فهرست مطالب mohammad radmard

crisis of Azerbaijan was an event that is very important to investigate. The beginning and the end of Azerbaijan's crisis can be discussed at three levels: individual level and emphasis on the actions of those such as Ja'far Pishevari and Ahmad Qavam, national level; The role of oppression of the first Pahlavi government to the people of Azerbaijan as the cause of the crisis and the approaches of national institutions (army, parliament and government) in ending it; And finally, the international level, where the role of the Allied leaders in World War II should be emphasized as an important factor in the beginning and end of the crisis.  In this regard, this article has tried to analyze this event in the framework of the international order and the confrontation of great powers. In this framework, the question that is investigated in this research is as follows: How can the similarities and differences between the behavior of the United States and UK in the Azerbaijan crisis be analyzed? This research emphasizes that considering that the Second World War is a time when the former hegemon gives its place to the new hegemon, within the framework of Wallerstein's World-systems theory and emphasizing the concept of hegemony, it is possible to compare the behavior pattern of the two great powers of the world in this event. In this framework, this article has investigated this important event with a comparative approach and through the collection of library data.

It became significant in finding development in Iran after the emergence of the new industrial order in the West that leads to a debate on how Iran should confront the phenomenon of high economic development. In contemporary Iranian history, Western-oriented elites have attributed Iran's backwardness to not following the methods that the West used to achieve development. Therefore, especially during the Pahlavi era, development planning with a Western-centric approach was implemented to address this backwardness. Undoubtedly, the realization of the Islamic Revolution can be considered as a confrontation with this style of modernization, which has led to serious criticisms from some thinkers. The present study examines the Sayyid Mortaza Avini’s thoughts on development economics, who is one of these intellectuals. This paper aims to investigate the question of ‘What components Avini's thought on development is based on?’ The findings indicated that Avini has criticized Western development while also aligning with some post-development thinkers. Although he goes beyond the post-development approach and, influenced by the ideas of the Islamic Revolution and based on Islamic and indigenous elements such as religious identity and Islamic justice, he presents an alternative version of development (progress accompanied by spirituality). This way, he addresses his most important concern regarding the issue of progress positively. The method of this article will be grounded theory and data collection based on library research.

Development, particularly in its political aspect, appears to be a future that most elites of undeveloped nations aspire to move towards and achieve its objectives. Taking step in this path full of difficulties necessitates certain conditions. From the political sociology perspective, perhaps social cohesion is the key condition. This is also applied for Iranian society and Iranian elites’ concerns. In the present study, our main assumption is that Iranian society does not have organic cohesion for articulating the political and social demands. Hence, the fundamental questions of the discussion include what are the causes for the lack of social cohesion in Iran and what is the impact of this lack of cohesion on the political development process? Influenced by Ferdinand Tönnies’ theory, the base of the hypothesis of the present research is that since Iranian society has not evolved in the scientific sense and our country’s social/historical formulation is more similar to Iranian communities than to a united Iranian society, political development appears to be impossible. Thus, in the current study, the researchers are aimed at answering the research question through applying the theory of social divides, using a descriptive/analytical method, and collecting the required sources using a library approach.

According to the non-proliferation treaty of nuclear weapons, enjoyment of nuclear energy for the peaceful purposes is the right of the independent countries. But the pursuit and effort of the Republic of Islamic of Iran to gain this right has become the greatest challenge in the foreign policy of this country and clearly a contrast between Iran and the unites States of America and will continue in the indefinite future. The main question is what is the relationship between elites and nation of Iran and America with the formation of the confrontational foreign policy and the disagreement in the nuclear program of Iran? Scientific findings of this research shows, while the main competition between the American presidents is how to curb Iran's nuclear program, Iran's leader's emphasis on promoting nuclear knowledge and the policy of the presidents of Iran is in how to promote it. According to the writers of this research, using James Roseau’s national and international theory is a suitable approach for addressing this subject. They have also tried to provide an appropriate answer to this question using explanatory method, library resource documents and a few statistical resources.

Geographical location, civilization history, Shiite religion and oil discovery in the last century created a special place for Iran in the world. During the Pahlavi era, with the extensive influence of extra-regional powers, Iran's government became the gendarmerie of the region and a strategic ally of the West led by the United States. With the occurrence of the Islamic revolution, global arrogance, which saw its strategic interests in the region at risk, rose through influence, sanctions, threats, coup d'états, ethnic provocations and finally an imposed war in order to defeat the revolution and restore the previous order. The expansion of the scope of the war also laid the groundwork for more and more roles of trans-regional powers and pressure on Iran to end the war. Therefore, the nature of these roles in the war as well as their reasons will be investigated in this research. One of the best theories that can explain the conditions governing the regional system and the structure of the international system in the conditions of the war between Iraq and Iran after the revolution is the theory of neorealism, which has been used in this research. In this research, the method of referring to historical

