مقالات رزومه مظفر حسنوند

Salafism in the Islamic and Arab world has been one of the most important political topics since the 1990s, especially in the field of political thought and politics and governance in the Middle East and North Africa. The multiplicity and emergence of dozens of Salafi currents in the recent period have led to frequent revision of Salafi currents, especially in countries leading the Arab revolutions such as Tunisia. This article seeks to examine the contexts of the rise of Salafist movements in Tunisia between 2011 and 2022, and while analyzing the most important Salafist movements - except for the democratic reading of Ennahda - opinions. intellectual, political and the areas of their differences and divisions in the center of attention.
This research has examined its data with the descriptive-analytical research method and collected the sources using library and internet materials.
The findings of the research show that, first, four common areas in the emergence and rise of Salafi currents can be mentioned: exclusion from the public and political sphere and lack of rationalization, the issue of religious weakness and security issues, social and economic problems. Second, the Salafist tradition has continued in two passive and politically active currents: the quietist tradition (silent, academic or passive), and the politically active Jihadi tradition in such movements as Hizb al-Rahmah (closest to Ennahda), Sarrat al-Tayid (closest to Ansar al-Sharia) and Ansar al-Sharia.
The silence trend mainly after the events of 2015, in its traditional way; It means tending to non-political Islam and promoting religious, ideological and moral issues. But the more influential movement of Ansar al-Sharia, after being removed from the public sphere of power after numerous terrorist incidents and the inability to present an acceptable political and intellectual model, will seek to regain its presence and share in power, which due to the lack of coherence The meaning of this current at the level of thought and the lack of ability in political rationalization, it seems unlikely that this goal will be realized - at least in the current decades.

Investigating the current state of political currents after the Arab revolutions, especially in Tunisia, is one of the multifaceted, complex, and multi-layered issues in political studies, especially in political thought. In this regard, according to the developments of the Ennahda movement in Tunisia between the years 2011-2023 (August), the question has been raised that according to the intellectual tradition of the Ennahda movement, the model and political behavior of this movement, from which rule. Philosophical and political - civil democratic transformation with an Islamic reading or adjustment and deviation from the propositions of Islamic thought? In response, the proposed hypothesis states that the intellectual tradition of the Ennahda movement has moved from classical theology and thought to a new reform with the reading of civil democratic Islam. The findings indicate that this current has been influenced by the intellectual developments in response to the dualism of the West / Islam and the mystery of tradition and modernity, intellectual traditions such as the rationalist school of Al-Zaytouniyeh, and reformist (general) intellectuals. It is oriented from classical theology to reform problematic. From an empirical point of view, the constituent elements of the theoretical and methodical model of the Ennahda movement represent a continuous and relatively uniform approach, and its secular and civil aspects share commonalities with Tunisian non-Islamist movements. With the successful transition of this process from the first stage of challenges (passing Ansar al-Sharia and inevitable - sometimes unstable - consensuses), the second stage began after the dissolution of the parliament and the holding of the second round of the 2019 parliamentary elections, and a new game It was formed from competitions. As a result, the Ennahda movement is trying to push the "extra-legal" and undemocratic dictatorship of the Qais Saeed government towards democratic policies or transfer of power. The conceptual framework is based on a multi-level reading of political thought (ideological evolutions, currents and intellectual systems, and late intellectuals of each discourse) and extraction of influential components and elements to evaluate the issue; the method of collecting materials is library and internet.

Terrorism is one of the most important concepts in the theory and practice of international politics. This article aims to analyze the place of terrorism in U.S. foreign policy in the Middle East. Distinguishing levels of declared policies and utilitarianism and drawing upon institutionalism and democracy in transitional period and their relationship with pragmatism in U.S foreign policy, this article seeks to answer the following question: what place does terrorism occupy in U.S. foreign policy after 9/11? As a hypothesis, this article argues that after 9/11 based on pragmatist tradition and instrumentalist approach, U.S. foreign policy has used terrorism as an instrument to protect its national interest. The research method used in the article is descriptive-explanatory. The findings include that First, 9/11 has been a legitimizing key for violence and intervention in U.S. foreign policy in the form of preemptive wars on terror. Second, there is a relationship among U.S. national security strategies, counterterrorism, support for democracy in the Middle East (in a selective form), preemptive wars and U.S. leadership. Democracy is a legitimating instrument for management of terrorism and it can link Islam to terrorism. Third, U.S. foreign policy’s pragmatist tradition, by using the instrument of terrorism, has attained multiple goals such as defending democracy and liberal values in the Middle East transitional countries, access to the Middle East oil market and arms sales.

