فهرست مطالب وحید شالچی

This article tries to analyze the changes of Waqfs while presenting a clear description of the Waqfs of Astan in Qajar, identifying the peak points of Waqfs and its influential components.

It has used social history and some theoretical approaches, descriptive-analytical historical method, and interviews.

The annual average of immovable Waqfs in Qajar is about one and a half pieces. The most frequent are as follows: Special expenses are 73 percent and 17.66 percent for Khodam, 36.62 percent of cases are farms. 69.52 percent is located in Khorasan. 45 percent of the donors of this age belong to the upper middle class. 35 percent have left the responsibility to Astan and 62 percent have not appointed a supervisor. The annual average of Waqfs during the times when one person was the Custodians and governor was 3.88, pieces While for the years when he was only a Custodians, it was 1.31. In twenty-five years, in line with 27 percent of the total actions of the Custodians, about half of the Waqfs have been established. In addition, the character of six of the Custodians was evaluated as positive, two as average and two as weak. Compared to two decades of waqf decline in which the actions of the Custodians accounted for 15 percent of the total actions, the character of four Custodians was evaluated as positive and four as weak. 84 percent of the years of the Nasseri period were stable, the highest waqf amount with an annual average of 2.7 percent is related to this period and the change in the majority of the transfer of Custodians in favor of Astan is also from the Nasseri age.

Having social status, to be evaluated positively, the action of the king that leads to religious trust, Social stability and organizational order of Astan, the social position and performance of the Custodians, who have social reflection and the ability to gain trust, have had positive impact on the developments of Waqf. In other words, if the governor or Custodians has a reliable, powerful personality and has a high social identity, while having executive experience, it was more effective in attracting and maintaining Waqfs. In the cities that have the highest amount of endowments, in addition to financial ability, cultural affinity and historical history have had a positive effect. However, the instability did not create a permanent obstacle for the Waqf, rather it reduced its dispersion. Although the concept of "felt needs" is suitable for explanation, it should be considered in the context.

This study seeks to understand the ways of constructing and representing the divorced female subject in Iranian cinema of the last decade. The research has been done by using the method of semiotics and combining the approaches of Barthes, Fisk, Selby & Cowdory and the theoretical framework based on Subjectivity from Althusser's point of view and Hall's representation. Using Purposeful sampling, three films (nahid, rage khab and inja bedoone man) were selected for analysis. The results indicate that the lower social class, being exposed to be judged, people's biased view of divorced single women, society's indifference and society's suspicion of independent and divorced women, the reproduction of a cycle of violence by them and society, Behavioral, living, economic, and unhealthy behaviors and showing the recovery of femininity in environments such as the kitchen are among the most important ideological codes that have found meaning in these films. Adherence to ideology (patriarchy) is also so blind that women, as subordinates, internalize and reproduce it themselves, like the landlady in rage khab. Also, the patriarchal ideology is so ingrained in the people of society and in the daily relations of people, tradition and family that the divorced woman becomes the obedient subject of ideology and acting against it leads to questioning by individuals that becomes fascinated by ideology.

in Iran’s social life, there are institutions that have important social actions. One of the most important institutions is Astan Quds Razavi. If we consider the goals of social policy as protecting citizens from risks, reducing inequalities, promoting equality of opportunities, improving human well-being and creating social justice, The goals of this institution have been in this direction according to the scope of its social activities. Based on this, we will answer the question that during the Pahlavi period, the social actions of Asn the contemporary world, having the power of deterrence against those who seek domination is a defense strategy in order to forceand what role did the vice-presidents, government policies and endowment expenses play. For this purpose, the approach of historical institutionalism and descriptive-analytical method based on historical evidence is used. The results indicate that the two dimensions of structure and agency have been effective on the social actions of this organization. On the one hand, we have seen the directional impact of the government’s macro policies, and on the other hand, in every period when the trustee was chosen from prominent figures and had independent voting, he has mostly implemented social policies in line with the endowment goals of this institution. However, whenever an affiliated person is selected for this institution by applying wrong policies that are sometimes in conflict with Astan’s endowment goals, it has effected its main functions and created tensions in the society. Also, our findings indicate the convergence between the amount and expenses of endowments on the one hand and Astan’s actions as a whole. But in comparison, the impact of government policies on educational and therapeutic measures has been greater.tan faced with what changes

