قربانعلی قربان زاده سوار

The main discourses of Iran during the Pahlavi era and the Islamic revolution are Western and Islamic discourses. In these two discourses, there is a lot of ambiguity regarding the indicators of political development, and this issue has not been investigated in the framework of the discourse analysis method. The main question is the most important commonalities and differences between these two discourses. The most important difference is the presence or absence of the element of religion in their chain of equivalence, and that they look at political development with different central signifiers, and what they both have in common is affinity in the floating signifiers that find different meanings in the chain of equivalence of the two discourses. . The final goal of the article is to compare the approach of political development discourses during the Pahlavi era and the Islamic Revolution. To prove the hypothesis, the discourses of political development in this era were analyzed with discourse analysis and comparative methods. Pahlavi discourse emphasizes the indicators of political development in the framework of secularism and Islamic discourse emphasizes these indicators in the framework of religion. In Pahlavi's discourse, despite the desire for western models of political development, due to the existence of opposite elements such as popular participation and tyranny in the equivalence chain, the growth of political development indicators is not observed even in its western form. But in the Islamic discourse, political development as a floating signifier in relation to the central signifier i.e. authentic Islam, found a completely different meaning. In this discourse, due to the absence of signs of tyranny, as well as special attention to issues such as public participation, political development indicators have enjoyed significant growth.

After the collapse of the former Soviet Union, the United States introduced itself as the first power in the world and was able to gain a dominant position in the international arena with significant superiority in the political, military and economic fields, but currently, signs based on the political decline of this country are visible. Is. Therefore, the current research, with the future-oriented method of layer-by-layer analysis of the causes and in an exploratory way, seeks to identify the causes of the decline of American power in the geometry of the new world order. The research is of mixed applied type (qualitative and quantitative) and its data has been collected by reviewing documents, documents and library studies as well as interviews by holding two expert panels. The research approach is to use the future research method of layered analysis of causes. The results of interviews and qualitative studies were considered in the form of a researcher-made questionnaire at the disposal of a community of 73 experts. The collected data were analyzed using statistical methods and SPSS software. The findings of the research showed 47 causes, of which 17 causes are at the level of litany, 10 are at the level of causal systems (social, economic and cultural), 11 are at the level of discourse and worldview, and finally 9 are at the level of metaphors and myths. which are considered as the effective causes of the decline of American power in the geometry of the new world order.

The internal vulnerability of countries, on the one hand, and the external regional and trans-regional threats, on the other hand, play a significant role in instability and insecurity at national, regional, and world levels. The sensitive region of the Persian Gulf is no exception in this regard, and a number of internal factors as well as some tensions between the countries in the region could endanger its stability and security. The arrival of some external trans-regional factors in the region can also be threatening and intensify internal problems and external threats as they have already created a serious challenge to the countries on the coasts of the Persian Gulf. Among all the factors which can endanger the political stability and security of the region, the most important one is the great competition among the countries there. The security of the Persian Gulf is one of fundamental international, regional, and national problems of the countries on the coasts of this waterway including Iran. The presence of foreign powers in the region has also increased the complexity of the security of the Persian Gulf. The purpose of this study is to investigate the sustainable security of this waterway and the implementation of regional policies and maintenance of national interests of the countries on its coasts following a descriptive-analytic method and relying on library sources. and the regional policies Through a study of the factors leading to the security and insecurity of the Persian Gulf, the authors conclude that the most important strategy for establishing security there is to concentrate on the model of the equation of relationships between political units based on mutual security plans among all the countries in the Persian Gulf region. This can remove all internal and foreign threats to the security of the Persian Gulf.

One demand of ethnic and linguistic minorities in some countries is political independence. Kurds and Catalans in Iraq and Spain are among the minorities who held the independence referendum in 2017. The present study compares the two referendums regarding the fields, process, results, and outcomes. In various dimensions, using the analytical-comparative method, the findings show few similarities and significant differences between the two referendums in terms of historical, political, economic conditions. In terms of the holding process, both started with the exact mechanism, but during the holding, they differed sharply due to the different approaches of the two central governments of Iraq and Spain. In terms of results, the two referendums are similar regarding the ratio of positive votes to independence. In terms of outcome, both Iraqi Kurdistan and Spanish Catalonia faced similar negative consequences such as political isolation, lack of international support, economic problems, etc. Still, there is no consensus on how and to what extent these consequences affected local, national, and international levels. They are different due to the set of intra-systemic components such as the internal situation of Kurdistan/ Iraq and Catalonia/ Spain and extra-systemic components such as the interests of regional and global powers in these two areas of the referendum.

