لیدا مودت

After Imam Reza’s martyrdom, his shrine was in the center of attention of the Sunnite governments established in Khorasan. Under the rule of Samanid and Ghaznavid dynasties, the agents of these two governments paid homage and sincerity to Imam Reza’s shrine. The tolerating behavior of Samanids and Ghaznavids towards Imam Reza’s shrine prepared the ground for the next measures under Saljuqids. The present study deals with an analysis of constructive measures in Imam Reza’s shrine through a descriptive-analytical method. This study has attempted to make use of historical sources and the remnants in Imam Reza’s shrine and in Astan Quds’s museum to present a historical, archeological, architectural and social study. This article aims at answering the following main question: “How was the behavior of Saljuqid kings and their associates towards Imam Reza’s shrine?” The results of the study suggest that the ground and milieu created by Samanid and Ghaznavid rulers caused Saljuqid great kings to have heartfelt sincerity towards Imam Reza's shrine. Besides, under Sultan Sanjar, the greatest numbers of constructions were done in that sacred place. Sultan Sanjar’s tolerating behavior towards the constructive measures of his Shiite vizier, Abu Taher Qomi, and the Shiite dynasty Kakuya led to the spread of affectionate and emotional Shiism among the women of the Saljuqid dynasty. Thus, these women, considering the cultural ground prepared paid special attention to Imam Reza’s shrine.

Muslims were divided into two social groups of Afaqis and Deccanis while entering to Deccan. Afaqis who had entered Deccan from Iraq and Iran, quickly penetrated into the social layers of Deccan city and they even took up important positions in the governmental court because of their knowledge, discipline, complete or relative economic welfare. This issue provided the ground for the constant competition with native Muslims famous for Deccani. Simultaneous with the establishment of Bahmanid government as well as the Shiite governments after Bahmanids, the disputes between Afaqis and Deccanis increased. Relying on the descriptive-analytical method of research, the present article is to investigate the effective elements of the relations between Afaqis and Deccanis in Bahmanid government and the local Shiite governments such as Qutb Shahi, Adelshahi and Nezamshahi from the ninth to eleventh centuries in Deccan. The findings of research demonstrate that the scientific and disciplinary background of Afaqis and official realization of Shiite denomination in the local governments of Deccan as well as the policy of early sultans led to Afaqis’ achieving authority and consequently the uprising of Deccanis and eventually massacre and suppression of Afaqis

The Bavandian dynasty is one of the most important dynasties ruling Tabarestan. They ruled for more than seven centuries at their headquarters in Shahriarkuh. During this period, this dynasty was divided into the branches of Kayusiyya, Ispahbadhiyya and Kinkhwariyya. One of the most important actions of the first branch of the Bavandians, i.e. Kayusiyya, was the minting of the phrase "Ali Waliullah" on their coins. Therefore, the main issue in this study is to investigate the causes and factors of multiplication of the phrase "Ali Waliullah" on the Bavandian coins. In this research, using historical sources and numismatic studies and relying on descriptive-analytical method, the multiplication of the phrase "Ali Waliullah" on the Bavandian coins has been studied and analyzed. The results of the research indicate that the themes of Rostam ibn Shervin and Marzban ibn Rostam coins have been set in two directions in order to legitimize the government. On the one hand, the phrase "Ali Waliullah" and on the other hand, the name of the Abbasid Caliph are inserted. We can speak of two legitimizing currents: 1) Gaining legitimacy from outside the Bavandians realm. 2) Gaining legitimacy within the territory of Bavandians. In this way, the coins present a legitimate image of Rostam ibn Shervin which is in line with the beliefs of the people. They also seek the legitimacy from the sides of the Abbasid Caliph and the Amir of the Buyid.

The inscription of the phrase “Shah of Iran” on a coin from the era of the reign of Qizil Arsalan (582-587 AH), one of the Atabeks of Azerbaijan (541-626 AH), is considered a novel and unique deed. The use of the word “shah” on coins in post-Islamic Iran was not new, and the rulers of the Buyid dynasty and then the Seljuk dynasty used this word on their coins; but the juxtaposition of the two words “shah” and “Iran” is considered new in the history of post-Islamic Iran. This not only was unprecedented in the history of post-Islamic Iran, but was not repeated until the reign of Nader Shah Afshar. The main issue in this research is the study and analysis of the reasons for using the phrase “Shah of Iran” on this coin. After gaining religious legitimacy, Qizil Arsalan sought to gain national popularity. Therefore, he had silver coins minted and the words “Shah of Iran” inscribed on them — silver and shah being the symbols of ancient Iran. It is important to note that the region of Azerbaijan was one of the bases of cultural ideology during the Sassanid era, and Sassanid traditions were rooted in this region. In addition, the poetry of the Azerbaijani school reflect the poets’ interest in Iranianism, and this influenced Qizil Arsalan. Considering his untimely murder and reviewing the poetry collection of poets such as Zahir Faryabi and Khaghani Shervani, we realize the failure of Qizil Arsalan in gaining national popularity.

