علی باقری دولت آبادی

One of the key debates among political analysts and experts in the U.S. and around the world concerns the decline of American power and the timing of its realization. Political experts predict the emergence of a multipolar system, with China surpassing its competitors in economic dominance. This article aims to assess the decline of the U.S. and China's global position. The main question is: How can the decline of the U.S. and China's current status be evaluated? To answer this question, the study employs a descriptive-analytical approach, utilizing document-based research with data collected through library sources. Traditional and technological power indicators have been used to assess the current status of the U.S. and China. The findings indicate that while the U.S. has lost its previous standing in economic, political, and moral aspects, it still maintains an advantage over China in technological power indicators. However, this does not guarantee the continuation of U.S. dominance, as the effective utilization of emerging technologies can empower weaker states or non-state actors to challenge the established power, ultimately leading to a multipolar global order.

One of the prominent axes of the Raisi administration's foreign policy is the pursuit of looking east approach. Both the president and other Iranian officials have continuously emphasized the importance of these relations and their expansion. The government's will to develop relations with China and Russia arises this question: which factors were effective in choosing the policy of looking east by the Raisi administration? The hypothesis of the research considers the Iranian president's belonging to the fundamentalist faction and systemic support for him to be effective in pursuing the approach of looking to the east. To answer the main question, coherence theory of James Rosenau and the causal method have been used. Also, research data were collected through a library method. The findings of the research showed that the approach of looking to the east was a choice by the Raisi administration and it’s not a coercion arising from the international system. The belonging of Ebrahim Raisi and his cabinet members to the fundamentalist faction, the preference of this faction to develop relations with the East and highlight the conflict with the West, systemic support of the looking to the East approach, and the presentation of Raisi as a revolutionary person, supporter of Islamic norms, a supporter of Velayat al-Faqih and an anti-Western president by advocators have been effective in the formation of this foreign policy.

Health diplomacy has been part of states' foreign policy for over a century. It enables countries to enhance their national interests by leveraging soft power. The U.S. has consistently been active in health diplomacy, playing a significant role in international organizations like the World Health Organization. This paper aims to compare American health diplomacy during the presidencies of Trump and Biden to provide a clearer and more accurate analysis of U.S. foreign policy. The article poses the question: what is the most significant difference and similarities between U.S. health diplomacy under Trump and Biden? To address this question, a comparative method was employed, and data was gathered through library research. The research findings indicate that Joe Biden's health diplomacy diverged from Trump's in foure key areas: America's strategy for combating diseases, Participation in disease treatment initiatives (such as vaccine donations), A multilateral approach versus a unilateral approach, Responses to global health crises and improvements in long-term global health security infrastructure. In General, the shift from Trump's unilateralism in the global arena to Biden's engagement with allies and international institutions represents the most notable difference in their health diplomacy. Despite the above differences, both presidents had similarities in the following policies: prioritizing the health of American citizens over other countries, imposing financial and medical restrictions on governments that oppose and criticize the United States, reducing the cost of prescription drugs, Antitrust Enforcement and some Medicare policies.

For more than two decades Iran's political-military relations with African countries have attracted the hub of media attention and academic research. This is in the conditions that what have played key roles to spread Iran's influence in the African continent is culture and cultural diplomacy. One of the countries that Iran has the warmest cultural relations with it is Uganda. The purpose of current paper is to examine Iran's cultural diplomacy in Uganda during the presidency of Seyed Ibrahim Raisi. We answer to two questions here: what goals Seyed Ibrahim Raisi's administration has pursued in its cultural diplomacy in Uganda? What were the patterns and cultural methods adopted to achieve these goals? The hypothesis of the article is that "Seyed Ibrahim Raisi's administration seeks to export its revolutionary ideals and values alongside spreading religious knowledge and promote Shiism in Uganda." Hagerstrand's diffusion theory has been used to examine the patterns and methods of Iran's cultural diplomacy. We used quantitative and qualitative (exploratory-explanatory). Our findings showed that Seyed Ibrahim Raisi's administration has pursued its cultural diplomacy with the focus on students, teachers, and the religious community in Uganda and applied various educational, cultural and religious programs for perusing its aims. These programs are often followed based on the two patterns of displacement and contagious diffusion, and Iran is facing serious problems in the implementation of the hierarchical pattern in Uganda.

Artificial intelligence is one of the sciences that will have the greatest impact on the world future. In the field of politics and international relations, the effects of AI are not limited to practical matters and will greatly affect the field of theorizing in the future. Among the theories of international relations, the mainstream theories will definitely have the most influence. The main question of this article is how AI has affected the main concepts and concerns of these two macro approaches of international relations theories? The hypothesis of the article is that AI has questioned some of the main propositions of these two theories. A qualitative method with an analytical-explanatory approach was applied for research. The findings show that the theory of realism needs a revision in the definition of the concepts of power, threat, security, balance of power and actors of international relations in the light of AI and new developments. Also, the claims of the theory of liberalism regarding world peace, based on two economic and political dimensions, have faced a serious challenge. In such a way, the validity of the main propositions of the theory of economic liberalism, interdependence and democratic peace has been doubted.

