علیرضا آقاحسینی

The occurrence of the Iranian Islamic Revolution in 1979 can be considered one of the most important political, social, and religious phenomena in the world in recent decades. A phenomenon that, in addition to disrupting the claim of the monopoly of political possibilities in the era of a bipolar system, also caused profound changes in the system of Shia political jurisprudence. The return of religion to the center of politics and the revival of political religion was the result of this revolution. The central question of the researchers is how, considering the analytical inadequacies of the positivist theories of revolution in the analysis of the occurrence of the Iranian Islamic Revolution, as well as the ambiguities of the postmodern theories of the revolution in the analysis of the religious and monotheistic aspects of the Islamic Revolution of Iran, Alain Badiou's theory of the event can be an analytical system for analyzing the occurrence. Provide the present and the future of the Islamic revolution. The results of this research, using the possibilities of the theory of the event in the analysis of the position of truth and the subject, draw the course of action of the subject loyal to the event of the Islamic Revolution in the four ways of politics, art, love, and science. Results of this research, using the possibilities of the theory of event in the analysis of the position of truth and the subject, draw the course of action of the subject loyal to the event of the Islamic Revolution in the four ways of politics, art, love, and science.

The analysis of authoritarianism in political systems, using theories presented in the field of philosophy of language, has been the main basis of this article. The main question of this article was: which components in poststructuralism can be used to start the process of passing authoritarianism and what will this transition look like from a poststructuralist point of view? In order to reach the answer, first by using the descriptive method of poststructuralism, of course, based on the views of Wittgenstein and Derrida, explanations are provided and an attempt has been made to determine the components inside it. After that, an attempt has been made to analyze authoritarianism in politicalsystems by using the components of poststructuralism. After that, the transition from authoritarianism has been considered and an attempt has been made to provide explanations about how to transition from a poststructuralist point of view. In the end, there are explanations about the type of government that is closer to the characteristics of poststructuralism. The main result of this article is that there are features of poststructuralism that paying attention to them in the field of politics can be a way to overcome authoritarianism. The social nature of language, changeability, evolvability, decentralization, endless differences, and lack of semantic fixation are some of the characteristics.

This research examines the opinions of Reza Davari Ardakani as one of the most influential thinkers of the last forty years in the Islamic Republic of Iran; To reach the causes of epistemological discontinuity in his opinions and thoughts. The main question of the research is how the political and social conditions of Iran after the Islamic Revolution caused Dari Ardakan to present his later works differently from his early works? It should be noted that the scientific life of Ardakani's judgment has two dimensions. one ideological dimension and another dimension; Political-philosophical. According to the works and findings, arbitration has not changed in the first dimension, but in the other dimension, which is divided into two periods, it has suffered an epistemological break. The first period of Ardakani's academic life is westernization and challenging the West, which is the center of problematic gravity, and his later period is the discourse of development and underdevelopment, which has evolved into the fundamental axis of his thinking. In this research, according to Louis Althusser's theoretical framework, the formation grounds of the first period and the causes and factors of discontinuity in the second period, which is development and underdevelopment, have been investigated and its scientific approach has been expressed from the perspective of Ardakani. Finally, by comparing these two periods, its serious consequences have been analyzed.

The purpose of this study is sociological explanation of the contradiction between thought and political behavior of individuals through investigating their semantic system about contradiction. It was carried out using combination research and sequential exploration strategy. In the qualitative section, interview was employed and in the quantitative section, field study was utilized. The statistical population included the university students in Isfahan City. The sample size was equal to 30 persons in the qualitative section and 250 persons in the quantitative section. Theoretical saturation was used in the qualitative section and cluster sampling was used in the quantitative section. Data analysis was conducted through coding in the qualitative section and PLS structural equation modeling in the quantitative section. The findings of the qualitative section reveal creation of the students' semantic system about the contradiction between political thought and behavior around a number of main categories and a core category known as "political distrust". The findings in the quantitative section show that mean of contradiction in the statistical population is above average. The independent variables can explain contradiction at a relatively high level. In the empirical model, the effect of political distrust on contradiction is positive and significant at the level 0.001. Variables such as democracy, loyalty to the system, and hope for a better future have a negative and significant effect on political distrust. Moreover, non-modern culture and national identity do not have a significant effect on political distrust.