The election of Donald J. Trump as President of the United States in November.08.2016 raised many questions about the future of American foreign policy, including the effect of electing a leader who rejected many of the long-standing principles of American foreign policy in his campaign speeches. Given that the Trump administration carried the heritage of Republicans and Democrats in foreign policy, what could be the future of US foreign policy? Perhaps many observers would conclude that Trump's foreign policy lacked any particular structure, coherence, or strategy in recognizing a president like Donald Trump. He lacked the usual order and sudden changes in the course of action.In foreign policy, Trump has pursued an America First agenda, withdrawing the US from the Trans-Pacific Partnership trade negotiations, the Paris Agreement on climate change, and the Iran nuclear deal. He imposed import tariffs which triggered a trade war with China, moved the US embassy in Israel to Jerusalem, and withdrew US troops from northern Syria. Trump met with North Korean leader Kim Jong-un three times, but talks on denuclearization broke down in 2019. In addition to these cases, expressing friendships with Putin, peace talks with the Taliban, ignoring human rights issues in relations with Saudi Arabia, unilateralism in many policies, and disregard for the views of its key European allies, among many other cases, all evoke a picture of foreign policy confusion.The question that arises is whether we have witnessed fundamental changes and the adoption of new models in foreign policy in the macro and strategic foreign policy of the United States during the four years of Trump, or has this policy been a continuation of the previous trend? .In this research, the descriptive-analytical method and referring to the opinions of experts have been used. An attempt has been made to evaluate US foreign policy in the short period of Trump in the light of a combined conceptual framework. A combination of realistic theories, the first type, and family similarities can help explain the continuation of major US foreign policy strategies under Donald J. Trump`s administration.The ultimate goal is to assist American studies in the field of international relations courses and to provide a clearer picture of US foreign policy"

Digital technology today, from a passive defense standpoint, on the one hand, is an integral part of individuals, community and political system’s life, and on the other hands, the lack of digital capabilities or literacy has prevented everyone from entering the digital world, which creates a digital gap in the society. This emerging gap affects the existing cultural gap. That’s why it is necessary to examine the consequences of the digital gap on the cultural gap. In order to answer the question that; how the digital gap has an impact on the cultural gap, it was hypothesized that the digital gap, in addition to the creation of a new digital gap, would have a positive or negative effect on the cultural gap of the community, with the intersection or density of existing cultural gaps. The data were analyzed in the theoretical framework of the sociology of social gaps by descriptive-analytic method. The findings revealed that if the cultural gap caused by the digital gap bridges the cross cultural gaps, it would cause active cultural conflicts, and imposes huge costs on individuals, society and the government

Security, Divine grace and the purpose of sending messengers and plans of Imamate and Caliphate of the righteous and the effects of the establishment of the true sovereignty of God on earth, so that people will be saved from the aftermath of insecurity and enjoy the pleasures of security with body and soul. The commitment to the security of the community in the Islamic government has a special place, because security is the cause of progress is in all spheres of human life. Imam Ali , as the Islamic ruler , was especially concerned with security in his words and behavior. The main objective of the present research was to scrutinize various dimensions of security in the life of Imam Ali(pbuh), who used to live among the people as a speaking Qur’an and proud of being called Abootorab(the father of universe), But they martyred him in the altar of worship. By analyzing the subject through the library, historical, descriptive, and analytical method in the theoretical and practical aspects of Imam Ali (pbuh), it was determined that the concept of security in Ali’s attitude is a large, comprehensive and long-range one, its scope of affairs is from material to spiritual, from senses to senses, from individual to collective life, from the world to the hereafter. The Imam considers the great blessing of the world as the security and perfection of the hereafter entering paradise and considers security as one of the basic necessities of human life. He also believed that the sense of security is among the features of the believers, and the homeland without security is worthless

