mohammad reza majidi

In the past three decades, the actions taken by regional integration organizations within the framework of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) and subsequently extended within the Eurasian Economic Community, the Collective Security Treaty Organization, and the Eurasian Economic Union have recreated the structure and components of the Soviet Union. The prediction of inter-parliamentary assembly mechanisms in most post-Soviet Eurasian organizations has also been aimed at facilitating and strengthening this strategy with various approaches in the CIS countries. One of the most important strategies on the agenda of inter-parliamentary assemblies in the CIS is model legislation aimed at harmonizing national laws to facilitate and strengthen regional convergence in Eurasia. Thus, the focus of this paper is to explore the role of multilateral parliamentary governance within the framework of model legislation of inter-parliamentary assemblies in the process of regional convergence in Eurasia. Therefore, it seeks to answer the question: What impact has the model legislation of inter-parliamentary assemblies within the framework of multilateral parliamentary governance had on regional convergence in the CIS countries? As a result, using a comparative analysis method based on library and documentary data, it is argued that the strategy of inter-parliamentary assemblies, namely model legislation, serves as a minimal yet foundational action to facilitate regional convergence among the CIS countries.

Since the global system is increasingly unstable and cracked, we are in the middle of a series of regional transformation processes that have created the possibility of fundamental changes in the traditional order and subsequently in the behavior patterns of the actors. These processes of change and transformation have led to fundamental changes in the traditional ways of pursuing interests and in general the foreign policy strategies of global and regional actors. Due to its sensitive geopolitical situation, Turkey has faced many challenges in foreign and defense policy as a result of regional transformation processes. This issue has caused Turkey to be in a continuous geopolitical battle simultaneously on many fronts from the Eastern Mediterranean to the South Caucasus and the Ukraine crisis due to the power gaps that have emerged in the neighboring geography. The question of the current research is what effect the processes of regional change have had on Turkey's geopolitical competition in the surrounding areas؟ The current research hypothesizes that Turkey, by emphasizing the principle of self-help in the framework of the processes of change and transformation of the global and regional order, seeks flexible and dynamic alliances and shapes the vital space and united regions in line with the goal of strategic and balanced independence. Establishing relations with the West and the East is one of the emerging trends of foreign policy. The method of descriptive-analytical research and the method of data collection is the library.