The objective of the present research is to critique the book "Global Politics Reader: Themes, Actors, and Issues" as a significant academic resource in the field of political science and international relations. This book examines key challenges and developments in international politics and features articles by prominent authors such as Joseph Nye, G. John Ikenberry, and James Petras. The author and editor, Ali Abootalebi, aims to provide a deeper understanding of global relations and their impacts on individuals' daily lives through the compilation of these articles. The critique employs a critical analysis methodology alongside Mansourian's ten indicators. The authors' use of tables, charts, and images to elucidate the content, along with the incorporation of credible and sufficient sources, addressing core issues of global politics, and the clarity and fluency of the writing style contribute to the book's notable academic significance. However, the book also faces shortcomings, including a lack of depth in analysis in certain articles, insufficient attention to important details, and the neglect of contemporary topics such as artificial intelligence, non-state actors, and their implications for global politics. Furthermore, the selected articles lack clearly defined research questions and hypotheses, which could undermine the scholarly richness of the work. These critiques underscore the need for a revision of the book's content and the inclusion of new discussions that would enhance understanding of complex global dynamics. Ultimately, this book can serve as a valuable resource for educators and students in the field of global politics.

 

Relations between China and Africa have a long and complex history, dating back over three thousand years. Initially characterized by intermittent contact, these relations fluctuated until the communist revolution in 1949, which reignited China's interest in Africa. The new Chinese government viewed African nations as significant players in global politics and sought alliances to counter colonialism and exploitation. However, ideological rifts with the Soviet Union and pressure from Western nations led several African countries to sever ties with China by the end of 1967. China-Africa relations have seen unprecedented growth in the past three decades, particularly in economic cooperation and lending, drawing considerable international attention. Today, China is regarded as a primary economic partner for many countries across Asia, Africa, and parts of Europe. By 2009, African nations transitioned from being former colonies to becoming China's largest trading partners, with China emerging as the leading lender to the African public sector. Despite the significance of Chinese diplomacy and economic imperialism in the current era, there is a notable lack of academic research on this topic. Articles published in Persian have not addressed China's diplomatic objectives in Africa or their implications; instead, they have concentrated on China's emergence as a superpower and various aspects of its hard and soft power in the African context. In contrast, English-language articles emphasize the need to understand China's intentions in fostering relationships with African nations. However, these articles often adopt a pessimistic view of China's goals, seemingly exaggerating the risks associated with the development of China-Africa relations.

The main research question revolves around the objectives of China's diplomacy in Africa and whether this economic cooperation can be classified as a form of new economic imperialism or a mutually beneficial partnership.

The hypothesis posits that China's diplomacy in Africa represent a long-term investment aimed at achieving developmental goals for both parties rather than exploitation.

The study employs a qualitative method with an analytical-explanatory approach, utilizing both primary and secondary sources gathered through library research.

The research aims to analyze the principles underlying China's diplomatic strategies in Africa and their political-economic implications.

The findings indicate that while China's foreign policy exhibits neo-colonial tendencies rooted in economic imperialism, it is premature to definitively classify its actions as colonial. Contrary to narratives presented in Western media, many African leaders and citizens view cooperation with China positively, considering it beneficial.

Currently, Beijing is attuned to the historical concerns of African nations regarding colonialism and has adjusted its policies to mitigate these apprehensions. This includes emphasizing "sustainability" in economic relations. Key measures taken by China involve enhancing its soft power, fostering cultural exchanges, investing in education, and contributing to security efforts in conflict-prone regions. These initiatives have yielded favorable outcomes, such as reducing negative perceptions of China within Africa. China remains cautious in its engagements on the continent and continues to strengthen its partnerships with African nations. Despite existing trade imbalances favoring China, Beijing has demonstrated commitment to supporting Africa's development goals for 2063. Overall, there is no widespread concern among African populations or leaders regarding their relationship with China. The complexities of this relationship necessitate a nuanced understanding; while some neo-colonial tendencies exist, African countries retain agency and have benefitted from economic advancements facilitated by Chinese investments. In conclusion, although China's actions may suggest imperialistic inclinations, the evolving dynamics of Sino-African relations reveal a multifaceted partnership that offers significant opportunities for development while also posing challenges that require careful management by both parties. For Africans, China presents four primary attractions for future cooperation:Avoiding Pressure from Global Financial Institutions: China's loans have allowed many African governments to evade the stringent conditions imposed by global financial institutions like the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank. These institutions often require compliance with Western norms, including political and economic reforms that can feel burdensome to African nations.
Rapid Response to Development Needs: China has empowered African governments to swiftly address the increasing demands of their populations for improved services and infrastructure. There is a growing interest among Africans in the quick provision of services such as transportation, education, health, and communication by Chinese companies, as well as access to affordable goods. This has fostered a stronger appetite for trade with China across the continent.
Involvement in Peace and Security Projects: China is actively participating in peace and security initiatives within Africa. Notably, Chinese soldiers are involved in eight United Nations peacekeeping missions globally, five of which are located in Africa.
Economic Growth Model: The history of China's rapid and successful economic growth serves as a potential model for African nations. As China's influence continues to grow on the continent, it appears that these countries may increasingly find themselves aligned with China as their primary partner for development and cooperation. Although negative western propaganda can have a negative impact on the public opinion of African citizens and the speed of their governments' cooperation with China, it does not seem to be able to stop these relations.