This research, by listening to a part of the mothers, achieves an image of their actions to change the distribution of the sensible. With Rancière's literature, which focuses its theoretical lens on the exclusion of workers in the distribution of the sensible, the sample of mothers in this study can be considered among those excluded from the privilege of thinking. Rancière's point of view, which considers the working class not as a passive class and in need of a revolutionary intellectual, but as a group with active subjectivity, in this research will be a way to visualize the actions of mothers in the 1980s in Iran. A group that, due to the classification of the society based on the educational system, is considered as a class lacking institutional knowledge, in a double form on the ancestral form (smallness), subordinate to the privilege of thinking. However, they live the impossible by doubting the “considered natural order” and by looking for equality, which their raw materials were generally experienced in the event of the 1979 revolution. They have succeeded in changing the distribution of the sensible. A narrative interview was conducted with 12 samples. Findings were presented in the final theme "Mothers not destined to think, make the political" including two main themes "Egalitarian reading of religion against police speech", "Egalitarian care against police care" and contains five sub-themes. The narrators have created the adventurous values in the lives of girls. It seems necessary to doubt the habitude of seeking equality

Space is the dough that we,as social beings,try to build our lives in, through and around.the understanding of space has undergone several ruptures throughout the history of this concept.From Cartesian-Newtonian understanding as an absolute thing,to Leibniz's relative understanding, to Einstein's discontinuity,which led to the understanding of a relation of space.With the spatial turn of the 20th century, space/spatial matter came out of the shadow of time/historical matter.The current research is of a qualitative type,using documentary method and with a critical approach,to deeply examine the history of space-time, different paradigms in this field and their shortcomings.And finally, Latour's approach has been chosen to explain and reassembling the concept of space-time.Since space is nothing but the relationship between objects,in order to understand it accurately,we are forced to choose a paradigm that bases the ontology of a relationship at its fundamental level.Using Latour's concepts such as network, actors, the same human/non-human agency (ontological symmetry),black box, association and translation.We proposed a conceptual model that helps us in a more accurate and objective understanding of space-time.It can be said that in order to understand the space-time of a phenomenon, it is enough to examine its network .This leads us to relational ontology and flat sociology.

This article investigates the initial confrontation between the Iranian economy and the newly emerged capitalist market relations during the 19th century. In the first step, a descriptive account of the Iranian economy’ transformations during this period and the preliminary requirements for analyzing these transformations is provided. The next step deals with its different economical, political, and social consequences. Our findings show that this process of Iranian economy’s reorientation in response to the new international demands for cash crops resulted in various transformations imposing significant effects on the next course of Iranian history during the 20th century. Some of the outcomes include the emergence of new big merchants who invested substantially in real estate, the emergence of proto-forms of private property through selling the state-owned lands, the disturbance of the subsistence economy’ fragile equilibrium through ecological catastrophes like the Great Famine of the 19th century. Despite how influential they were, neither of these changes could complete a rupture from pre-capitalist social relations of production and pre-capitalist strategies of surplus extraction.

Womans issues in every discourse have been formulated differently. From the Nāṣer al-Dīn Shāh Qājār era onwards, we are faced with a new system of knowledge in the form of Girls Education in the court constitutional discourse. This article aims to examine the conditions under which such discourses may arise and approach an immanent understanding of the Issue of women. In this article, we have used the literature provided by Norbert Elias on changing the balance of power between the sexes; and we overview critical studies of Iranian gender and modernity. Our approach/method in this paper is Foucauldian Discourse Analysis (FDA). The findings show that the court reformist discourse emphasizes girls; education (making educated girls in housekeeping, healthcare, and the ways of treating their husbands and other manners relating to them). This discourse defines new moral codes for women and re-reading science, ethics, religion, and economics in line with civilization and progress. The new moral codes are meaningful in the aftermath of events such as the outbreak of epidemics and famines, the courts dependence on world powers, and the decline of the power of the courtier class. This article considers the pre-discoursive events in the configuration of such a knowledge system. In other words, our reading of the Issue of women emphasizes the historical moments that discursive and pre-discoursive events will come together and problematize an issue. We do not reduce the subject to the tier of thought or material determinants.