After the American withdrawal from the Comprehensive Joint Action Program (BJAM) and the non-fulfillment of the West's commitments, our statesmen adopted a new step-back strategy before the West agreed, in the case the West failed to fulfill its obligations. Against this backdrop, the United States and three European countries have threatened to take action against Iran's policy. The question that arises in public opinion is "What will be the end of this confrontation?" Possible options must be considered to answer this question. Iran's favorable choices, and America's and Europe's, especially the ones most likely to be. Although it is believed that the US and the West are eager to reinstate sanctions and new resolutions, this will not be the case if our country adopts clever measures and will be at a low level of efficiency. What is most sought after by the West and the United States is the diminishing fear of Iran's commitment to domestic and global public opinion, thus forcing Iran to stop in this new direction. In this study, the main question was asked which state is the best option for the Islamic Republic of Iran to continue its presence in BJAM using game theory? Based on the evidence, evidence, and findings of this study, we concluded that the continued presence of the Islamic Republic of Iran in BJAM is a dynamic game with complete and complete information. In this research, the game number tree of Iran's options was outlined and examined, and then, the answer and solve the game using the payback method, the result of which came to the option of taking decisive steps for reducing the obligations of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Mirza Malkam Khan known as Nazem-Al-Dole is among the thinkers who has written numerous notes and writings about the clergy and their position in the future of Iran. His most important work was Qanun newspaper which from the viewpoint of most experts, it played a very important role in developing the Constitutional Revolution. The present study intends to examine the motivations and intentions of Mirza Malkam Khan in terms of his attention to religion and specially its missionaries, and it also answers the following question: “What was the position of Shia Ulama (scholars) in the analysis of Malkam about the modernization of Iran?” to answer this question, researchers believe that “Malkam’s attitude towards the Ulama should be based on two “motivations” that are the increasing power of the Ulama and the opportunistic character of Malkam (background and context) in line with two “goals” known as modernization and his taking revenge on Qajar court (intention).” In this regard, the paper will distinguish three attitude towards the clergy in Malkom’s political and intellectual career. To analyze the hypothesis of the present study, Content analysis methodology and the conceptual framework of Political Modernity by Maurice Barbie were used.

The occupation of Iran in September 1941, and the escape of the military and the dissolution of the Iranian army, regardless of its military and political consequences, was a blow to the image of Reza Shahi's army formed in public opinion. The uniformed army, which had been able to extensively suppress all dissident domestic groups and local movements, now collapsed strangely in the face of a foreign enemy. Understanding this failure is one of the most important questions in contemporary Iranian history. It seems that this issue should be sought in the sultanism nature of the first Pahlavi government. Therefore, the main question of this research is "How did the sultanism nature of the government pave the way for its defeat in September 1941?" To investigate this issue, using the descriptive-analytical method and collecting data by means of library research, it was found that the influence of the monarchical nature of the government on the decision-making system, military functions, and a lack of understanding of the international system, led to the defeat of the army in September 1941 before any serious confrontation. In other words, by nature, an army that like other parts of the government managed all its general and particular affairs "under the command of the monarch" could not resist the foreign enemy.

Economic development in today's world is a concern of many states. The important issue is that, first, how states can be on the path to development, and, second, what procedure can take place in order for them not to fall out of orbit. The results of development in Iran in the 1960s and the growth and reconstruction taken place at this period reveal that development may be a temporary achievement, a process after which the crisis and acute financial and economic conditions were experienced. Now, the question we seek to answer is: Why did the economic development program in Iran in the Pahlavi era fail despite the initial positive efforts put forth in the 1970s? This paper tries to answer this question by using inclusive institutions and exploitative institutions concepts of Oglu and Robinson and applying them in Iran of the 1960s and 1970s, and to show that the upper hand of politics can cut the roots of economic development programs and abort a development process and path and cause deviation. This study is conducted using a descriptive-analytical method. The required data are gathered using library study.

One of the important axes of the "Statement of the Second Step of the Islamic Revolution" is to pay attention to the "past" in order to take "firm steps in the future". This issue has been emphasized in various fields, especially foreign relations. A review of the text of the statement shows that the emphasis on the continuation and intensification of "national dignity and demarcation with the enemy" in the second step of the revolution is basically based on the fact that in areas such as "increasing resistance against bullies, oppressors and arrogants of the world" First is the revolution. Since the continuation of the confrontation with the system of domination is one of the missions of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the second step of the revolution, it is necessary to use the past experiences. Considering that the benefit of the Islamic Republic of Iran from the policy of deterrence of networks is the main axis of confrontation with the Zionist regime as the main lever of the domination system in West Asia during the first four decades of the revolution, so in this article using descriptive-analytical method, after explanation Theoretically, the role of Hezbollah in Lebanon, as a successful model in this policy, suggestions for the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic are presented in the second step.