Artificial intelligence is rapidly changing the world of politics and its concepts. One of these concepts is soft power. The main question of the article is, what effect has AI had on the soft power of states and their resources? The hypothesis of the research is that AI has increased the possibility of using soft power resources and has also made soft power tools more efficient and widespread. The gathered data by using the library method was evaluated with an analytical-explanatory method. The findings showed that AI, in addition to influencing the three sources of culture, political values and foreign policy, which is emphasized by Joseph Nye, has led to the improvement of the external image of states. Also, this technology has helped the states to change the attitudes and preferences of the people of other countries by using new methods and tools more easily. In addition, AI has provided the opportunities for states to create different types of textual, visual and audio contents in the shortest possible time, in different languages, with the highest quality.

Ensuring the socio-political rights of citizens is one of the obligations of governments, which is clearly mentioned in the internal laws of countries. But guaranteeing these rights sometimes faces external obstacles. One of these obstacles is unilateral and multilateral sanctions. In spite of the fact that the states imposing sanctions always deny such an effect, but most of the researches conducted in this regard have rejected this proposition. One of the countries that has experienced the longest and most extensive unilateral and multilateral sanctions is Somalia. This article aims to answer the question: what effect did the sanctions have on the socio-political rights of Somali citizens? The hypothesis of the research points out that sanctions affect ordinary citizens more than the political system and its leaders. Therefore, they violate the socio-political rights of Somali citizens. To answer the research question; we used the global indicators of the right to life, the right to health, and the quality of governance during the period of sanctions against Somalia. The gathered data was evaluated with a documentary-descriptive method. The research findings empirically showed that the right to life and the right to health has been severely violated in Somalia during the years of sanctions, and the sanctions have not been able to bring about any improvement in governance indicators in this country. Also, from the theoretical dimension, the findings of other researchers regarding the negative effects of sanctions on human rights were confirmed.

Todays, diversity, number and type of crises are increasing. Passive defense can reduce the material and non-material costs of these threats. That is why in the security doctrine of states defensive-security considerations are among the most important factors affecting the appropriate selection of military sites. The location of military barracks is one of the highlights issues in passive defense. Considering that there are 83 military barracks in the metropolis of Tehran and more than half of them, 49 barracks, are located in Tehran; The question is,  to what extent do these military bases comply with the standards and principles of passive defense? Which area of Tehran has the optimal and appropriate place for military bases in the future? For this purpose, the fuzzy function and GIS software have been used for data analysis. Criteria and indicators of site selection include five groups: spatial-physical, demographic, geographical (climatic parameters, the geomorphologic and geologic parameters, the parameters of accessibility of man-made centers, infrastructure parameters and hydrological specifications), economic and military. Findings revealed in the territorial planning of Tehran military bases, passive defense has not been the focus of attention. In terms of soil type, land slope, distance from the river, faults, power transmission lines, and proximity to sensitive centers, these areas are vulnerable. According to the results obtained from the fuzzy function based on the gamma 9% Robat Karim (%25.34), Waramin (%13.64), and Shahriyar Counties (%8.24) had the optimal and appropriate locations for the construction of new military bases. Furthermore, Shemiranat County had the least suitable conditions (%73) for the construction of a military barracks based on a passive defense approach.