Russian invasion of Ukraine on 24 February 2022, and the outbreak of the ensuing crisis, have had important security consequences for the international system and particularly for the security environment of the European Union. Since the end of World War II, it is the first time that the European countries feel the shadow of war in this continent. In fact, this crisis has intensified Europeans' efforts to strengthen their defense capabilities. For instance, Germany has promised for the first time to fulfill its NATO commitment to allocate 2% of its GDP to the defense of the military alliance members. Moreover, the drafting of two key documents, (i.e., Strategic Compass of the European Union, and New Strategic Concept of NATO) shows significant determination to strengthen the capabilities of European countries. The publication of NATO's new strategic concept document of June 2022—which is considered the eighth strategic document of this organization since its establishment in 1949— indicates fundamental changes in the European security environment and a change in the threat perception in NATO, which is showing a tendency to return to the long-standing tradition of deterrence and defense.Notable changes resulting in a range of policies include the following: First, in the previous strategic concept of NATO at the Lisbon Summit of 2010, it was announced that the Euro-Atlantic region is peaceful and the threat of a conventional attack on NATO territories is low, but in the new strategic concept, it is said that the Euro-Atlantic is no longer in peace and the possibility of endangering the territorial integrity and sovereignty of NATO  members  should  not be ignored.  Second, the  Lisbon  summit sought to establish a strategic partnership with Russia, while in the latest document Russia is considered the most serious threat to the security, stability, and peace of the Euro-Atlantic. Third, China was not mentioned in the Lisbon strategic concept in 2010, however in the new document, Beijing is described as a systematic challenge to Euro-Atlantic security. In addition, the deepening of the Moscow-Beijing strategic partnership can be a threat to this organization. Finally, it is stated in the new document that the hybrid operations against this organization can reach the level of an armed attack, thus activating the NATO’s Article 5, which specifies that “[t]he Parties agree that an armed attack against one or more of them in Europe or North America shall be considered an attack against them all”. In sum, regardless of the outcome of the conflict in Ukraine, Russia will continue to be a long-term threat to European security.While Russia's invasion of Ukraine has strengthened NATO in the short term, its long-term political cohesion is still an important concern for the political leadership in the mamber-states. Russia's action also reduced tensions between France, the United States, and the United Kingdom which had erupted after the formation of the AUKUS trilateral security pact for the Indo-Pacific region. After the initial phase of the unity of the European countries to confront the threat of Russia, the member states have shown little signs of agreeing on the future strategies. Apparently, they have moved back toward the old way of putting their national security above the collective security. As this conflict continues, the unity of the European Union will be tested. For instance, the Eastern member states of the Union tend to demand more military support for Ukraine and the tightening of sanctions against Russia. Conversely, the Western members of the Union are less willing to strengthen sanctions,  are against sending more weapons to Ukraine, are worried about the increase in tension between NATO and Russia and are unwilling to bear the economic costs of reducing access to the Russian energy sector. Most of the leaders of Western EU countries are thinking beyond deterrence and sanctions and are preoccupied with how to manage relations with Russia in the post-crisis era. The main challenge for European security in the coming years is to strengthen deterrence against Russia and at the same time deal with other security threats.The focus of this research is to answer the following question: What will be the impact of the formulation of NATO's new strategic concept on the future of NATO-EU cooperation and European security? In the research hypothesis, it is argued that the changes in the EU perception of the Russian threat led to the formulation of the new EU strategic compass, and the emphasis on the role of NATO in European security which would strengthen NATO-EU relations at least in the short term and medium term. To test the hypothesis, the authors rely on the expert analysis offered by the analysts and researchers who have explained the consequences of the transformation of the EU and NATO's strategy for European security. Furthermore, the qualitative conceptual content analysis method is used to analyze the most important official documents of NATO and the European Union as well as the relevant policy statements made by the key government officials of the EU and NATO member-states. As expected, the findings of the research show that changes in the threat perception of the EU leadership which led to the formulation of the new NATO strategic concept have had a positive impact on the strengthening of NATO's role in European security

After the recent Arab uprisings, a great number of analyses have been proposed on the impact of social media on revolutions, which lack a comprehensive view of all stages of revolutions, particularly what happens after the collapse of the ruling regimes with regard to the establishment of new political orders. This research considers the impact of social media in all stages of revolutions and offers a consolidated explanation, regardless of objective cases. In response to question of the impact of social media on revolutions, the authors explain that social media, by developing activists’ network, serve as a structural stimulus in the beginning of an uprising before the street protests. However, these networks lack the required capacities to lead the new political order and may result in a refolution. This descriptive-analytical research, analyses the role of social media in developing activists network according to Castells’ theory, the structural stimulation of uprisings by social media according to the views of Tufekci regarding the causes of revolutions, the incapability of activists’ networks to lead the new order based on the refolution theory of Bayat, develop and consolidate these views and theories.

1960 and 1970s witnessed rise of an important movement by Latin American Christian priests that has been called «Liberation Theology». The main proposition of this Theology was to promote liberation of the poors from their distressing situation and Latin American countries from their dependence on Imperialistic dominance and oppressions. Many years before this Islamic Nations had began similar movements with same cause and same goal. This movement too has been promoted by Clerical leaders and Islamic thinkers. This article tends to pose this questions that what similarity and differences may be funned between this Christian and Islamic liberating movements with a special view on Shiite liberation movement. This article will argue on the hypothesis that the Shiite liberation theology due to itʹs anthological and epistemological characteristics which centers on the doctrine of «Universal Velayat», a Doctrine that relates god’s sovereignty on the universe to «Velayt Fagih» on the subjects (cunderer guardianships) has a unique potential for becoming an ideology which can mobilize public movement for national and social liberation. In the article we will argue for this clam with an analytical- critical approach.

 The northeast of Iran is one of the endemic regions of human T-cell lymphotropic virus type-1 (HTLV-1). This study aimed to evaluate the relationship between nasopharyngeal carcinoma and HTLV-1 infection in northeast Iran, an endemic area for HTLV-1.