Political participation is one of the most important signs of political development, which its quality and format differs from society to society. The realization of institutionalization and political participation requires the preparation of the psycho-social, cultural, economic and political conditions of each society. The purpose of this research is to investigate the impact of effective social and cultural factors, such as media, associations, social networks and friendship groups, on the political participation of students in political and party organizations. Quantitative and qualitative studies have shown that modern and classical media have been influential in political parties and political and civil formations. Today, modern communication and information technologies are considered as the driving engine of political, economic and cultural globalization and the spread of democracy     The research method is quantitative by using a questionnaire technique. Political participation is one of the fundamental requirements of citizenship and is one of the indispensable necessities of the political system in the twenty-first century and one of the main indicators of political development. This research is also based on a survey method and a questionnaire technique for collecting data and information. Dependent variable and some independent variables are measured based on the Likert spectrum. SPSS software was used to analyze the data; In order to extract the effect of each independent and intermediate variables on the dependent variable, Amos 22 software was used to analyze the paths. The statistical population in this study was Shiraz University students whose number in the academic year (1396) was about 16 thousand.   The present research try to answer this question that which one of the below factors (mass media, both classical and new, domestic and international, social networks and factors or social variables such as friends' groups and membership and cooperation with associations) has the most effect on the young people's political orientation and participation in parties and political organizations? The findings of present research indicate that the effects of media and virtual network with the intermediation of the association and friends on political participation are generally significant, up to the virtual network 0.110 and its lower limit is 0.040 that are both directional and its coefficient is 0.01. Also, the internal media has upper limit 0.0257 and bottom limit 0.0127 and significant is 0.01. The external media also has a high level of 0.042 and a low of 0.005 and its significant coefficient is equal to 0.02, which confirms the assumption that associations and friends have a mediating role in relation to the predictor variables of political participation. All relationships are meaningful. Internal media has the most impact on the community. The impact of it is 0.603, as well as the virtual network, has the highest impact after the medium, with a coefficient of 0.476. Interestingly, the virtual network has the greatest impact on political participation among variables. The group also has a significant impact (0.288) on the political participation. The results of the research indicate that, respectively, access and active communication with social networks in cyberspace, group friends, membership in civic and voluntary associations, domestic media and, ultimately, foreign media (radio and satellite television) on the tendencies and political participation of students at Shiraz University in political parties and political organizations have a positive and meaningful effect. The important role here is that the influence of the media on associations and friends that interfere with political participation. Of course, media are also directly affected. The importance of the media in the world today, especially in the broader field of policy, can be very effective in the process of community participation, especially political participation.

By the end of the Cold War New and complex issues such as undermining the military power and security agency, The rise of NGOs and the emergence of new international and regional actors it came into being and regionalism was revised as a new perspective and paradigm. Therefore, the question has been raised that despite new developments in the international system, has the quasi -paradigm shift emerged in modern regionalism? In this way, how new theoretical approaches look at regionalism. In response to the hypothesis that, regionalism is one of the most important issues in international politics and has evolved at different levels than the classic. also, Contrary to realistic attitudes, new and varied perspectives have been put forward by networking approaches, structuralism, subsidiary systems, regional security, and later theories.

After the nuclear deal era has led to emergence of a new order and different point of views about identity of power and regional authority of Iran and following that, Saudis and Zionists started to interact with each other, and tried to resist and rally against dual power of Iran more than before. In this paper, efforts have been made to respond to this question by utilization of constructivist theory that what effects has post-sanctions era had on the Saudi-Zionist affected the relations against Iran? To answer this main question, a hypothesis is raised that post-sanctions era has intensified identity of hostile equations and constructed equation of power between Iran and Saudi-Zionist more than ever. Based on the hypothesis stated, the findings of the study are: Saudi-Zionist interactions and commonalities in Iran’s view after Nuclear Agreement, effort for accentuating and construction of violence-based role of Shiite ideas of Iran in the region, reunion of Saudi Teachings with constructions of Takfiri Groups like ISIS, false regional alliances against regional authority of Iran and Washington Movement toward Saudi Extremism direction and construction of raised metanarratives. The used method in this paper is descriptive-analytical and the method for collecting data is library-internet based

Before the Comprehensive Joint Action Plan in July 2015, over a decade, the nuclear program of Iran left many influences on mental and behavioral atmosphere of the Middle East. Considering the different dimensions of the nuclear program, especially in terms of its relevance and its impact on the regional order of the Middle East, is important in two directions. First, in terms of the place and significance of the nuclear agreement in foreign policy - especially in the Middle East regional order - comparable to the period before BARJAM. Second, attention to the regional actors’ mindset on the path of shaping foreign policy and understanding the linkage and systemic relationship between foreign policy issues and the regional environment and exploiting it as an important experience in the diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Accordingly, in the recent article, in response to this central  question, we ظseek to  answer the question that “what are the Iranian nuclear program impacts on the Middle East regional order (2005-2013)?” In response, this hypothesis has been analyzed that Iran’s nuclear program and diplomacy (before the agreement) has led to threatening and reinforcing the hostile mentality of regional actors and contradictions in the regional Middle East order which can be seen in various instances, including arms races, the prevention of the issuance of Iranian revolutionary thoughts as a threat to the interests of the West and the Arabs, the consensus of the units to isolate Iran, the security queue to confront the all aspects of interests and the sanctions of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The research method is descriptive-analytical and data collection method is also the library, the use of journals and valid articles.

Today, multiple interpretation on JCPOA has been one of the contentious issues before Iran an U.S foreign policies. Generally, we are observing two readings about enforcement of JCPOA: the first approach argues that the agreement has a legal nature and hence, it is subject to the rules of international law. Therefore, two sides of the agreement are watching each others’ behavior under a legal treaty. The second approach emphasizing on the texts of the agreement and 2231 resolution argues that nuclear agreement and its enforcement are subject to political negotiations and agreements. And this is a positive point of the agreement. Employing descriptive – explanatory research method, this article regarding lack of consensus on the nature of Iran’s Deal is going to answer this question whether nuclear agreement (JCPOA) and its enforcements have a political or legal nature. The findings of the article regarding epistemic differences between legal and political studies as the assumption show that the agreement and its enforcement have a political nature, not a legal one.

Undoubtedly nuclear subject of Iran is one of the most important subjects of Iran’s diplomatic history. The subject makes an impresstion on internal & external policy of Iran. Iran’s elites have had different approaches in the beginning of nuclear crisis from Sadabad statement to Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action. However we should assess the subject in relationship with a regionl environment. The main Question of the research is what approaches & behavioral models were adopted by Iran in Nuclear Diplomacy from perspective of Rosenau’s theory in 1997-2015? In answer of the question, the research propounds the hypothsis that the behavioral model of Irananian governments have had proportional permanent in the Nuclear Diplomacy, but the model have had different shapes. Research Findings show direct relation between behavioral models of Iran with a regionl environment. Research method is explanatory & historical.