Intelligence agencies play an important role in the implementation of government objectives based on different strategies. One of the success factors of these agencies in the present era is the effective use of information resources for the implementation of organizational missions that the correct adoption of strategies in these agencies is the first step for the successful integration of human resources with information resources; perhaps if their measures are based on having command of information sources and the proper understanding of opportunities and threats, it will be of more importance than organizational resources in providing social security. Social security is one of the basic needs of the security of the system, individuals and entities of society, because in the absence of it, all elements of the country are damaged, because social security creates cohesion, dynamism and ability of society and strengthens the foundations of government against internal damage and external threats, especially in the changing circumstances of the region and the world. Today, in the era of information and communication technology, the effect of the performance of information organizations on the social security charter is doubly needed. This study, considering the importance of the effect of information organizations’ activities on social security, was to answer the question that the positive effect of the performance of intelligence agencies on social security in the context of which strategies are more: positive or negative. The research hypothesis was examined in the conceptual-theoretical framework of sociology of security with a focus on intelligence agencies’ function by library and analytical - descriptive methods. The findings of the study showed that by comparing the intelligence agencies’ function in securing the system, the effect of their activities in the positive strategy of effect-oriented on social security is more positive than the negative strategy of product-oriented.

Each of the different classes of society makes a role in determining the country`s destiny and the formation of transformations. The intellectual class is including society classes too, and this not except from the general rule. Also, in Iran, one of the most effective elements is the intellectual class. First generation intellectuals of Iran, as the vanguard of intellectual stream, started to thinking around country`s decline and cause of this situation analyzed in the form of relation of government`s power to society, restrictions of the government`s power and the power structure. According to this point, the aim of this study is expression of claims of first generation intellectuals of Iran and in response to question that what were the main claims of intellectuals? To considering the main demands of this intellectuals, regarding to the method of a qualitative and analysis-describe, we assume restrictions of Monarchy power for people`s rights along with constitutional State. This claims told in shape of criticism of autocratic absolute Monarchy and supporting constitutional Monarchy that is features of conceptual system of the liberalization. as we know, The liberalization insists on the restrictions of government`s power and the conversion of absolute Monarchy to Constitutionalism for people`s rights.

The 21st century is called postmodern century, and one of  the characteristic  of in this era, is post-modern war. Nowadays the great wars, despite their classic appearance, take place in asymmetric and populist fronts, within which irregular form of battles determine the ultimate success or failure. Different types of war with regard to strategy, tactic, technique, space and time are distinct from each other. So, according to the changes and differences between these elements, the changes and differences in nature of war and its variants could be seen, too. Central feature of post-modern era including relativity, fluidity and diversity, are extended to the phenomenon of war in this era, that caused the emergence of a new kind of war, named  hybrid war, which its composition trait indicates the presence of elements of old and new, classic and modern, soft, hard and semi-hard war, in terms of tools, methods, principles and relevant rules in this war, and make  use of psychological warfare, cyber attacks, digital and media operations, irregular, guerrilla and terrorist attacks show different aspects of  hybrid war. In other words, the hybrid war is a postmodern phenomenon in today’s post-modern space. Question that emerging now is: What is the substantive feature of hybrid war? It was hypothesized that hybrid war is a postmodern anarchist war with its distinctive substantive characteristics such as fluidity and relativity in doctrine, strategy, tactic and technique.

Hermeneutics, as one of the most important branches of knowledge under human sciences, has its roots in the West. As a newly emerged knowledge in the field of culture, hermeneutics has shown its unremitting influence on some sciences, particularly on interpretive texts of the West, to reserve a highly valuable status for itself in human intellectualism. With respect to the introduction of hermeneutics to the world of Islam, this paper explicates the two subdivisions of philosophical and methodological hermeneutics. Philosophical hermeneutics is interpreter-oriented while methodological hermeneutics is author-oriented. The paper tries to explore the common fundamentals between classic hermeneutics and the interpretive method of the Muslims in understanding religious texts and the religious thought literature. Therefore, the principal question this paper proposes is this: From the two philosophical and methodological hermeneutics, which one is compatible with text interpretation style of Muslims and their thoughts? The findings of the paper show that philosophical hermeneutics is not an appropriate method for interpretation of the sacred texts of the Muslims due to its relativistic approach in interpretation of the texts. Therefore, methodological hermeneutics – for its author-oriented approach – is appropriate for interpretation of the religious texts of the Muslims.