 In this case-control study, paraffin-embedded nasopharyngeal tissue samples of patients with definitive nasopharyngeal carcinoma were evaluated for the presence of the HTLV-1 genome by polymerase chain reaction retrospectively.

 Thirty patients with nasopharyngeal carcinoma and 30 healthy people were evaluated. All participants were matched in terms of age and gender, and all were living in Mashhad. The HTLV-1 genome was detected in only one of the people in the healthy group.

 The HTLV-1 infection and nasopharyngeal carcinoma did not correlate significantly.

In the Brexit referendum, which took place on 23 June 2016, British people voted for their country’s exit, i.e., Brexit, from the European Union (EU). An observation of the developments impacted by Brexit seems to be significant for getting insight into the upcoming political, security, and military perspectives for the region of the Western Asia. Impacts and consequences of Brexit on political equations of Western Asia are the subject around which the present article revolves. The key questions of this article are that “What developments has the Brexit given rise to in Britain’s foreign policy?” and “What will be the conspicuous probable impact of Brexit on Britain’s foreign policy in the Western Asia?”Aligned with the central idea known as ‘Global Britain’ which has its roots in exceptionalism, post-Brexit foreign policy will increase the level of military and commercial transactions as well as political cooperation with Arab states of the Persian Gulf, augmenting Britain’s strategic penetration of the region in the close future. In the midterm and long-term, however, there are obstacles for this country in the region of the Western Asia. The theoretical framework of this research is based on the foreign policy analysis presented by Harold and Margaret Sprout and the conceptual framework we emphasize is exceptionalism. The method used in this article is descriptive-analytical.

In a political system based on Velayat-e-faghih, as the flag bearer of the discourse of religious democracy, people are both the irst and existential cause of the revolution and the accompanying system emanated from it, and at the same time the remaining cause of the two. In fact, sovereignty will have no meaning without people , because people, as the blessings of God, cannot be said to have no relationship with various ruling, managerial and social aspects of sovereignty and its great consequential aspirations which is creation of modern Islamic civilization.This article prepared with a qualitative method along with descriptive, analytical approach seeks to find an answer to the question that what mechanism and pattern should be sought in order to be able to bridge  the gaps between people and the government and to interconnect the chain of government and people at all levels, including the mass and elite, in such a way that social cohesion and public movement – which are the core basis for creation of civilization - are best achieved.This model, which is interpreted as the flow of middle circles, can be used in a specialized process, ranging from infrastructural preparation to training and staffing at the micro, medium and macro levels to employ people's capacities, especially the young generation, and to serve as linkage between the people and the government. The concept of middle rings is located in a conceptual system. Therefore, its conceptual network must be discovered and formulated. In this context, with a pathological approach, the issue of partisanship and its capacities has been raised as one of the examples of middle circles.

The social protests in Iraq which took place in 2019 and the elite turning afterward was indeed a turning point in tensed history of this country particularly in Post-Saddam era. In fact the upraising was the beginning for social unrest in which 10 provinces out to 19 provinces in Iraq has faced it. In this research we are going to survey the political socialization index in the country to turn out the social roots of the so called “October Revolution”. To do so, we will answer the main question “How the political socialization process in Iraq led to October 2019 upraising?” based on library and media sources study. For this purpose we evaluate the status of political socialization such as Family (Violence against women and parenting Style), Educational institutions, the government efficiency, Media effect and peer group and then explain the causes behind the quench the protests without the problems being solved.

The European countries have adopted a particular policy and manner to conflict with Muslims in their countries. These policies are classified into three behavioral patterns of British, German, and French. The British model is cultural pluralism, the German is Muslims’ integration in German society, and the French are melting melt pot. In their belief, Muslims must be dissolved in French culture and eliminated their religious identity. Other European countries follow one of these three models. The present study aimed to answer the following questions: ‘What effect have these strategies and patterns had on the living conditions of Muslims and the whole society of that country?’ ‘Were the approaches a plan or practical?’ ‘Which policies have been more successful quickly or strictly in confronting Islamic extremism (Takfiri terrorism) and Secular extremism (European terrorism)?’ ‘What was the practical result of these approaches in the Western European countries' social and security conditions?’