Victory in war depends as much on the defense of barracks and logistics as it does on offense and aggression. That is why in the security doctrine of states defensive-security considerations are among the most important factors affecting the appropriate selection of military sites. Paying attention to the principles of passive defense makes it possible for military bases to provide services not only in a state of peace, but also in critical situations. In Iran, despite the bitter experience of the eight-year war with Iraq and the extensive damage to the country's vital infrastructure, until 2003, not enough attention was paid to the issue of passive defense. It was from this time on that this attitude was gradually reformed. Today, the need for passive defense for military bases - because of their role in providing security - is greater than elsewhere. Considering that there are 83 military barracks in the metropolis of Tehran and more than half of them, 49 barracks, are located in Tehran; The question is,  to what extent do these military bases comply with the standards and principles of passive defense? Which area of Tehran has the optimal and appropriate place for military bases in the future? The importance of this question lies in the fact that one of the goals of states in times of war is to strike over political, economic, demographic, and logistics centers. As the capital of Iran, Tehran is one of the most important targets in any foreign military threat. Therefore, in line with the main question of the current research, it is very important to pay attention to the issue of locating barracks and its passive defense in Tehran. In addition to increasing the efficiency and performance of military bases, applying appropriate methods in the site selection, can prevent wrong decisions and the loss of troops and the economic strength to respond appropriately to the attack. Several factors are include in military site selection studies. Some of the main factors are climatic conditions, topographic conditions, communication routes, water, land slope, security issues, and political considerations. The present study examine the site selection of military bases in Tehran and try to introduce the best places to build new military barracks. 

This research has been conducted with the aim of locating and organizing an optimal distribution of military bases. Criteria and indicators of site selection include five groups: spatial-physical, demographic, geographical (climatic parameters, the geomorphologic and geologic parameters, the parameters of accessibility of man-made centers, infrastructure parameters, and hydrological specifications), economic and military. In the first step, the effective measures in locating the military bases were evaluated by experts on the basis of their importance. Then, by fuzzing and integrating the layers in the GIS, the aforementioned area was classified for the construction of new barracks. Finally, the appropriate military site of military units were selected on the map in the ARC GIS environment through utilizing the overlapping method of effective layers of site selection.

The results revealed that according to the indicators identified in scientific research (Nouri, 2019) in the spatial planning of military bases in Tehran, the passive defense has not been considered enough. In terms of soil type, land slope, distance from the river, faults, power transmission lines, and proximity to sensitive centers, these areas are vulnerable and necessary measures should be taken to relocate them.
According to the results obtained from the fuzzy function based on the gamma 9% Robat Karim (%25.34), Waramin (%13.64), and Shahriyar County (%8.24) had the optimal and appropriate locations for the construction of new military bases. Furthermore, Shemiranat Counties had the least suitable conditions (%73) for the construction of a military barracks based on a passive defense approach. Our findings confirmed the results of other research about Ardabil (Jafarzadeh & Valizadeh Kamran, 2018), Torbat-e Jam (Saeedi et al, 2013), Marivan (Weysi et al, 20181397) and Nehbandan (Bahramabadi & Ebadinejad, 2016), Hamedan (Jamour & Malekhoseini, 2015). All of mentioned papers has emphasized the lack of attention to the principles of passive defense in the territorial planning of military bases in Iran.

The presence of military bases and barracks within the urban fabric, along with the horizontal expansion of the cities, have brought about many problems in the missions of the garrison and reduced its effectiveness, which in itself poses a serious threat to the proper functioning of the missions considered. It seems that the expansion of cities and civil conditions in the near future will require the relocation of many military bases in Tehran. In selecting an appropriate and optimal place to build military centers, security, and defense considerations are vital. Using the principles of passive defense in the construction of these military sites will increase the efficiency of these units and strengthen their security for dealing with military threats and crises. A review of research on the territorial planning of military bases in Iran confirmed three issues: First, the number of such studies is very small and does not include all major cities. Second, passive defense in the territorial planning of military bases in Iran has been neglected. Third, the metropolis of Tehran has not been the focus of attention in these studies. The results of the current paper confirmed that the western and southwestern regions of Tehran have suitable conditions for construction of military centers with a security approach and passive defense and the necessary steps should be taken as soon as possible to transfer military bases. The recurrence of military threats against Iran by Israel and the United States in recent years and insecurity in the Middle East doubles this need. The authors suggested that the construction of military bases in the designated areas should be done with utmost care so that, firstly, the urban development in the region is not disrupted by the establishment of these bases. Secondly, the citizens do not lose their sense of calm and security. In order to create a sense of peace and security among the people of the region, it was recommended to build government-leased houses for military personnel in the above-mentioned urban area.

European countries coined the concept of health diplomacy in the 19th century and became the leaders of other countries in this regard. Over the past century, these countries have taken a series of measures to strengthen global health diplomacy in the light of the World Health Organization. At the beginning of 2020, the members of the union, like the rest of the world, experienced a widespread outbreak of Covid-19 within their countries. This article raises the question, given the extensive history of European countries in health diplomacy, what has been the performance of EU health diplomacy during the Covid-19 outbreak? The hypothesis of the research was based on the proposition that "European Union's health diplomacy has been effective and successful in dealing with Covid-19". A qualitative method with emphasis on the analytical-explanatory method was used to evaluate the hypothesis. The data were also collected by the library method. The findings show that the EU, contrary to expectations, did not succeed in global health diplomacy. They did not achieve significant success in any of the dimensions of post-covid health diplomacy, i.e. mask diplomacy and vaccine diplomacy. Instead of turning Covid-19 into an opportunity to strengthen its international presence and take over the leadership of the world, the EU fell into nationalism and regionalism. Also, the coronavirus pandemic showed that the propositions made by liberalists regarding the cooperation of governments and interdependence can be doubted in critical conditions and in the center of publication of these theories i.e. Europe.