In theories of ethnic identity, belonging to an ethnicity varies with respect to ethnic policies, economic conditions, the extent of social system closure, etc., which may lose its role and importance in one period and become the dominant identity in another. The goal of this article is to evaluate the of ethnic identity in the city of Ahvaz from the second Pahlavi era to the Islamic Republic period. The research data were obtained based on the life history technique and through semi-structured qualitative interviews to identify and understand the mentality of people whose lived experience was formed in Ahvaz. To analyze the interviews, the matic content analysis method was used, through which ten primary themes and three central themes were identified. The central themes in the second Pahlavi period is "Ethnic Identity in the Path of Integration", in the period of the revolution until the end of the war is "Ethnic Identity in the path of Differentiation". The results show that compared to the past periods, the Bakhtiari and Arab people in Ahvaz have a greater tendency to identification based on ethnicity, and ethnic identity has become a strong and effective identity in the urban society of Ahvaz.

This study aims at investigating the construction of the subject of female-headed households in post-revolutionary cinema in order to answer the question of how it has been represented and constructed in these works. For so doing, it employs Foucault and Althusser's interpretation of the subject. The research has been done via a semiotic method, using Fisk and Barthes model, combining it with Selby and Cowdory approach. By purposeful sampling, three films (The Blue-Veiled , Border Café (Cafe Transit), and The Corridor (Dehliz) from the 70s, the 80s, and the 90s have been selected for analysis. Results show that the power in these movies addresses family sanctity along with the need for woman management in it, also reproducing the discourse of housekeeping. But on the other hand, we see the construction of a faithful woman in return for a commitment to her husband or family and responsible for male roles. Here the desirable femininity portrayed in the films include: a) construction of a loyal housewife who supports the husband, b) the female-headed household who is committed to the family and is employed, and finally, c) the female-headed household who is chaste and a lover. The cultural meanings of the films are the lower social class of female-headed households, exposure of young female-headed households to judgment, their livelihood and economic problems, people's constructed look at them, the multiple roles they play, their strong sense of motherhood, cultural and value differences of varied ethnic groups, self-sacrifice and devotion, and drawing the old traditions of female widowhood. Also, all female-headed households try to change and start again, yet in the face of society, traditions, gender stereotypes, and the idea that men are superior, they are deprived of the opportunity to empower themselves.

Ethnic identity is a fluid phenomenon that, due to social developments, experiences different situations. Ahvaz in the second Pahlavi period, for numerous reasons, including oil reconnaissance, changed its socio-cultural structure. Accordingly, the purpose of this research is to answer the question of what ethnic identity was in this historical period? In other words, was the ethnic identity of the Bakhtiari and Arab peoples strengthened or weakened in the second Pahlavi period? To answer these questions, it used a semi-structured qualitative interview technique with those who had lived in the city during the second Pahlavi period. Research data has been analyzed through the Thematic analysis method, and has extracted the four primary themes of the growth of inter-ethnic interactions, the weakening of ethnic culture, ethnic ignorance, the identity unification policy of the Pahlavi government, and a central theme entitled ethnic identity on the path to integration. The results show that ethnic identity had weakened in that historical period and new identities had emerged in society

This study seeks to provide a comprehensive definition of women's religious assemblies based on the conflicts and alignments that occur in these assemblies and based on the motives of women's presence.For this reason, it seeks to draw on the views of Erving Goffman and Giddens, on the one hand, and Schutz's phenomenological reflections, as well as thematic analysis, show the contradictions and alignments formed in these religious assemblies. The statistical sample provided is 30 women who met the selection criteria for a semi-structured interview; That is, they are over 18 years old, regularly and in attendance as a familiar experience in meetings, and not unfamiliar with interactions in meetings. First, 56 open codes were identified and finally two main themes were identified: gender identification and finally positioning and social identity assignment. The results show that both elements of gender identity with more conflict and less alignment, and the allocation of social identity and social status with more alignment and less conflict, on the other hand, by creating points of occurrence in three areas of gender, The public sphere and the religious sphere play a role in building the women's religious assembly.