The issue of the future of Islam and Muslims in Western Europe is an important issue in scientific and political circles. This issue has taken on special security and political dimensions due to the emergence of terrorist groups and operations in the Middle East and Western European countries. In this study, according to the methods of futurology and scenario writing, possible and probable scenarios for the future of Islam and Muslims in Europe have been proposed. Four optimistic scenarios: coexistence and cultural diversity and freedom of action of Muslims; Pessimistic scenario: de-Islamization and secularization of Islam; the miracle scenario: the domination of Islam over Europe and the catastrophe scenario: the mental and practical isolation of Muslims and the increase of tensions are considered as possible scenarios and then each of them has been evaluated and validated. The most likely prediction is a combination of different approaches, especially the integration and promotion of individual Islam and the continuation of Islamophobia may be predicted as current for the future of Islam and Muslims in Western Europe.

Examining the global gas energy market, it can be seen that the European Union is still one of the largest consumers in the world, but the operational and tactical levels of the domestic market of this union have changed. The strategy of European institutions from the 1950s onwards was based on the approach of markets and institutions, which had the liberalization of the energy market and a greater focus on companies and private actors. But since 2000, we have seen the EU move towards a regional and empire strategy that seeks to elevate its global position vis-.-Vis large producers such as Russia through biased policies. The main question is what will be the EU strategy towards the domination of Russian gas? The hypothesis that will be considered is that the EU, given the shortcomings of the strategy of markets and institutions, tends to a strategic approach to regions and empires, and at the same time develops a combined strategy to balance Russia's energy power in It uses the global energy market. This article seeks to further examine the operational and tactical levels of EU energy vis-.-Vis Russia in a descriptive and analytical manner, enumerating the characteristics of the two strategies.

 Seborrheic keratosis (SK) is one of the most common non-cancerous lesions that appears on the sun-exposure areas of the body and highly prevalent among the middle-aged population. It is the result of the hyperproliferation of keratinocytes. The clinical changes in SK lesions such as sudden growth, color changes, and ulcerations are accompanied by malignancies.

 This study presents a rare case of giant SK on the flank part with rapid enlargement. The manifestations were in favor of malignancy and the patient underwent biopsy and total excision with a good outcome.

 Giant SK is a rare type of SK that has various similarities with malignant masses and requires further investigation.

Examining the role of religion and the evolution of religiosity in Western European societies, as secular societies, has always been important. Given the period from 1980 to 2010, this article seeks to answer the question of what changes religiosity has undergone in Western European societies, especially in the two dimensions of belief in religion and practice of religious beliefs. To answer this question, we have used the survey method and data analysis. In this regard, a survey program entitled "Study of European Values" examined the ideas, attitudes and values ​​of citizens in various fields including religion and religiosity since 1981 and in the form of five study waves (1981, 1990, 1999, 2008 and 2017). The survey data have been used in this article to explain and analyze the discussion. Considering indicators such as theism, religious rites, church attendance rate and adherence to traditional rituals in important matters of life (birth, marriage and death), the findings of this study show that the process of secularization in Western European countries, both in terms of belief in religion and in terms of practice of religious beliefs, has intensified and the role of religion in the lives of Western European societies is much more declining than before.

The world today is witnessing many challenges and challenges that Islamic societies have and continue to face. Issues such as globalization of phenomena, accelerated social changes, such as the expansion of cities and urban development, migration, ethnic and linguistic demands, etc., as well as climate change and drought, with many cultural and social consequences, including Numerous issues and challenges lie ahead. The Islamic world should put these topics on the national, regional and regional levels and in its bilateral and multilateral relations and welcome them for good governance. For more than two decades, the UNESCO Intergovernmental Panel on Social Change Management (UNESCO), as a specialized UN agency, has launched and pursued various programs at national, regional and international levels. Social networks are also formed within the framework of national commissions. Utilizing this capacity and similar institutions, such as ISISCO, ECO Cultural Institute, etc., and the synergy of syntax and experiences, can help Islamic societies, especially cultural and social policymakers, in this way. This article attempts to look at the most important social issues and challenges ahead on the one hand and the UNESCO Social Transformation Management Program, the experience of different communities and areas, on the other hand, some mechanisms and approaches. Confront them and find solutions.