Unlike the northern India, the land of Deccan located in the southern India came late into the attention of the Muslim forces. It was during Khalajiāns which Muslims victoriously entered Deccan via the northern India. Later, under Muḥammad b. Taghlaq (725-752H) almost the entire Deccan fell to the Muslims. Muḥammad built a great empire ruling from the northern to the southern India. It was, however, soon undermined and was divided into several local and regional dynasties in the last decade of Muhammad’s rule. The first such dynasty was Bahmaniyān. Since the shahs of this dynasty claimed a Persian lineage going back as far as Persia’s ancient shahs, they sought to take Persians into Deccan. These emigrants constituted the main political structure and administrative system of the Bahmaniyāns. Due to the dynasty’s inclination to Shia Islam, many Shiite Arabs also immigrated to the region following the footsteps of the former group. One may see many appellations of Persian or Shiite origin amongst the notables and ministers of the state – names like Gilāni, Māzandarāni, Ardestāni, Sistāni, Kermāni, Badakhshi, Ghazwini, Astarābādi, Hamedāni, Samarqandi, Tabrizi, Shirāzi, Qumi, Mashhadi and Karbalāi, among others. They indicate these migrants’ impact on the political and social life of the period. The impact made the Bahmaniyān kings notice these people, other Shiites and those called sayyids – which in Muslim societies indicates people from the Prophet’s lineage – who had immigrated from other regions to Deccan (Sadeghi, 2017, p. 98). Since Āfāqiyāns were assigned important state positions, they were in constant conflict with the indigenous Muslims who were known a Deccanians. The rivalry and conflict between these two racial groups are noted as one of the most important issues of Bahmaniyān period. The most important reason behind doing this research is to shed light on the Āfāqiyān and Deccanian relations. To this end, the socio-political developments of the Bahmaniyān period should be examined. Āfāqiyāns’ tendency towards Shia Islam in that period is another significant reason for carrying out this research. Finally, the significance of this research lies in there being religious conflicts between Āfāqiyāns and Deccanians and the social domination of each group under Bahmaniyān rule. This study tries to understand the Āfāqiyān-Deccanian relations under Bahmaniyān which constitute the most fundamental matter in this historical period. The main research question is ‘What factors played a role in Āfāqiyān-Deccanian relations?’ The hypothesis pivots on the fact that earlier Bahmaniyān kings’ attention to Āfāqiyān and this group’s economic and social power played a role in the Āfāqiyān-Deccanian relations.

Given the nature of the study, the method employed here is descriptive-analytical. First, by drawing on the first-hand, primary sources, the historical data are extracted and categorized according to the chronological and thematic order delineated in the initial plan. Then, the Āfāqiyān-Deccanian relations under Bahmaniyān are analysed in view of these groups’ socio-political position and the historical data gathered at the first stage. The grey areas in their relations are thus explained in simple terms.

The socio-political history of Deccan under Bahmaniyāns boils down to the history of Āfāqiyān-Deccanian conflicts. From the outset, the Bahmaniyān kings had a stake in inviting Persians and using Āfāqiyān in myriad positions. Fīrūz Shah welcomed the immigration of more Persians and Āfāqiyāns into Deccan, trying to strike a balance between this group and Deccanians (Tabataba,  1936, p. 41; Ghauri, 1975, p. 165). However, the Persian immigration reaches its climax during Ahmad I’s rule (Aziz-Ahmad, 1988, 28). Having seized the throne through the efforts of his foreign friends, particularly the Persians (Freshteh,  1884, Vol. 1, p. 322; Tabataba, 1936, p. 48 & 54), Ahmad I transferred the capital city from Gulbargeh to Bīdar in  a bid to form a new community whose main element would be Āfāqiyāns (Mustawfi,  1961: pp. 30-43) and inviting Persians, especially the well-known family of Sufi order – Shaykh Neʿmatullāh Walī – to Deccan (Tabataba, 1936, p. 65; Fereshteh,  1884, Vol. 1, p. 329). The impact of Āfāqiyāns and especially the Persians on all aspects of social, political and cultural life of Deccan caused the impact of other groups, not least the Deccanians, gradually fade into insignificance. Ahmad I also thought highly of Shiite Muslims and sayyeds who migrated to Deccan from Iraq and other Arabic-speaking regions. He took a step for Āfāqiyāns: amassing an army consisting of Āfāqiyāns and assigning them to significant positions. Fīrūz Shah and Ahmad I, nonetheless, tried throughout their rule to strike a balance in power between the two conflicting parties. During their rule, therefore, no account of conflict between them can be found due to the policy adopted by the shahs. The open animosity between Āfāqiyāns and Deccanian, however, begins in the time of Ahmad II who was not so tactful as his predecessor. His hardcore pro-Āfāqiyān policy caused the Deccanians to be jealous and irritate about the king’s treatment of the former (Fereshteh, 1884, Vol. 1, p. 332; Tabatab, 1936, p. 83). Instructing the Āfāqiyāns to be on the king’s right hand and Deccanian on the left, he instigated a sedition (Fershteh,1884, Vol. 1, p. 332). This order angered Deccanians and, thereafter, they did whatever they could to fight their rival, which caused the decimation of many Āfāqiyāns at the behest of the shah (Fereshteh,1884, Vol. 1, pp. 334-336). He, however, regretted this and appointed Āfāqiyāns to important positions and punished the other group. It is indicative of the fact that Ahmad II modified the policy of parity and marginalized the Deccanians. At the beginning of his successor’s rule, Āfāqiyāns, being harshly treated by the shah, staged a coup against him. Although suppressed by the successor, Humāyūn Shah (Tabataba, 1936, pp. 88-94), the coup indicates that they were so powerful that they demanded the power that be implement the same policy adopted by Ahmad I and Ahmad II. Despite all this, the shah appointed Mahmūd Gāwān of Āfāqiyāns as minister.