By the mid second decade of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the emergence of a part of "the new religious Thinking" created a new feminine identity against the feminine identity of the revolutionary discourse. After three decades of efforts by this movement to articulate a new feminine identity, demands were raised by women leading to challenges against the feminine identity of the revolutionary discourse. Considering such developments, can the situation of Iranian women and their new demands turn to a social movement?

First, this article exploits the discourse analysis of Laclau and Mouffe to analyze the conflict between feminine identity of the Islamic Revolution and that of the new religious thinking. Second, In the light of discourse analysis, an attempt will be made to demonstrate that "temporality" has been a decisive element in the emergence of new discourses, and it is in and through such a consideration that new identities question de-constructively the foundation of any ruling discourse welcoming new aspects of a new forming discourse step by step.

Based upon discursive temporality, this article evaluates the conflict between the feminine identity of the discourses of the Islamic Revolution and that of new religious thinking on the direction to become a social movement and suggests that the guardians of the revolutionary discourse recognize the developments of such new religious innovations in the domain of feminine identity as a rival discourse. By the recognition of this rival feminine identity, they will take to consideration the moment of transformism as a response to the new changing conditions: social movement. As it follows, transformism does not mean a thorough admission   to a rival discourse, but it adheres to a wise calling of alternative religious solutions and strategies. It is wise because discourse analysis as an analytical strategy signifies the historicity and temporality of discourses. Transformism is a discursive response to the historicity and temporality of any dominant discourse, including the discourse of the feminine identity of the Islamic Revolution, where the dominant discourse conforms to new requirements and realities.

Comparative analysis of social justice in the performance of constructive government and justice-oriented governmentAbstract:The purpose of this study is to study and analyze social justice in the governments of Hashemi Rafsanjani and Ahmadinejad. The basis of review and analysis in this study includes speeches of presidents, the main regulatory bills of the two governments, official government reports and executive actions of the governments under review. The main question is what are the similarities and differences between social justice in the performance of the constructive government and the justice-oriented government? This article is based on the assumption that social justice was the main issue, but its definition and examples were different. In this article, using the method of comparative analysis with emphasis on the importance of justice in the system of the Islamic Republic of Iran, justice in theory and practice in the Hashemi and Ahmadinejad governments has been studied and analyzed. The findings of this article show that Ali Despite the efforts of these governments to achieve social justice, the definition and examples of justice are different from their point of view. Hashemi considers "economic growth" as the center of his theory of justice, Ahmadinejad emphasizes "fair distribution of opportunities and facilities for all." Although the above-mentioned organizations tried to address the issue of social justice in their development and performance programs, but in each of the mentioned governments, a proper perception of justice has been done and reflected in the functional spirit of that government.

The purpose of this study is to investigate the internal contexts of the ontological insecurity of the Zionist regime. The research is based on the assumption that modern historians and critical sociologists in the form of the post-Zionist movement have jeopardized the ontological security of the regime by questioning the foundations of the two myths of the "Promised Land" and the "Chosen Nation" - the head of Zionist identity. The research method is descriptive-analytical and the results show that the Zionist regime has turned to the policy of "securing identity" in the face of ontological insecurity to solve its ontological insecurity and identity problem by using a single, selective and uniform narrative.

This study analyzes Mullah Sadra's critiques and innovations and among Islamic philosophers finds his thoughts and attitudes close to the concept of Derrida's "deconstruction "more than anyone else. Accordingly, article introduces Mulla sadra as a dissident and unhappy thoughtful philosopher with radical questioning style that although many do not consider him as a political thinker- Because he has not entered the political sphere-but according to harsh criticism towards Himself contemporary superficials Sufis and with Drawing Transcendental Wisdom, we can put him among Political theorists and philosophers. Mulla sadra propound Innovative topics in Mystical and philosophical sphere like existence, Substantial Motion and Bodily resurrection that seems representing such plans and reveling Adversity of Safavid government. His critique pushed him forward to find a deconstructionist language. In this regard, criticism, exposing contradictions and otherness that is the main factor of “deconstructing”, will be examined in Mullah Sadras Platform. The findings indicate that there are comunalities between Sadra and Derrida. However, we face the fact that in some of issues these two chracters are different from one another. Derrida’s ideology on phenomenology focuses only on human throwness to being in the present world; however, Mullah Sadras emphasizes on the significance of ecology and does not believe that death is the end of Heidegger’s Dasein and Derrida’s subject. Mullah Sadra’s Hermeneutic meaning attempts to determine the author’s intention based on the capacity, While from Derrida’s deconstructionist view, author death is of utmost importance. Derrida’s deconstructionist view contains continuously renewed pessimism toward things affirmed and approved. In contrary, Mullah Sadra believes in illustrative seeking perfection and aggravation in his total deconstructionism. That is, human ignorance is obviating the vitiations specific to his time in this condition.