Saudi Arabia is one of the most important ideological states in the Middle East region, and the Wahhabi sect has played a large role in the process of forming and continuing its political life; As the main base and refuge of the Salafis, it has always played a major role in the production and reproduction of a regional and extra-regional jihadist discourse. The present research seeks to answer the key question of how “the political” is formulated in the government discourse of Saudi Arabia and what effect has this formulation had on the foreign policy approach of this country in the region (during the years 2011-2017)? The hypothesis tested by the research is that “based on the political discourse ruling the Saudi Arabian regime (with the central signifier of Sunni Wahhabi Islam), Saudi Arabia's reading of the concept of “the political” is Antagonistic/hostility (based on friend/enemy). Therefore, the reproduction of this approach in the field of foreign policy made this country put the policy of eliminating "others" (including the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Islamic movements supported by this country) at the top of its priorities. This, in turn, has fueled the formation and strengthening of radical Salafi-Jihad groups and the spread of political violence in the region”. For testing and explaining the Main Variables of the Research, Carl Schmitt's Theory of the Concept of the Political and Laclau and Mouffe's Discourse Analysis Method have been used.

Various works have been published on Iran's foreign policy; however, no research has been published on the martyr Beheshti's views on Iran's foreign policy. Meanwhile, the role of the martyr Beheshti in drafting the constitution and foreign policy of Iran is undeniable. So, the main question of the article is what was the martyr Beheshti's view on the future orientation of Iran's foreign policy and which orientation did he think is best? The main research hypothesis emphasizes the nonalignment. To answer the question and to test the hypothesis, the martyr Beheshti's views were adapted and applied to the three orientations of isolationism, nonalignment, and alliance mentioned by Holsti on foreign policy. Also, we surveyed neutrality as a fourth orientation in the foreign policy of states. The method used in this paper was a mixture of quantitative analysis (frequency counting of indicators related to the four orientations of foreign policy) and qualitative analysis (interpretation of findings and comparison). The research findings showed that the two orientations of isolationism and neutrality have no place in the martyr Beheshti's thoughts. Among the other two orientations, nonalignment gains the first place with 73% frequency and the alliance the second place with 27%. The important point is that martyr Beheshti has prescribed alliance not with the great powers, but for Iran's relations with Muslim countries and the Third World.

Iran's educational system is trying to increase students' political awareness regarding the Islamic revolution, holy defense, etc. The question that is raised may be taken as: What is the level of political awareness of the upper secondary school students in Yasouj city regarding sacred defense? And what is the relationship between political awareness and the variables of gender, social class and level of education? The research method is a quantitative method using the method of collecting information in the form of questionnaire. The research sample includes 445 students of Yasuj city during the period October 1400 to October 1401, who were selected by stratified random sampling and based on Cochran's formula. The formal validity of the questionnaire was confirmed by political science and social science professors, and a pilot study was conducted to measure its reliability. The findings of the research showed that the political awareness score of all students is lower than the average. Also, students' political awareness towards political figures had the highest average among the four dimensions of the political awareness variable.

Health diplomacy is one of the aspects of modern diplomacy that has become popular in many countries of the world after the coronavirus pandemic. The purpose of this article is to examine the role of health diplomacy in maintaining and continuing China's economic growth as the coronavirus spreads in the country and the world. The main question is how did health diplomacy help China maintain its economic growth while other countries struggled with a recession? The main hypothesis of the research is that the functions of health diplomacy, such as increasing relations with other states, restoring international prestige, creating opportunities for economic benefits through export development, etc., helped China to maintain its economy dynamic. A qualitative method with an analytical-explanatory approach was applied for research and a library method was used for data collection. The findings show that China has achieved the following goals in the light of health diplomacy: it has gained new markets in developing countries; it has created international prestige for this country. It has portrayed a responsible and benevolent role from Beijing. As a result of these policies, the desire to buy health goods made in China increased in 2020, and China exports increased.

Among the countries of Central Asia and the Caucasus, the Republic of Azerbaijan has special importance for Israel due to its geographical location and being on the west and east routes. This regime has started relations with Azerbaijan for three decades and has entered a new stage in recent years. Given the above explanations the question arises, where is Azerbaijan's position and role in Israel's national security strategy? And what is Israel's approach to the development of relations with Azerbaijan? The underlying hypothesis is that Israel's approach to relations with Azerbaijan can be understood in light of the concept of strategic depth and the pursuit of Israel's security needs. From this point of view, the development of relations with Baku is important for the continuation of Israel's life. The results show that Israel seeks to turn Azerbaijan into the strategic depth of this regime in the South Caucasus to overcome its geopolitical weaknesses and repel its military threats. Also, this measure helps Tel Aviv to strengthen its deterrent strategy against Iran. Israel's nesting in Azerbaijan and the development of these relations in military-security dimensions can affect Iran's national security and lead to Iran's distance from Azerbaijan and make colder relations between the two countries. To conduct the article, the explanatory method has been used and the data was gathered through the library method.