The aim of this study was to investigate the role of cultural globalization in mate selection spaces.

The research method was descriptive using survey and the participants included 1197 married girls under the auspices of the Imam Khomeini Relief Committee in Tehran from 2016 to 2017, which were included by census, online and through the social network. The research tools included the Mirzaei (1400) Questionnaire on Cultural Globalization, and Mate Spaces. Research data were analyzed using SPSS software version 24 using, and Pearson correlation coefficient and multivariate regression was utilized.

The results showed that there is a negative and significant relationship between different components of cultural globalization (media consumption, music consumption, clothing consumption, and individualism) and age with mate selection spaces (p<01.0). Stepwise regression analysis also showed that cultural globalization was a strong predictor for predicting mate selection spaces (R2=56%).

According to the present results, cultural globalization causes a change in the mate selection spaces and the actors' relations with space, and leads the act of marriage selection to marriages without intervention or with passive intervention of families and in spaces of control. Therefore, in addition to the possibility of choosing a spouse by young people, this process should be done in an environment with parental supervision and the possibility of evaluating and recognizing people in different dimensions.

Simultaneously with the Islamic Revolution victory, the Iranian people, by denying the previous value system, sought the Islamic culture themes as the new social capital of the country and its expansion from personality systems to various structures of society. The richness of this capital will give the community additional soft power that its importance is equal to hard power. The present study aimed to explain social capital and its impact on soft power and evaluate the country's situation during the holy defense to use social capital resources as a powerful defense against enemies. The descriptive method uses a documentary (library) study on the indicators of productive resources and conservation elements and dissemination of social capital. It then collected data and comparative evaluation of these indicators' status in the holy defense. The mechanism of social capital's impact on the soft power amount depends on the resources such as education and science, religion and ideology, civic institutions, and the media. After the Islamic Revolution, the data show their quantitative and qualitative growth to promote soft power during the holy defense. The results indicated that after the Islamic Revolution, despite the significant dependence on software and hardware resources of Western countries, Iranian society, by using the factor of religious ideological’s beliefs to promote its power against foreigners in the holy defense to gain a lot. These beliefs enlightened the people and fought against the corruption of the Pahlavi regime. It used from its progressive basis to respect science and education, religious value resources, and cooperation of the ummah to reform society and spread it, use the best communication methods, and convey meanings to people.

For the purpose of studying the development process of political voice, the campaign activists (#مادرم_ایرانی_است_من_کجایی_ام) were interviewed and the content of the most retweeted messages were qualitatively analyzed. Findings depict that “organize first, protest later” prepared a division of work between activist mothers, officials, NGO’s, and Journalists and some strategies like: preventing politicization, distribution in the virtual space after consensus between policy actors and intertextual reasoning were implemented. The social media became a ground for parts of the campaign to share contents and narrate, familiarize, organize and notify, do hashtag activism, recognize each other’s voice and try to make the voice heard by people and officials out of the campaign. The most important contexts are: the shortage of trust, negative cultural attitude to immigrants, antagonistic political environment, international (the insecure Middle East, international support), and social media (impossibility of incarceration of voice and facilitation of horizontal and vertical relations)

Nearly 9 decades have passed since the launch of the establishment and the extension of institution of sociology which has been both meaningful to the Lifeworld (Lebenswelt) of Iranian and has been effective on development programs (objective impact) in Iran. In recent years, when the water crisis in Iran has become more objective, the Institute of Humanities and especially Sociology In Iran has been a party to the discussion in the form of scientific and research articles and academic meetings and seminars. With these descriptions and for a accurate assessment of the relationship between sociology in Iran and the roots of water crisis, we can question of relationship of sociology of Iran with the problem of climate, nature and environment in general and the problem of water as a fundamental and vital element in Iranian's environment and society. In the present research we investigate the climatic and environmental implications of seven main approaches in researches of "sociology of iran" namely "Iranian tyranny, Iranian feudalism, functionalism, neo-functionalism, poststructuralism , critical school and ecology approach" and their relationships with roots of water crisis with Compare each other.