This article is an attempt by the analytical method to study two meta-narrative "religious" and "political" and then challenge them in the framework of Derridas Deconstruction, so Derrida against a version of Christianity that it provided in the text mind founder, sole custodians of traditional institutions and the formal introduction of the screw, recounting concepts such as "gift", "sacrifice", "forgiveness," "messianism" and that Christianity has always belong to the classic discourse. Deconstruction also the narrative that the survival of "liberal democracy" and its political system based on the Soviet Union and the collapse of communism after the collapse, as the end of history, the last stage of human ideological evolution and the final form of government as a screw attempts to in presenting its weaknesses and limitations, giving new meaning to the concept of "friendship" based on the unbreakable brotherhood, unconditional and universal, promising practices new policy as a "community without community" and democracy as original " democracy to come "is.

With the victory of the Islamic Revolution of Iran in 1979, cultural and social challenges between Iran and the West were transferred to the level of the established political system. Accordingly, the Islamic Republic of Iran, through the activation of its non-alignment strategy towards colonial powers in international politics, and the denial of any kind of dominance and submission shaped a new foreign policy. Global developments, especially after the collapse of the Eastern Block and the end of the Cold War, led to the creation of a new world order. The main problem is that, in the new world order, the costs of pursuing the ideals of the Islamic Revolution and its resulting system gradually increased. Since there are different analyses about the future of the world order, each of which has its theoretical foundations and its strategic implications, the main question of this article is which analysis of the world order, while loyal to the goals and ideals of the Islamic Revolution, can lead us to a relative mutual understanding with the West and to reduce the costs of current conflict and confrontation. The hypothesis of this article is that the explanation of the world order based on the theoretical approach of critical hermeneutics provides the appropriate strategic means to reduce the cost of the system while preserving the ideal values of the Islamic revolution. The findings of this descriptive - analytical research show that the adoption of an epistemological approach to emancipatory hermeneutics makes it possible to formulate coordinated strategic policies in different aspects of challenges between Iran and the West.

Diversity and plurality of forms of identity in fragmented societies is one of the most important factors which threatens security of any countries. Statesmen and elites resort to some identity-building resources and carrying on strategies and policies in using them, in order to create a partial integrity and fill the Identity Vacuum. This research by using a descriptive-analytic method and based on constructivism, tries to provide a description of identity-building resources and categorize them. According to the results, based on three pillars, elites build a comperehensive identity: place/space, time/histort and joint culture. As a case study, by this identity model, we consider Israeli society. Therefore we arrange the approach of the current research in terms of the following question: “What are identity components based on place, time and culture in the society of the Zionist regime?”The results of this research suggest that most identity-building resources of the Zionist regime is fed with the Bible and include "The Promised Land", "historical single identity" and the Jewish Culture. The Jewish Culture also include "Commandments of Judaism" and symbols like "Hebrew language", "myth", "art", "social events" and "religious cover". The challenges facing these resources according to which some of them could be explained in cases like "the distorted Torah", "Multilingualism" and "secularism and atheism.

Justice is one of the most attentive Qur'anic and Islamic instructions that have come to light in the political and social ideas of the leaders of the Islamic Revolution, such as Imam Khomeini and the martyr Ayatollah Motahari. But despite the fact that the slogan of social justice and emphasis on its implementation as one of the main policies of the post-revolutionary administrations, the issue of justice in the Islamic Republic's record has not been favorable to this day. Accordingly, the question arises why, with all the orders that religious teachings and the emphasis of the leaders of the revolution on social justice and its related issues, justice in our society has not got the deserved attention? In this paper, using a comparative analysis method, it is attempted by emphasizing justice from the viewpoints of the leaders of the revolution, to explore the implementation of post-revolutionary government development plans in order to clarify the extent of their divergence from the notion of justice from the point of view of the leaders of the revolution and to Identify the damage caused it and remedy the ways to strengthen and sustain the life of the Holy state of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