Soft threat in the domain of the relations between the countries, is a country's software measures for the transformation in the areas of political, cultural, social, economic, defense of other countries. Threat agent relying on software, not hardware, and classical war, inculcate its wants and wishes to the target country and persuade the target country to do so.the soft threats suite with changes in cultural identity, behavior, value systems and life of political system, Compromise the national security target country. Because using soft threat can cause heavy blows to the life of political system. The main question in this study is; what is the Typology of the Soft Threats Posed to the National Security of Islamic Republic of Iran.The topic was considered from different angles Based on field research method and theory. And it was shown that cultural, social, political, economic, defensive and environmental soft threats target the National Security of Islamic Republic of Iran.These threats can be analyzed in various aspects of the above areas.That their agent / agents seek to create cultural, political, social, economic, military and environmental crises, to achieve their different purposes.And using a variety of tools and software measures at all angles, including cultural, social, political, legal, economic and defensive measures, try to undermine the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

The consideration of national security threats is an important area in countries' strategic studies because identifying, measuring and evaluating the nature of threats to national security is important in terms of the political system's strategy. The basic aim of any political system is to preserve territorial integrity, national interests and vital values that the danger of being threatened by other systems in the international anarchy is probable. Threats to national security may occur in military, political, cultural, social, economic and environmental contexts. The purpose of this paper is to examine the nature of all threats to the national security of nations in the theoretical framework of the positive discourse of threat posed by the Copenhagen School t. In response to the question of the nature of threats to national security, it was hypothesized that the substantive combination of threats, each with its own method, threatens the security of nations from different angles. The method of this research is descriptive -analytical and it is a theoretical-applied research. The findings of the study indicate that the nature of threats from an objective-minded, affirmative, existential-general, security-non-security, and ... points of view that represent the massive combination of threats as a hard, semihard and soft threats, each of which poses a challenge to National Security of countries. Furthermore, , in different circumstances, one of the substantive dimensions of the threat is centered and focused; therefore, the maintenance, preservation and promotion of the national security of the country depends on the recognition of this, so that security costs will not increase.

Legitimacy of government and trying to approve it is one of the important issues in politics. The present paper seeks to investigate the viewpoints of two great thinkers of the 13th century, Thomas Aquinas and Khwajah Nasir al-Din al-Tusi, regarding the legitimacy of government; (Problem) an issue which has not been investigated so far. Since Aquinas was brought up in a Christian-European tradition and Khwajah Nasir al-Din al-Tusi in an Islamic-Iranian one, the present paper tries to answer this question: What are the basis and forms of the thoughts of these two thinkers regarding legitimacy of government? (Question) This term, because of conflicting conceptual interpretations in the viewpoint of different theorizers, has gained different meanings and forms, as a result, the present article is an exploratory one and there is no hypothesis presented for it. (No Hypothesis) Therefore, the purpose of this article is investigating the interpretations of these two great religious thinkers without any evaluation of their viewpoints. (Objective) Research data are collected using library documentary methods and are analyzed in the framework of comparative method. (Methodology) Despite the significant similarity in the theoretical principles of Aquinas and Khwajah, because of divine principles, these two viewpoints are in opposing poles, thus, it can be said that conceptualization of the legitimacy of government depends on the ground on which conceptualization takes place. (Finding)

Mass media as a medium of communication in today's world have a lot of functions. The communication factor has institutionalized the role of values in society and through the exchange of information between the current generation and its transmission to future generations, has a vital role in culture and establish a common feeling among people and communities. National identity as the highest and the greatest level of specificity in the countries is affected by the media. The main function of identity through formal training was done in the past but now, according to the data transfer rate and media information, media have an important role in the development or modification of national identity and media consolidate or change the national identity. So media which are used by governmental and non-governmental actors are in line with the interests of the actors as a positive or negative factor in the development of national identity. Thus, mass media affect the elements of national identity by strengthening or weakening it. The results of the research suggest that the impact of the media on three indicators of the national identity - its elements, principles and position- is tremendous impact, positive or negative.