The present study was conducted as "The effect of virtual space on marital emotional relationships" among Tehranian families who use virtual social networks in the first half of the year 1397. The theoretical framework of this study inspired the theories of pure relationship and fluid love to explain the problem. The research method in this study was survey and data collection tool was questionnaire. 384 users of the Telegram virtual network were selected randomly, and the questionnaire has been provided online. The results showed that the use of virtual space has no role in the emotional relationships of couples. However, there is a positive relationship between the dimensions of the agreement and the extent of the agreed relationship. The diversity in the topics pursued in virtual social networks enhances the emotional relationships of couples and plays a negative role on the dimensions of intimacy, agreement and adherence to a positive role on the dimensions of interest and affection, but this effect is at a weak level. The results of using a variety of virtual social networks and the topics pursued in these groups can lead to a form of awareness in individuals that enhances the couple's emotional relationships.

Researchers who have written about the Iranian nationality have significant differences regarding the place of Shi’ism in the structure of the Iranian nationality. In order to examine these differences and discover the closest idea to the current situation of Iranians identity, in this article, while examining the various relations between "religion and nationality" and adopting a method of critical interpretation, the views of different groups of Iranian researchers are discussed. Indeed, we showed that there are at least three main views that have considered the conflict between nationality and Shi’ism. It also became clear that those theorists who have referred the date of birth of the Iranian nation to the pre-modern era, mainly considered Shi’ism far from the core of the Iranian nation, and on the contrary, those who tended to the modernity of this nation or fundamentally opposed nationalism, give more space to the Shi’ism. It also turned out that the ideas that put Shi’ism at the core of the Iranian nationality and accepted the historical dimension of being Iranian are more closely related to the Iranian current identity.

By using phenomenological approach ,this research tries to examine the lived-experience of a group of people, which have been chosen to continue their education in a higher level, and as a result have been encountered with belated economic independency, in other word, this decision has been put them in a situation which can be called, ‘suspended independency’. Moreover, our focus here is on examining and assessing different types of strategies of coping with this situation, and finally, find out which strategy is the most vulnerable one. Our results have been shown that the idea of the higher education as a reliable way to ensure social mobility, has been encountered with real difficulties and for the most of the students, continuing their study has become a real challenge. Variables such as social capital, access to demanding skills and credentials and etc. are effective in following a certain strategy. Amongst these strategies, the most common one is ‘give up and return to home’, which at the same time is the most vulnerable strategy too.

Iran’s national income has been relied substantially on oil since 1960s. This study examines the state’s policy-making on bureaucracy institution in two varying time periods: 1972–1976 and 2004 –2009. These are two time periods that represent fundamental differences from historical, ideological and structural perspectives. Accordingly, this study examines whether the effects of oil income on state’s policy-making in bureaucracy institution vary across these two time periods. Theoretically, the present study is based on the weak state theory developed by Karl Lynn Terry. It refers to the state’s weak institutional frameworks and the lack of efficient infrastructures established over a long historical time. Methodologically, this study employs the comparative retrospective method and uses the technique of path dependency and the method of agreement table developed by Mill in order to compare research findings.
According to the results of this study, there are almost similar patterns of state’s policy-making on bureaucracy institution in two varying time periods: 1972–1976 and 2004 –2009. Further, the results from a historical perspective indicate that the weak state is the most important factor, while the partial effect of two other factors, including the presence of rentier state and the spectacular increase in oil price, should be also taken into account.