An aspect of globalization is the hegemony of some of the values ​​that the West and especially the United States have been seeking to expand after World War II. This globalization approach seeks to establish a system based on a series of liberal values, and the political, economic, and cultural order is promoted in line with Western interpretations. For this reason, the challenge of conflicting interpretations of global values ​​seems to be one of the most important challenges of the present era. The main question of this article is how can we find a theoretical pathway to overcome the challenge of conflicting interpretations of global concepts and values? Accordingly, in the present paper, we first try to find out the challenges of the so-called global values, then we will show that there is no guarantee of execution for global values. The solution presented in this paper is the design of an epistemic basis for dealing with conflicting interpretations and an agreement on global concepts and values ​​based on critical (relief) hermeneutics. The hypothesis of this paper is that by adopting a hermeneutic method based on continuous communication actions, rethinking and interpersonal perceptions, understandings and agreements, this approach can serve the interests of other perspectives Including, inter alia, Iran and the West, and, albeit in relative terms, lead them from the continuation of the everlasting legacy of history to reconciliation and liberation.

A historical survey of soft power application in U.S. diplomacy, as a drive force for its foreign policy, indicates that the United States uses a spectrum of diversified models for optimization of its foreign policy achievements. This paper intends to study “American exceptionalism” as the most important component shaping U.S. political identity as an introduction to analysis of soft power typology in this country. The principal question this study embarks on answering is this: What role do the proponents of American exceptionalism play in shaping soft power model in the U.S.? To answer this question, we have tried to use Walter Russell Mead’s analytical model in clarification of the U.S. political traditions, Joseph Nye’s theory of soft power as well as theoretical framework of constructivist theory, Alexander Wendt in particular, on identity. We have hypothesized that the proponents of American exceptionalism play a key role in shaping the mindset and political identity of the U.S. leaders. An isolationist approach to exceptionalism will normally end in the two so-called Jacksonian-Jeffersonian school of thought that result in paradigmatic model of soft power. On the contrary, internationalist approach to American exceptionalism will end in two Wilsonian and Hamiltonian schools of thought that pursue a sort of interventionist model of soft power.

This article intends to explore what approach can help the Islamic Republic of Iran and the West cooperate and interact in a desirable way in the era of globalization. The study's hypothesis is that "adopting Habermas' liberating hermeneutics based on dialogue, action, and communicative rationality as well as criticism of tradition and historical prejudices in the era of globalization can help create understanding and relative agreement between Iran and the West so that their interests can be served."

The advent of the Islamic Revolution of Iran under the leadership of Imam Khomeini, led to some convergences and divergences all around the world, especially in the Islamic world. Convergence with the our revolution can be seen in influencing a significant part of the Ummah of Islam. Divergences are generally associated with the West and among Islamic countries with Wahhabi thinking. Sa’id Haww is a contemporary Syrian scientist and one of the leaders of the Muslim Brotherhood of Syria who met with Imam Khomeini in the early days of the Revolution as one of the Brotherhood leaders and for the sake of congratulating the victory of the revolution to Imam, but over time, he became an opposition and took hostility to the revolution and its leader and has showed and risen in various ways, his opposition to the revolution and Shiite religion!
The present study analyzes the reasons for changing his position and for this end, uses a descriptive-analytical method and intersection of historical propositions to analyze how Sa’id Haww interacted with the Islamic Revolution and its leadership. This is for the first time that the interaction of the views of one Political-religious personality in the Islamic world in relation to the Islamic Revolution has been analyzed. In light of the results of this research, other differences and divergences among the Islamic Ummah are also getting known and traceable. By this research, it became clear that Sa’id Haww's contradictory personality - which stems from the Salafist thought, Sufi factor and his cost-benefit confrontation - is the source of his opposition to the Islamic Revolution of Iran

Contemporary approaches interpreted political theory as ignoring political reality, lacking a real problem and more subject of the abstract and metaphysical dignity. The research is opposed to this view and attempting to interpret political theory as engaging in political reality. For this purpose, this study intends to present a discursive conception of ancient Greek political theory and its relationship with political action - as a criterion of political reality. For this reason, the writers, first of all, look at the genealogy of the conditions for the emergence of political theory in ancient Greece. Then, by choosing the concept of polis as the central sign of ancient Greek political theory, explaining the centrality of this concept. The following section attempts to reveal the relation of discourse of the polis with the fundamental elements of the ancient Greek political theory. The last issue is about the quality and the relationship between political theory and political action in ancient Greece. This research uses the assumptions of discourse theory to support its claim.