The second Pahlavi state has been the subject for many works so far. But in the meantime, less research has discussed the nature and form of the political system of this period. Now that, according to some scholars, economic development has been on the government's agenda during this period; by emphasizing the issue of modernization, the form of the political system in this period of contemporary Iranian history can be examined. Edward Schiles is one of the thinkers who has categorized political systems from the perspective of development and with an emphasis on political development. Schills divides political systems into five categories: political democracy, guided democracy, modernist oligarchy, totalitarian oligarchy, and traditional oligarchy. Accordingly, the research question is which type of political system can be considered in line with the realities of the second Pahlavi state? It seems that in the context of the division of Schiles, the second Pahlavi state (1372-1357) should be considered as a modernist oligarchy. Thus, this research, while expressing the salient features of modern oligarchic systems from Schiles' point of view, tries to adapt the prevailing realities of the second Pahlavi period (1357-1332) to it. The application of this theory in this historical period can well show the ratio and degree of cooperation and accompaniment of dictatorship and modernization in some periods of a country's history and its cost-benefit. This research uses descriptive-analytical method and data is collected in a library.

The 1979 revolution is called Islamic because the main current in its leadership, ideology and organization were religious forces. The purpose of this article is to examine the type of confrontation between the Pahlavi government and this large current present in the revolution. Accordingly, the question we addressed in this article is: What position did the second Pahlavi government take towards the religious opposition in order to ensure its survival? The method of this article is descriptive-analytical and the method of data collection is library. Theoretically, this article uses the three conceptual frameworks (repression, facilitation, and tolerance) that Charles Tilly discusses in From Basij to Revolution. In the research literature of this article, we emphasize that the Charles Tilly trilogy has not been used specifically and focused on the Islamic Revolution, and most of the research has used Tilly's "mobilization of resources" theory "in general" about the Islamic Revolution. The time frame of this research is 40s and 50s. Analysis of numerous historical data shows that in the Pahlavi regime, the scope of "repression" of religious forces was extensive, "tolerance" was low, and "facilitation" was far less. The Pahlavi government made little use of the facilities provided for the moderate opposition. Tilly divides political systems into four categories: oppressive, totalitarian, tolerant, and weak. Based on the available historical evidence from the Pahlavi government's position on religious dissidents, this government should be called a repressive system.

Current life has faced to keeping animals, and this is prescribed in Islam to keep some animals such as: pigeon, rooster, nightingale, and etc. and keeping some others is prevented. In the current society, this question has been risen that why keeping an animal such as dog, which has good traits, is prevented in Islam? And why keeping od dog has been common in spite of its prevention? the history and reason of this adventure in western countries, in this article, was provided and then the reasons of its entrance in Islamic society, and its disadvantages were studied. Dog as an animal which has been with Man, and as other animal, in Islam, entitles rights. Because of lack of proper family system in western countries, and fade of emotional relations, keeping dogs has been appeared. Keeping dogs has social and personal disadvantages, and this false culture, unfortunately, has spread, that has different reasons, and caused to many risks in Islamic society. Some, also, attribute keeping dogs to Imam Hussain (P.H)’s utterings, that is rejected by studying of narrations and Quran verses.

The fall of the Pahlavi has been investigated from different angles and in the context of various theories. From among the approaches in this context is the relationship between the process of development in this period and the fall of this regime. This article seeks to that role in the modernization process with a different approach to examine the collapse of the Pahlavi dynasty. The reason for this difference is the use of new institutional approach. So, the question in this article is as follows: How can The fall of the Pahlavi dynasty from the perspective of institutional theory, be explained? In response to this question, this hypothesis is put to the test: The absence of a national program and the continuation of tyranny (the repression of civil society) was the main reason for the fall of the Pahlavi regime. The aforementioned hypothesis will be discussed in three important milestones of Pahlavi II namely, the establishment of planning organization, land reform in Iran and the oil high-cost and developmental approaches.

Social networks are one of the tools of the enemies and superpowers to weaken Islam and propagate against Shiism. There are disagreements among the elders and the dominant scholars of the seminaries about the use or not using of these social networks which has cast doubt on some of the seminary students in using it. This article examines the history of these networks and their benefits and damages to the students, and some of the speeches of the leader Imam Khamanei, about the use of seminary students from the social networks, and all of these writings and examination of the benefits
and harms of these networks show that the enemy of Islam and Shiism has done the necessary programs to destroy Islam and in some cases that is successful, but this does not mean that we cannot use this tool against them and finish this cultural war in favor of
ourselves. To reach this aim all the people should take action, especially seminary students, in order to do their mission which is to explain and promote Islamic teachings and to prevent the penetration and influence of foreigners to the best of their abilities, and they inevitably use these networks and tools. Of course, this usage should be in accordance with the terms and conditions of which the most important criteria are having the full knowledge and being scholar in Islamic and religious culture, theology and laws.