The Belt and Road Initiative as the biggest and the boldest plan in China’s foreign policy is perceived as a great stride toward China’s self-expression and abandoning the legacy of Deng Xiaoping in keeping a low profile, which would have wide repercussions worldwide. This structural change will be especially felt in regional dimensions, and as the closer the regions are to China, the greater will be the effects upon them. Central Asia is a region that will be affected strongly by this initiative. China inaugurated its vast and ambitious strategy to revive the Silk Road in 2013 during a visit by Xi Jinping to Kazakhstan, which shows the importance of Central Asia as the gateway for China’s modern Silk Road. The nature of Chinese strategy is expansion of connectivity to have new routes for its exports to its main markets especially to Europe. Therefore a historic opportunity is provided for active participation by other states in this great endeavor to expand cultural interaction besides transit of goods. In this regard, Iran as a great nation in Western Asia with shared borders with Central Asia has vested interests in this region. Historically and culturally Iran has many commonalities with Central Asia. So, this question arises that what would be the best and the most efficient approach in regional foreign policy of Iran in Central Asia as a response to Belt and Road Initiative and what are its consequences? To answer this question it is argued that based on constructivism theory and its effects on new regionalism, an approach based on Cultural Iran is regarded as the best policy for Iran which in comparison with other approaches would be more beneficial in realizing the comparative advantage of Iran. Cultural Iran is a concept which differentiates between geographical and cultural domains of Iran. Based on its deep historical and civilizational roots, Iran is regarded as among those few states in the world which have wider cultural spheres than their actual geographical borders. Cultural Iran means those invisible borders that embrace the historical and cultural roots of ancient Persia are still alive and potentially revivable. Therefore, we hypothesize that the best strategy for Iran in the Belt and Road Initiative in Central Asia would be a cultural approach, based on Iran`s soft power. Furthermore, a comparative analysis of three kinds of approaches in Iran’s regional policy in Central Asia, including geopolitics, geo-economics and geo-culture will be provided. At the end, the obstacles of Iran’s geo-culture will be examined. Our assumption on the nature of the Belt and Road Initiative is that it is a multi-dimensional concept with different geopolitical, geo-economical and geo-cultural aspects. The main assumption in the West and especially in the United States is that BRI is a geopolitical strategy by China in challenging the current American and western global order. So, the best response to BRI must be a geological response based on power and show of force. On the other hand, China constantly emphasizes that BRI is exclusively an economic strategy without any geopolitical aspects. China claims that BRI is a helping hand for strengthening globalization, which is being undermined by the U.S. actions. Our assumption in this paper is that BRI is a mutually beneficial strategy for both Iran and China, and Iran is ready and willing to participate in it. However, as Iran has deep historical and civilizational roots in Central Asia which can be used as a soft power, it will be better positioned in BRI by trying to revive these ancient roots. In conclusion, we argue that Iran’s foreign policy has different expressions in different regions and sub-regions. Iran has mainly a geopolitical approach in the Middle East which is of course based on the nature of developments in this region. In South Asia, the Iranian foreign policy is most geo-economic, which is the main reason in Iran’s balanced relations with both India and Pakistan. Iran’s main strategy in this region is North-South Transportation Corridor, by the participation of India, Russia and Iran and the possibility for inclusion of Pakistan and China. At the end, it is argued that Iran’s strategy and approach in Central Asia should be mainly a geo-cultural one. This approach is proposed because Iran is not willing and able to challenge the traditional geopolitical influence of Russia in Central Asia and is not willing and able either to challenge the geo-economic influence of China in the region. However, by focusing on the Iranian historical and civilizational roots in the region, there will be no challenge for Russia and China but great benefits will be provided by this approach for the nations in the sphere of Cultural Iran. However, there are some challenges for Iran in realizing this geo-cultural approach. One of the main obstacles is the religious one, as Iran is a Shiite country and the Central Asian states are mostly Sunnis. Also, the Central Asian countries are secular states with a cautious foreign policy in relations to Iran. Although Iran has had a pragmatic approach in relation with the countries in the region and has been a great helping hand for them in difficult times, the image framed by the West regarding Iran, has been quite negative.