The history of the discourse of west-oriented intellectuals shows that it has been affected by the thought of modernity, a discourse which Imam Khomeini (R.A.) and after him the Supreme Leader have presented and stabilized a native (religious) alternative model by criticizing it, (History) an issue which has not been investigated through the perspective of deconstructing egocentrism of western thought! (Background) Whereas none of the discourses of modernity are able to answer the issues of Iranian society! (Problem) However, what could the alternative system be? (Question) By reviving Islamist discourse and deconstructing the west-oriented discourse, Imam Khomeini (R.A.) presented a unique reading of the universe, man and religion which can be mentioned in the form of a discourse which is neither rooted in western modernity nor influenced by the wave of postmodern relativism, and is not traditionalist or nostalgic, and stabilized its leadership in the form of religious democracy. This discourse is a discourse derived from Islamic-Iranian context which brings about a transcendental goal for the disheveled and depressed man in the modern era. (Hypothesis) The present article, using content analysis method in the framework of deconstruction as an analytical strategy (Methodology), seeks to draw the aforementioned discourse (Objective) to show that the ideal model of democratic political system is only definable and stable based on native and religious origins and values. (Finding)

With the rise of the Justice and Development’s party to power in 2002, Turkey has followed different and seldom paradoxical decisions and actions in internal and external affairs. This article aims at studying these altitudes based upon the leaders of Justice and Development’s party. Hence, the article decides to clarify mainly from which sources the strategic attitudes of Turkey have been inspired and how these sources determined today’s Turkish decisions. The hypothesis is based upon the fact that the Party follows to keep power and obtain its interests with an identitary flavor in internal and external policies. Hence, from the perspective of this article despite the effectiveness of different variables in producing such decisions, the role of the Party leaders grows more important with their enjoyment of interest-identity attitudes insofar as they endeavor to keep and enhance political power. Therefore, such attitudes have left fundamental impact on Turkish decisions in realms such as secularism, liberal economy and Neo-Ottomanism. In addition, they have proven to determine today’s Turkish politics specifically the developments occurring in the process of Islamic awakening and current crisis governing the region. This article enjoys the documentary analysis.

Introduction From 2002, Islamic Republic of Iran's nuclear program due to nuclear development, including uranium enrichment and its internationalization and increasing concerns and threats has been a top issue in Iran’s foreign policy and national security. This topic, in the governments of the eighth, ninth and tenth and eleventh, in accordance with domestic conditions and developments in the international environment has been associated with some ups and downs. In the meantime, one of the factors that affect nuclear program is the Iran's geopolitical characteristics. This study, by taking a different approach and within the framework of the "identity-based" theory (constructivism) reviews and analyzes the Iran's geopolitical components affecting the view of the Islamic Republic of Iran to herself and also view of the other side (the 3 3) related to Iran's nuclear program.
Research Methodology This paper with regard to pivotal concept of "identity" of the theory of "constructivism" tries to understand the impact of Iran's geopolitical characteristics on the perspective and approach taken by both sides on the nuclear issue. Therefore, by analyzing geopolitical characteristics which help understand the Islamic Republic of Iran and the other sides discuss the nuclear issue. The data collection method is based on library and questionnaire findings.
Results and Discussion At first, the impact of Iran’s geopolitical factors and features in the fields of: 1. Geo-strategic 2. Geo-culture, 3. Geo-economics and 4. Hydro-politics, has been evaluated and analyzed on formation of Iranians approach to themselves and consequently the Islamic Republic of Iran’s national security policy of the on the nuclear issue. To consider the impact of geopolitical factors on formation of the Iran’s approach to the case of nuclear, geo-cultural factors (cultural and religious factors) are the most effective with 29/8 percent and geo-strategic with 28.2 percent, geo-economic with 25.7 percent and hydro-political with 16.3 percent, are ranked in the next ranks. In considering influence of geopolitical factors of on understanding and national security policy in the nuclear case, Geo-cultural factors (religious and cultural Factors) with 28.5 percent have allocated the highest positive impact (in terms of the persuasiveness), and geo-strategic factors with 25.1 percent, hydro-political with 23.9 percent and geo-economic with 22.5 percent have a positive impact on national security policy on the nuclear issue.
In the field of negative influence of geopolitical factors on the National Security policy, Hydro-Politic al factors with 19.3 percent has the lowest negative impact. But Iran's geo-economic factors with 37 percent, had the highest rate of negative impact, and geostrategic factors with 23.2 and geo-cultural factors and with 20.5 percent have been located in subsequent ranks the negative effects.
In evaluating the impact of Islamic Republic of Iran’s geopolitical factors on negative perceptions and confrontational approach of the other side (members of 3 3, especially the US and the Western countries) over Iran's nuclear program, geo-culture factors with 30.1 percent allocated first rank the, and geostrategic factors with 27.9 percent, geo-economics factors with 25.8 percent and hydro-politic factors with 16.2 percent, are in the subsequent ranks in the negative impact on the other side view.
Conclusion The results indicated that in terms of the impact, geo-cultural factors have the most influence on the approach of the players in the nuclear case. The geostrategic, economic and hydro-political factors are in the next ranks, respectively. Also, in the study of the type of influence and insider view and approach, geo-cultural factors have the highest positive impact and geo-economic factors have the most affection negatively. In assessing the impact of geopolitical factors, on the USA and European’s view and approach, geo-cultural factors have the highest negative impact and the Iran’s hydro-politics conditions have the lowest negative impact.