Along with the establishment of newspaper, the issue of establishing new schools was one of the most crucial educational-cultural concerns of the Iran modernization, before the Constitutional Revolution. The latter was a response to inefficiency of traditional education for Iran to enter the modern world. This is why this issue was considered in the newspapers of that time as a serious issue. Among the newspapers concerned the issue was Hekmat newspaper. So, the research question is that «which goals were pursued by Hekmat newspaper, through supposition of establishing new schools necessity?» According to the author, with an incomplete and one-sided understanding of the modernity foundations, and without an accurate understanding of the effects of the efficient objective conditions (economic, social and political) in education development in the West, the newspaper assumed that Establishing New Schools Movement would provide the country with advancement platforms. To understand the supposition ofHekmat newspaper›s approach, the Skinner›s Intentional Hermeneuticsmethod will be used.

The 28 Mordad Coup (1953 Iranian coup) is a turning point in the recent history of Iran. Although many books and articles have been written about this event, this paper aims to study the coupe from a different perspective. Wallerstein’s World System theory is one of the major theories that represent the critical and meta-theoretical approach toward current theories which study social, economic, and political phenomena. This study attempts to apply a new approach to analyze the 28 Mordad Coup according to this theory and specifically attempts to examine whether it is possible to explain Mossadeq’s coup and his dismissal on the basis of this theory. The authors believe that it is possible to clarify the British-American coup to dismiss Mossadeq based on two factors of Wallerstein’s theory: preserving exploitation relation, also known as preserving inequality in global domain, and controlling over raw material.

Accustom human with something get to relax and stay away from horror and his lonely. In many verses and traditions; Quran introduced as companion to humans. In addition to introducing the Quran as a companion of man, works and features of it also expressed if a person wants a good Familiarity with Quran, must choose the best way. Using the Quran and traditions mentioned works to Familiarity with Quran based on the first days of creation the holy Quran as far, everyone has gain knowledge from it due to condition, need and their talent. Mystics, philosophers, theologians, ethics scholars, preachers and orators, rhetoric and eloquence, psychologists, historians, all of them kneeling against the holy Quran and coming with hand of need to seek intimacy with the Quran. So that they can benefits from this great ocean of god. This article was obtained using the words of elders and verses and traditions and with checking some of the articles about the Quran and Familiarity with it and think on this subject.

This research is an examination of the intellectual history during the Mashruteh (Constitutional Revolution) and the Islamic Revolution. It compares reforms contemplated by Mirza Malkom Khan and Ali Shariati. The research question is: What are the differences between reformist thoughts of them concerning their temporal situations? In this regard، we have used the findings of Thomas Springer (crisis discovery، identifying the reasons and solutions suggested by the two thinkers) to analyze their thoughts. Malkom’s thoughts were based on the confrontation with backwardness and promotion of development. He praised modernization and emphasized on religion to justify his thoughts. His main concern was to overcome backwardness and proposed the Western Progress Model as a solution. Contrary to him، Shariati concentrated on the revival of religious identity and presenting a model to encounter superficial impressions of the West، modernity and modernization. His answer to the problem was revival of the ideas of justice and freedom (return to self). For emphasizing its identity foundations and achieving progress، contemporary Iran needs thoughtful approaches and proper development models in order to meet both development and identity without endangering or preferring one over the other because the country’s contemporary history has indicated that any bias towards one of these foundations would lead to imbalance in society and its instability in long term.

This paper is an attempt to discuss about the justice concept according to MirzaMalkom Khan thought and to answer the questions about his inference and purpose from justice. The present research uses Skinner's intentionalism hermeneutics to show that MirzaMalkam Khan intended to change justice from a king attribution to an entity. He needed law making instead of Jing's tyrant commands and local autocratic system in order to achieve an institutionalized justice which he thought to be as justice ministry or EdalatKhaneh. He realized this dream through special tasks conducted in law office and compilation of unique rules for the country. He was affected by European countries and ottoman rules, in this regard. He believed that the institutional justice is the key to stability and security in Iran and provides the country with development and prosperity.

Based on many different experiences of development in various societies, there are common elements in all of these patterns. Changes in the mind and beliefs of the people, is one these factors. In Iran, in the Qajar era, this kind of elements had been appeared. There was a wave of expansion of intellectuals in the society, and publication of modern newspapers, which played an influential role in the upgrading peoples’ awareness. One of these newspapers was Parvaresh. In this article, the authors analysis its contents to find important factors for changing the society in the path of development and progress.