In recent years, the analysis of speeches by political and religious officials worldwide has received great attention and interest. One of the most analytically robust and compelling theories in this field is the speech act theory developed by John Austin and John Searle. In his theory, John Searle categorized speech acts into five types: declarative, persuasive, commitment, expressive, and emotional. This article aims to analyze the speeches and statements of Imam Khomeini (RA) regarding the Palestinian issue through the lens of the speech act theories of J.L. Austin and John Searle. This research is descriptive-analytical in nature and employs a method that aligns the subject with the relevant theory. The statistical population consists of a compilation of speeches by Imam Khomeini (RA) regarding the Palestinian issue, spanning from 1978 (following the victory of the revolution) until his passing on June 14, 1989. These speeches are documented in the book "Sahifeh Imam, which serves as the most comprehensive collection of the written works and statements of the founder of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The data collection method utilized a library approach, employing a card-taking tool and a total count strategy. The research findings indicated that, out of a total of 419.2 speech acts analyzed in this text, persuasive acts numbered 868, declarative acts totaled 847, and emotional acts reached 595, representing the largest categories. In contrast, commitment acts accounted for 104, while the smallest category was declarative acts, which numbered only 5. The results indicate the speaker's dissatisfaction with the current situation in Palestine and the Islamic world. In other words, Imam Khomeini (RA) has sought to express his discontent to the audience through persuasive, declarative, and emotional statements, aiming to motivate them to change the existing circumstances.

Sanctions are a component of the dominant diplomacy in the contemporary world. In fact, the different countries employ sanctions as a means to advance their interests in foreign policy. The United States of America has consistently used sanctions as a method of addressing countries that do not align with its interests. The Islamic Republic of Iran and Venezuela are among the countries sanctioned by the US. Since the onset of the Islamic Revolution of Iran in 1979, the United States has sanctioned Tehran, citing various reasons such as the alleged support for terrorism, violation of human rights, and attempts at acquiring weapons of mass destruction. After years of negotiations and diplomacy between Iran and the world powers, the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) was finally signed in 2015. As a result, some US sanctions against Iran were lifted. However, following Donald Trump’s election as the president of the US and his withdrawal from the JCPOA, an order was issued on May 8, 2018 to re-impose sanctions against Iran.Another country under the US sanctions is Venezuela. In fact, the US sanctions against Venezuela began during the presidency of Hugo Chávez and intensified in 2014 with the allegations of corruption and misuse of Venezuelan financial resources. With the election of Nicolás Maduro as the president of Venezuela in 2018 and the beginning of protests against his way of governing the country, the US stepped up its sanctions against this South American country. Donald Trump, who had previously declared his support for Maduro's protesters, attempted to impose restrictions on Maduro’s administration in the political, economic, and social spheres by issuing sanction orders, bills, and laws. The simultaneous imposition of sanctions against Iran and Venezuela raised the following questions: What are the similarities and differences between the sanctions imposed on these two states? Additionally, what impacts have these sanctions had on their economies?

 Theoretical Framework:

Sanctions are classified as limited, moderate, or extensive actions based on their scope and as economic or non-economic decisions in terms of content. Sanction theorists frequently assess the economic impacts of sanctions within the realm of macroeconomic indicators, which encompass factors such as inflation and currency rates, export and import rates, economic growth, unemployment and employment rates, and other significant economic indicators. Furthermore, sanctions can have non-economic impacts on the target country, directly and indirectly affecting its cultural, political, and social values. This study analyzes the economic impacts of the sanctions imposed on Iran and Venezuela with a particular focus on the foregoing categories of sanctions. The key aspect of sanctions is the process by which they can prove effective. In other words, what measures should be taken to enhance the effectiveness of sanctions? In this regard, a conceptual framework was developed in this study to identify several factors that affect the effectiveness of sanctions. These factors include the number of allies of the sanctioning state, the degree of focus on vulnerable areas of the target state, the experience and adaptability of the target state to the applied sanctions, and the type, content, and intensity of sanctions.

This research adopts a comparative approach, which is a scientific inference method that involves systematically juxtaposing similarities and differences among social phenomena, whether for descriptive or causal purposes. Moreover, an analytical-explanatory method was used for data analysis, and a desk method was adopted for data collection. The necessary data including the laws of the US Congress and the executive orders of the US President were extracted from electronic databases. The effects of the sanction laws on the political and economic systems of Iran and Venezuela were then clarified through publications and economic data showcasing the economic situations against these two countries.