Deconstruction is a strategy for demonstrating the contribution of philosophy to achieving the meaning of democracy in the postmodern world. It seeks to establish philosophical principles consistent with the principle of tolerating others and democracy in the post-democracy world. Meanwhile, Derrida's ideas in the field of socio-political democracy, such as future democracy and its oncoming challenges, are also rooted in his philosophy. Hence, democracy and deconstruction are the two sides of a coin, and one cannot be understood without the other. This connection is unbreakable and necessary and pivotal to Derrida's thinking about philosophy and politics. The breakthrough has come to suggest new horizons with the critique of modern systems including Western democracies that marginalized forces on the frontiers of democracy can actively participate in determining their own destinies. Contrary to positive methods, the underlying breach does not have a relative relation with the ultimate clarity of the Western society, and it is considered to be the fruits of the linear maturity of history. On the contrary, with the critique of metaphysical systems, it is a strategic breakthrough, so that the inertia of the universe becomes the instrument of successive negotiation. As far as the subject of this article is concerned, it attempts to define the Western metaphysical breakdown, then it shows how Derrida has benefited from this strategy in order to open up the political blockade of Western democratization with ongoing openings. The study of the link between deconstructive philosophy and democracy and how they interact with each other will be the cornerstone of this article.

How theology has influenced civilizations, the issue of theological basics in two monist and pluralist aspects, as well as how it has influenced the orientations of Islamic and Western civilizations are profound investigable issues. The civilization reading of Christian theology and particularly Protestant theology versus Islamic theology, and specifically Islamic traditionalism as well as influences of these two types of theology and their effects on the two Islamic and Western civilizations in the postmodern era is the main problem of the present study which is conducted with descriptive and comparative method.
Exclusivism, religious relativism, Religious Pluralism, inclusivism, is the branches of Christian theology that has been civilizational reading. On the other hand, it is traditionalism, relativism, and monotheism, Islamic theology that has been civilizational reading.
As the results indicted, in spite of the fact that there are monist and pluralist aspects in both theologies, pluralism is dominant in Christian theology and monism is prevalent in Islamic theology. Since Renaissance, Christian theology has faced pluralism and by Christianity’s ideologiation, religious pluralism has played the role of legitimation in the advent of postmodernism.
On the other hand, Islamic theology has been based on monist attitudes from the beginning. In fact, despite the advent of traditionalism and intellectualism, it has kept its monist nature. Eventually, based on the issues discussed in this paper, Islamic civilization and Western civilization, at the level of ontological foundations, have very few points of interaction and dialogue, but at the level of methodology and epistemology, Islamic civilization is the relative ability of dialogue and interaction with other civilizations.