Mahmūd Gāwān’s time in office, an upshot of the policy of power balance between the two conflicting parties, brought about a period of relative peace which lasted throughout Humāyūn Shah’s and Muhammad Shah’s periods. Towards the end of Muhammad Shah’s time, nonetheless, the popularity of Khawjeh Gāwān and of the actions he took rekindled the traditional Āfāqiyān-Deccanian enmity (Makki, 1910, Vol. 1, p. 165; Tabataba,1936, p. 95; Shahab Hakim, 1968, p. 91; Razi, 1961, Vol. 1, pp. 56-57). Mahmūd Gāwān was, therefore, killed in a conspiracy organized by Deccanians, at the behest of Muhammad Shah. Thereafter, Deccanians ruled the roost till the end of Bahmaniyān’s rule. One reason behind the fall of the dynasty was the conflict between these two groups – a conflict that was handed down – after the Bahmaniyān – to the local Shiite states like ʿĀdel Shāhiān, Nezām Shāhiān and Quṭb Shāhiān (Muqim Heravi, n.d., Vol. 3, pp. 26-65; Razi,  1961, Vol. 1, pp. 60-67). The whole conflict between these groups took a long time to form, a full treatment of which is not possible in this brief study.
 
 

Climatic conditions are among the most important factors affecting the biological safety of human environments. Accordingly, human beings have always tried to provide some desirable environmental conditions for their life in different regions through taking a number of accurate measures. The traditional architecture of various countries abound in successful examples and experiences in this regard. The hierarchy of climatic architecture in a region plays a significant role in environmental safety conditions, which is still of greater importance in regions with specific climates. The coasts of the Persian Gulf and the southern shores of Iran generally enjoy a hot and humid climate and have long summers and short winters. This has resulted in the creation of a specific kind of architecture in these regions which is in conformity to its climate. Among the particular features of this style of architecture reference can be made to the making of mashrabias. With their various climatic, cultural, and aesthetic functions, during the previous centuries, the mashrabias in Bushehr’s architecture have once again attracted the attention of researchers in the recent decades. Hence, the present paper is intended to explore this specific feature of Islamic architecture. It is necessary to mention that this architectural style, which can only be observed in Bushehr, displays a combination of Islamic and Iranian architectures in this city.

Geographical factors are the basis of many political events and social movements, while the Silk Road as an independent geographical factor has always been associated with many political, cultural and commercial transitions. These events include the facilitation of the transfer of commercial goods, in particular the transfer of slaves to the Muslim world, which as human commodities have been the ornament of the court of kings, caliphs and Aristocratic assemblies, as well as other incentives for independent military and social and political movements. The latter function applies to the Ghaznavids, as they are one of the few dynasties whose foundations were based on the slave trade on the Silk Road. This study seeks to answer the question of how the trade in the Silk Road has had an impact on the emergence and social mobility of the Turkish commanders, especially Amir Sabuktigin Ghaznavid? We formulated the answer on the premise that economic and commercial factors have had a major impact on the emergence and social mobility of the Ghaznawi Turkish commanders. Findings suggest that the Silk Road was a crossroad between the deserted tribes and the slave trade, especially through the Borskhanian crossing in the Noushajjans from the Transoxania frontier, which created a suitable platform for the role of both Muslim troops and merchants in buying and selling. It provided funding for the slave campaign, such as Sabuktigin and other slaves. On the other hand, slaves' economic break from the Samanids government and their economic dependence on their nascent homogenous leaders, especially in the case of Albetigin and Sabuktigin, provided the basis for their social mobility towards an independent state.