According to the results of analyzing the economic statistics of the two countries presented in the above table, Iran encountered a decline of 47.9% in its daily petroleum production, whereas Venezuela witnessed a more substantial decrease of 76.9%. In the realm of exportation and importation, Iran experienced a decline of 47.5% and 15.3%, respectively. Similarly, Venezuela encountered a decrease of 48.5% and 44.7% in these areas, respectively. Regarding foreign investment attraction, Iran experienced a decline of 53.86%, whereas Venezuela suffered a more significant decrease of 60.67%. Additionally, the inflation rate in Iran had a significant surge of 277%, whereas it skyrocketed by an astonishing 114,000% in Venezuela compared with the pre-sanction period. In fact, Venezuela is experiencing the highest inflation rate in the Western Hemisphere. Regarding the unemployment rates of the two nations, the situation is somewhat complex. The unemployment rate in Iran only experienced a minimal change in comparison with the period before sanctions. However, in the case of Venezuela, this rate surged by 22.2% compared with the pre-sanction era. In addition, the Iranian rial's value against the US dollar decreased by nearly 303%, whereas the bolivar's value declined by 149%. Lastly, Iran’s economic growth reduced by 235.1% as a result of the sanctions, whereas Venezuela's economic growth decreased by 47%.  Upon the careful analysis of the legislative measures enacted by US Congress and the executive orders issued by the US President, alongside a comprehensive assessment of the economic conditions prevailing in both nations subsequent to the implementation of sanctions, there are evidently notable resemblances in the nature and substance of the sanctions imposed on Venezuela and Iran. However, the adverse outcomes of these sanctions have had more pronounced impacts on Venezuela than on Iran. In relation to the subjects and substances of sanctions, it has been observed that the sanctions imposed on Venezuela primarily focus on industrial sectors such as petroleum, mining, shipping, government officials, and to a certain extent, the banking industry. Regarding Iran, in addition to these areas, financial, nuclear, and military sanctions have been affected. Furthermore, Venezuela has faced sanctions imposed by the US Congress and the US Treasury as well as several European and American states. In the case of Iran, however, the US Congress has been less involved, and there are no multilateral sanctions in place against Tehran. Regarding the rationale behind imposing sanctions on the two nations, it is evident from the findings that Iran has consistently faced allegations of engaging in destabilizing actions in the Middle East, engaging in perilous military endeavors, and pursuing nuclear activities, among other concerns. Nevertheless, Maduro's administration has faced allegations of corruption, repression, and violations of human rights. Simultaneously, it is important to acknowledge that corruption, mismanagement, censorship, and internal repression have consistently served as justifications for implementing sanctions on both nations.

 Conclusion and Suggestion:

According to the analysis of alterations in diverse economic domains including daily petroleum production, export and import activities, foreign investment influx, inflation rates, and other pertinent economic indicators subsequent to the implementation of sanctions, it becomes evident that Venezuela’s economy exhibited a higher degree of vulnerability in comparison with Iran’s. This is due to some factors including Venezuela’s greater reliance on petroleum sources and gold mines as well as the corresponding greater focus of sanction agents on these matters, the country’s severe internal conflicts, the greater scope of Venezuela’s sanctions that of Iran, and Venezuela’s less experience in dealing with sanctions. The foregoing findings do not imply that the adverse economic situations of the two countries since 2017 have been exclusively attributable to the US sanctions, nor do the findings substantiate the complete efficacy of sanctions. Sometimes, incorrect economic policies or the improper implementation of policies, e.g., inadequate budgeting process reforms, failure to decrease dependence on the dollar, lack of diversification in exports (particularly non-petroleum exports), and failure to invest in economic opportunities and platforms, have resulted in dire economic conditions. The overall effects of sanctions on governments are contingent upon a multitude of political, economic, social, and cultural variables as well as domestic, regional, and international circumstances. Hence, despite the implementation of comparable sanctions on two given states, identical outcomes cannot be anticipated. Notably, although sanctions severely weaken the economies of sanctioned nations, the two cases examined in this study (i.e., Iran and Venezuela) demonstrate that the exertion of economic pressure does not change the political conduct of governing bodies. Therefore, it can be argued that, in contrast to the intentions of those who imposed sanctions, the impacts of sanctions will primarily be felt by casual citizens rather than statesmen. In order to have a clearer analysis in this regard, it is suggested to comprehensively compare the experiences of other states under similar sanctions with those of Iran and Venezuela.

