer the question of which of the three generations of realism paradigm has a more comprehensive and accurate explanation about the international system? The present research is based on the hypothesis that the theory of neoclassical realism, as the third generation of the paradigm of realism,has a more comprehensive and accurate explanatory power compared to the first and second generations. Using the descriptive-analytical method,this research compares the nature and components of the international system in the form of four fundamental concepts of the realism paradigm, including anarchy,government, power and balance of power,from the perspective of three generations of the realism paradigm,including classical realism,structural realism,and neoclassical realism.According to the obtained results,neoclassical realists by redefining the role and position of anarchy ruling the international system and dissecting the state as the main actor of the international system, as well as building the concept and function of power and negating the naturalistic approach of classical realists and modifying the structuralist approach of neorealism regarding the balance of power category,show that neoclassical realism While maintaining the fundamental principles of the realism paradigm,realism has a higher explanatory power than the previous two generations.

According to the teachings of political science and international relations, governments are the only actors who simultaneously dominate the four elements of population, territory, government and sovereignty. In order to pursue their goals outside the national borders, these actors apply management which is called foreign policy, and one of the important components of this field is the decisions that are made with the aim of improving the position, strengthening the power and gaining benefits. Decision-making in foreign policy is influenced by human, material, normative factors and numerous patterns, and the Islamic Republic of Iran as a government actor is not exempt from this rule. But in addition to general patterns; special territorial, cultural, historical, demographic characteristics, etc.; It can distinguish the foreign policy and decision-making methods of the actors from each other and establish a special approach for each of them. The current research, using the Islamic theory of foreign policy, seeks to explain the causal relationships between the variables that have led to the formation of the "expediency-oriented" approach in the decision-making of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. therefore; The article seeks to analyze the dimensions of this question, "What is the nature of expediency approach and the rules governing its implementation in foreign policy decision-making?".In search of answers; This hypothesis has occurred that expediency in the field of foreign policy decision-making is aimed at the three-faceted concept of "maintaining the system" and follows its realization through the means of eliminating conflicts and resolving conflicts between various goals in order to avoid harm and maximize benefits for the general society in the field of foreign policy.

The issue of security is one of the problems of the world today in general and in the Persian Gulf in particular. The Persian Gulf, as the largest source of energy in the world, is particularly sensitive in terms of security for both major powers and countries in this field. This has created many security challenges in the region. As the dominant power in the region, which has the longest border with the Persian Gulf, Iran has sought collective security after the revolution without the presence of major powers. The Islamic Republic of Iran, which has entered the global equation with a new identity after the revolution, wants to have a security strategy that challenges the interests of the United States and the great powers. But the main issue in this region is the cooperation of the countries of the region with the United States and their confrontation with Iran, which has faced security challenges in the region after the revolution. In the meantime, the Islamic Republic can create opportunities from the threats of the US presence in the region and create practical opportunities by further converging with the countries of the Persian Gulf region. The Islamic Republic of Iran is with the countries of the region. However, this article seeks to answer the question of how the security-political challenges and opportunities of Iran and the United States in the Persian Gulf region can be explained.

The change in the strategic priorities of the United States and the change in the geopolitical direction of Washington towards the Asia-Pacific with the aim of containing China, has caused a decrease in the importance and, as a result, a decrease in the presence of the United States in the Middle East and North Africa region. This transformation has prepared the space for the Role-Playing of other great powers, including Russia and China, and after that, it has influenced the regional politics of the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia as two competing regional powers. In response to these new conditions, Riyadh has adopted a strategy of diversifying its security partners (and at the same time, trying to obtain security guarantees from the United States), and in this regard, even an option such as normalizing Saudi relations with the Zionist regime has placed on the table. On the other hand, Iran, whose regional policy has always been defined around the axis of resistance to the foreign presence (especially the United States) in the region, now faces a strategic contradiction, because this time, Russia and China are Iran's allieswho seek to increase their influence in the Middle East region.In such an environment, the factor of the simultaneous desire of the United States of America, China, and other extra-regional powers in the region to create a balance between Tehran and Riyadh, and at the same time, the factor of the desire of both sides (Iran and Saudi(to manage another threat, while avoiding not to accept each other's dominant role, are the factors that can lead to optimism regarding the formation of controlled competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia

Practice Theory (PT) is one of the latest theoretical achievements in International Relations. This theory consists of different theoretical approaches that focus on studying international practices as stuff of international politics. This article argues that Practice Theory is based on specific meta-theoretical and philosophical foundations, that make it a distinct theory from other International Relations theories. Then, the main objective is to explore and explain the ontological, epistemological and methodological foundations of Practice Theory. It is argued that Practice Theory is based on “foundational pluralism”; a pluralistic and eclectic ontology, epistemology and methodology that go beyond dualistic metatheory of some other International Relations theories like Constructivism. So that, in relational ontology of Practice Theory dichotomies of reality/mind, theory/practice, structure/agency, constitution/causation, and materialism/ideationalism are all dissolved. Practice Theory epistemology is a pluralistic on implying explanation and understanding, simultaneously. Pluralistic methodology of Practice Theory is a combination of experimentalism, interpretivism and abduction or inference to the best explanation.

Practice theory (PT) is one of the latest theories of International Relations (IR). This theory is the outcome of the practice turn in social theory in the first decade of the 21st century. There are controversies among scholars on the nature and identity of this theory. Some consider it as a new and developed version of constructivism or neo-constructivism. Others, on the contrary, regard it as a separate theory from constructivism. Likewise, this article, argues that PT is different from constructivism in such a way that it considers international practices as the unit of analysis and independent variable to empirically and practically explain “ir”. In fact, “ir” are defined and analyzed according to regular practices of international activists on a daily basis. The aim of this study is to articulate, explain, and critique PT in the Iranian IR community. To obtain this goal, first, the practice turn in IR is explained. Then different approaches and typologies of PT are clarified. The third section examines the principles, hypotheses, and theoretical commitments of PT. The fourth part deals with how ir are analyzed via PT referring to some case studies. Next, PT is critically evaluated. Finally, the findings of the study are presented.Keywords: Action, Practice, Practice Turn, Praxiography, Habitus, Relationalism, Practice Communities, Practice Theory.

The growth of technology in the field of artificial intelligence has caused efforts for a paradigm shift in the field of diplomacy. Taking advantage of the capacities of big data with the aim of securing national goals and interests and achieving a level of global relations is a phenomenon that is used by governments under the name of "big data diplomacy". Big data diplomacy enables the diplomatic apparatus of the states to pursue their interests and demands and interact with the international system in their bilateral or multilateral relations in international organizations, which are essentially organizations for shaping international cooperation. The question of the current research is what are the characteristics of big data diplomacy in the paradigm shift of studies in this field and how does the interaction take place based on the mentioned components in the global order? The present article, using analytical-descriptive method and through qualitative content analysis of the digitized system of diplomacy, puts forward the research hypothesis in such a way that the indicators of big-data diplomacy in the dimensions of international scientific collaborations, joint scientific research, networking of elites and scientists at regional and global levels It has reached the point of emergence.

Public diplomacy is taken to be one of the effective means to achieve the objectives of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The position of Imam Khomeini and his role as the Grand Leader of the Islamic Republic of Iran is of great significance in introducing and directing public opinion and establishing relations with other nations and states as far as the Islamic Revolution and the ruling system of the Islamic Republic of Iran is concerned. In this article, in providing an answer to this main question that ‘What role has Imam Khomeini played in improving, fostering and making more efficient the public diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in ordrer to maintain and secure the interests of Iran and the world of Islam?’, this thesis was examined and the conclusion was made that, regarding the fact that Imam Khomeini’s high position in the politico-legal structure of the state and his high rank of religious authority and guardian jurist has played a decisive role in improving and fostering public diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran and in taking further steps to increase its efficiency through engaging in discourses, accreditation, persuasion and image management. Furthermore, organizations and institutions involved in such enterprise can have this capability (capacity) and strategy to advance the objectives of public diplomacy of our Islamic nation and to increase the extent of its efficiency.

Security requirements on the horizon of the Vision 1404 documentAbstract: Security has long been one of the basic needs of the people and an important task of governments. . The Vision 1404 document is so important that it is considered a competitive document and a long-term goal. Security in its various dimensions on the horizon of the vision document is one of the key issues, the realization of which requires the requirements that are explained in this study. The method in this research is case study and contextual and In order to achieve the desired goals, in addition to using documentary study and discourse analysis, qualitative research techniques such as grounded theory and in-depth interview with security elites have been used. By carrying out this process, security in Vision 1404 has 6 political dimensions (8 components), socio-cultural (9 component), economic (7 component), scientific-technological ( 4 component), military-defense (8 component) and environmental ( 3 component). In this research, security is from the inside out and will lead Iran to a secure, independent and powerful society.Keywords:Dimensions, Components, Security, National Security, Vision 1404