Despite the presence of several revivalist, reformist and revolutionary currents in the world of Islam, today the Salafi Takfiri ideology, particularly through its violent acts, has widely attracted the attentions. The spread of this movement in recent years has overshadowed the image of Islam in general and that of the Islamic Revolution of Iran in particular. Since one of the main strategies of the Islamic Revolution of Iran is peaceful export of the revolution to the world, attempts have been made in the present paper to answer the following question through descriptive –analytical what impacts have the extremist takfiri currents in the world of Islam left on the pacific image of the Islamic Revolution in the light of the slogan of export of the revolution? The hypothesis of this paper was studied based on the potential capacity created for the Islamic Revolution of Iran due to the measures of the takfiri currents and the findings indicate that lack of attribution of these currents to the Islamic Revolution of Iran and Iran’s emphasis on fight against the takfiri currents, underlines the attempts of the Islamic Revolution of Iran for establishment of peace, but the impacts of these currents on the perception of the genuine Islamic movements of export of the Islamic Revolution of Iran has created ambiguity and problems for the image and attempts of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Constitutional law plays a key role in a political system both in policymaking and in decision-making. It is taken as the code of action by the people and officials equally. Constitutional law serves as a pulse for the political system. The degree of enforcement of the rules, realization of ideals and values stipulated in the constitutional law, such as oaths, show the soundness, consolidation and sustainability of the political system. Any violation from or ignorance of the enforcement of chapters and principles of the constitutional law will impose serious damages on the system and people in various fields. This research paper intends to collect and describe people’s evaluation of the degree of abidance by the Parliamentary Oath and Oath of Office by the members of the parliament (MP) and presidents of the Islamic Republic of Iran during the past thirty years. The research method we have applied in this paper is “survey” with a descriptive approach. In August 2008, questionnaires were distributed in the city of Qazvin on the degree ofthe enforcement of the articles of the Parliamentary Oath and Oath of Office by the members of the parliament (MP) and presidents. The results were like this: 38 percent of the respondents evaluated as “good and very good” in response to the question on the degree of enforcement of Parliamentary Oath by the MPs during the past thirty years, while 33 percent marked “median” and 29 percent evaluated their performance in this connection as “weak and very weak”. Similarly 38 percent of the respondents evaluated as “median” in response to the question on the degree ofenforcement of the Oath of Office by the presidents during the past thirty years, while 34 percent marked “good and very good” and 28 percent evaluated their performance as “weak and very weak”.

Social Security is a fundamental issue in the life of society that several factors play a role in strengthening or weakening it. Soft war is one of the these factors. social security has an intimate connection with the collective values of human in social life. And Soft War intends to along the individuals and segments of the target population with itself. This study indicated that collective values is the circle of the link between social security and the soft war . Because on the one hand , the collective values are correlation factor and community consensus , and on the other hand , because collective normalize relationships in various public arena , is the strengthening factor of the social safety. The general expression , establishment of collective values , increase the strength of norms and reduce breaking norm in society and system and in this way , reinforce stability , balance and social security and soft war disrupt social security system with the weakening set of values and norms in society.

The curriculum in universities is a criterion of standardizing course resources for both teachers and students in order to teach and study in a definite framework. This study is based on the surveys of students about the latest curriculum in the field of political science at the undergraduate level approved by the Ministry of Science، Research and Technology. Except the universities that develop independent curriculum، other universities can use this curriculum. For the majority of respondents، general courses have little influence on the ability of undergraduate students of political science، and the majority of respondents believe that division of bachelor curriculum into two groups of compulsory and optional courses in political science can improve the curriculum. Other items of interest to students include low number of credits of some courses، high number of credits of some other courses، lack of some courses، presence of some unnecessary courses، repetitive discussions and the old same issues in some courses، the necessity to comply with the prerequisites of courses and the mismatch between courses for undergraduate and graduate levels and the future career of political science graduates.