The present study seeks to explain and evaluate the components of the generation gap in interaction with virtual social networks with emphasis on the political component (Case study: Citizens of Tehran(. From this perspective, after expanding the conceptual space of the subject, An integrated theoretical approach has been used to explain the subject.Using a survey study, the research datas were selected using a researcher-made questionnaire from 384 citizens with age15 years and older in Tehran who were selected using the cochran sample size estimation formula and multi-stage cluster sampling method. The instrument was validated through Qualitative formal content validity. The Reliability was Also estimated by Cronbach Alpha.The descriptive findings of the study have shown that the average of the total index of differences in the values of the generation gap is low among the studied age groups and therefore indicates the generation difference rather than the generation gap.Besides that; The inferential findings of the research in the Bivariate analysis section have shown that the duration of more use, news, scientific and educational use, having a Instrumental motivation (purposeful) in the use of virtual social networks, has caused a generation gap (generational difference) between different age groups. Also, the research findings in the multivariate analysis section showed that the independent variables of duration, type of use, motivation and purpose of use and age had a significant effect on the dependent variable at the error level of 0.01..

Power is one of the concepts that have been defined from different aspects. The division of power into different types of hard, soft, intelligent, etc. indicates the wide range of views about this concept. The study of power, sources and methods of its application in line with Western ideas has also been done in Islamic studies. The main question of the article is, what are the characteristics of the mentioned power in the hadiths of the Shia imams? The hypothesis of the article is that a set of signs can be deduced in the hadiths of Shia imams, which lead us to the concept of transcendental power. The semiotics method was used to answer the above question and the aim of the article is to identify the signs of power in Shia hadiths. The findings of the research showed that the source of power, the holders of power, the purpose of power and the ways of exercising power are different from the conventional types of power in political theories, which are known as hard, soft and network.

One of the U.S aims for the assassination of Soleimani was to put an end on Iran influence and regional power. Now, after three years of this assassination, the question arises that what effects did the martyrdom of Qasem Soleimani has had on Iran influence and power in the region? The underlying hypothesis of the current research is that the assassination of Martyr Soleimani has not seriously affected Iran regional influence and power. The article is based on the comparative-analytical method and structure-agent theory. The findings show that contrary to the expectations of the American authorities, the assassination of Soleimani has not ended Iran regional power and influence. Iran still has an active presence in Syria, Yemen, and Iraq. In Syria, Bashar Assad has started the process of de-escalation with the Arab states and is following up the process of rebuilding Syria’s cities with the participation of Iran. In Yemen, both sides of the conflict - Ansarollah and Saudi Arabia - have agreed on a temporary ceasefire and are preparing for political talks. In Iraq, the ending of the anti-Iranian government of Mustafa Al-Kazemi and the formation of the Mohammed Shia' Sabbar al-Sudani government, has paved the way to Iran to peruse its aims.

The worldwide outbreak of the COVID-19 has turned the need to pursue health diplomacy into an undeniable reality in developing countries, especially Iran. Inconsistent, short-term, and intermittent attempts have been made for this purpose in Iran; however, the goals and plans of Iran’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs are not still clear and appraisable. This study aims to determine the requirements and challenges that Iran faces to adopt a kind of successful and efficient diplomacy. In this regard, the research hypothesis emphasizes the role and importance of health diplomacy in Iran’s foreign policy as a requirement to relieve distrust and tension in relations with other countries, something which is considered a challenge. Therefore, a qualitative explanatory-analytical approach was used in this study. Moreover, a desk method was employed to collect the necessary data from two groups of printed and electronic sources in order to purposefully answer the main research question. According to the findings, Iran should consider a series of political and economic requirements in its foreign policy to benefit from a kind of successful health diplomacy. In fact, Iran’s most important requirements were identified as perceiving the importance and position of health diplomacy, formulating strategic plans, training professional diplomats, relieving tensions, and building trust. However, the most prominent international challenges were identified as distrust in Iran, uneasy and tense foreign relations, and the presence of powerful rivals on both regional and international scales. Furthermore, the domestic challenges were classified as content-related, structural, cultural, governance-related, economic, and process-related problems.

ince the beginning of the twentieth century, with the rise of the AKP in Turkey, its foreign policy has undergone major changes, and efforts to dismantle its neighbors and peaceful relations with the world have become the strategic focus of Turkey's diplomatic apparatus. In this regard, reconciliation with Syria was on the agenda of foreign policy, and the two sides established extensive economic cooperation. But after the civil war in Syria, Ankara gradually began to support opponents of Bashar al-Assad's regime and its effects on Turkey's internal sphere. This study seeks to examine the domestic implications of Turkey's foreign policy in Syria using the Boomerang conceptual and conceptual model. The findings of the study show that AKP politicians intensified control and censorship in Turkish society after interfering with Turkish internal affairs, and with the elimination of the voices of dissidents and critics, they sought to expand authoritarianism. In this sense, Turkey not only failed to achieve its goals in Syria, but also faced domestic crises that systematically altered the effects of the boomerang effect on the functioning of the Turkish government and interior.