From 40’s on, Iran has earned most of its revenue from oil. Oil prices have seen multiplying increases in certain periods. During the time of these increases, contrary to the expectation that this increased revenue be spent on development, the policies employed by the state have created more issues and problems for the country. The state policies during oil booms have a direct effect on social institutions and the institutional framework. In this study, the effect of state policies on social institutions of economy and politics during the years 1973-1977 and 2005-2010 shall be investigated. The main question of the study is the reason for the similarities in state policies for social institutions during these two periods. The purpose is to recognize the reasons regarding why these two governments, despite their ideological, structural and historical differences, have taken similar decisions during oil price shocks, and that these policies produce similar results. In order to investigate the issue at hand, Terry Lynn Karl’s Weak State theory has been used, and the Rentier State theory has been employed as an essential reason but not a sufficient one. The method of study is comparative-historical. The path-dependency technique has been used for the historical study of the weak state, and to compare the findings a contingency table has been created. The findings show that through the historical study of the issue, the weak state presents itself as the main reason, and the rentier state and the multiplication of oil prices serve as essential reasons but not sufficient ones regarding the issue

The Iranian society- despite wishes or some ideals or in a controversy way stereotypes - is a sophisticated society with high level of diversity across the class, ideologies, life styles etc. Therefore surviving of this historical entity requires a set of cultural trait, which fascinates social interactions across the diversity. This article based on Bakhtin and Bauman theoretical view, concerns on the imaginization of each other through Reformist and Pricipalist political blocs. Through thematic analyses, it studies a sample of websites of two main wings of Iranian power field. The article looks to characterize the image of “self” and “other” that is created through political websites. The main questions are how they represent other and self. This is important if we want to problemize the dialogue in Iran. The results show that this way of narrative can not be a proper abscess for understanding the other as a key needs for Iranian circumstance. it almost shows a “bearable other” which can bear for our dignity not its deserved. In other word not for their right or merit but for their generosity.

Blockbuster cinema by displaying the interpretation of a part of the society and occupying box offices it shows the interest of the people toward displayed interpretation. The blockbuster social genre 40s, 60 and 80 have been selected to show changes in blockbuster cinema of Iran. Structuralism approach films have been analyzed according to structuralism approach, semiotics of Selby and Cowdery and also binary oppositions have been analyzed. As the analysis of the films showed, in Iran cinema blockbuster has changed. In some works, dual joints were found. Despite having dual shared traditionalism and modernism, based on the discourse of the film, the duals are different regarding semantic aspect. Traditionalism central Discourse is in the 40s. Traditionalism and modernism interfere in the 60s and reintegration based on the modern order is given. Top discourse in the 80s is modernism. It was also shown that altruism and conformity are positive features which are welcomed in these movies. In all studied films, the logic which is criticized in surface is criticized in lower side of narrative in monologue and authoritarian manner, and also the other is marginalized defenseless.

In this research,it is paid to  the document analysis of 845 thesis in the fields of social sciences of sociology, social work, social welfare planning, cultural studies and women's studies at the master's and PhD degree in Social Sciences at Allameh Tabataba'i University in Tehran from 1363 to 1393. The produced thesis is part of the valid scientific documents that their analysis can guide students and other researchers. In this study, the approach has been used in Lvzyk constructivism. From the perspective of this approach, a procedure doesn't examine the reality and there are other perspectives and how we realize the world. The methodology of this research is the Document analysis; statistical population included all theses faculty of Social Sciences in the fields of sociology, social work, social welfare planning, cultural studies and women's studies, and because of examination of the entire thesis, we had no sampling. The results indicated that cadmium has more domination than other survey research methods in the thesis. Also on the paid subject, social problems predominate over other issues. In the level of used analysis, the micro level has more portion, and eventually the used theoretical approach in most thesis shows that most studies have been made by integration and combination of two or more theories.

This article examines the relationship between space, class and capital in the city of Tehran. The main aim of this study is to show how the country's capital is moving into the housing and real estate sector in Tehran, and Tehran urban land areas become suitable place for the reproduction of the capital and also the relationship between the urban classes and urban areas affected by the function and the performance of the capital. The theoretical approach of this article is mainly influenced by the David Harvey's approach. The Method of This article based on secondary analysis of data which produced by Official centers such as the Iran’s Central Bank and the Municipality of Tehran. Results show that shifting unequal national production into the housing sector and also the real estate market in Tehran and besides the creation of economic inequality in the housing and real estate market based on the cost of housing in household budget and also the geographical distribution of different classes and groups creating unequal urban spaces in contemporary Tehran, which this process, in a Marco sphere, leads to the reproduction of social inequality and stratification.