In the Least-Square Fitting method, instead of using the absolute magnitude of the error, we consider its square. Therefore, minimizing the total number of error squares leads to the magnification, which considers smaller errors. The most common way to determine the parameters that determine the curve is to determine the direction of error reduction and a small step in that direction and repeat the process until we reach convergence. This process of resolving parameters repeatedly is also known as the "gradient descent" method. In this tutorial, we use basic matrix calculations and use them to get the parameters for the best fit of the curve.

By investigating the security-political divide within the European Union despite the economic integration, the article suggests structural, internal and external challenges are preventing the EU to echo one voice in international level. The most important challenge in achieving the Common Foreign and Security Policy is Member States’ insistence on national structures such as national sovereignty and nation interests. In maintaining national structures on supra-national level, European Union is suspended between two different structure: confederate and federal. The indeterminate and fluid structure manifests itself in process of decision-making across different policy-making arenas. Achieving EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy is prevented by contradiction between the national approach (encompassing national sovereignty and national sovereignty) and the supra-national approach (limiting national sovereignty and compromising national interest for sake of common interest).This article tries to analyze the issue that why EU notwithstanding in the field political and security convergence in the international arena?

The transmission of values in a country like Iran, which has a society and political system based on religion, has a twofold importance. Cinema in our country can be improved by localizing it - as one of the most basic and most impressive media of the modern world- based on the Islamic Revolution values and principles. It is evident that the continuous monitoring and evaluation of products in this area becomes more serious. The present study is an attempt to analyze the content of one of the cinematic products and evaluate different dimensions of religiosity used in it. By making use of the five dimension model of religiosity of Glock and Stark (doctrinal, ritual, experiential, cognitive, and the one related to outcome) and by implementing the quantitative content analysis, the thrust of this research is to evaluate the dimensions and categories of religiosity used in the "The Gold and the Copper" movie through a descriptive-analytic approach. The main question of the article is: What dimensions of religiosity lie in this film and how have they been reflected in it? The results illustrate that the ritual and doctrinal dimensions (45/7% and 29/5% respectively) have the highest degree of contribution of the religious categories used in the film, while the cognitive dimension has the lowest degree (7%).

Rhinosinus polyposis is associated with voice quality reduction. There has been little evidence about the efficacy of rhinosinus polyps surgery on patients' voice quality so far. The aim of the present study was to evaluate the nasality and acoustic voice changes after rhinosinus polyposis surgery.   The population in this study composed of 30 eligible patients with rhinosinusitis and rhinosinus polyposiss. The functional endoscopic sinus surgery (FESS) was the therapeutic intervention. Acoustic voice parameters were jitter (%), shimmer (db), noise to harmonic ratio (NHR), and fundamental frequency (F0) for the vowels [a, o, e, aa, ie, and ou]. For nasality evaluation, the articulation of vowel [a] was examined using nasometer device. The changes regarding the patients’ voice were evaluated one day before and one month after the surgery. The mean age of the participants was 41.2±14.3 years. Considering gender distribution, 20 (66.7%) subjects were men. After the operation, the nasality increased significantly from 40.8% to 74.3% (P<0.001). In addition, the findings revealed the increase of shimmer and F0 (P>0.05). On the other hand, jitter and NHR changes were insignificant.   The findings of the current study showed that hyponasality decreased a month after the treatment of rhinosinus polyposis with FESS. However, the acoustic quality of voice had no significant changes after the surgery.

One of the disastrous consequences of the seventy-year-old governance of the Soviet Union's communist regime in the historical region of Central Asian consisting of five republics of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan and Tajikistan was a compulsory change in the writing systems of these countries to Cyrillic (Russian). This situation was of particular complexity in Tajikistan due to the linguistic differences with four other countries. In any case, after the collapse of the former Soviet Union, with the independence of the Republic of Tajikistan, the alphabet of the ancestors (Farsi) was expected to replace the Cyrillic alphabet (Russian), as in the early years of the domination of the communist regime, the alphabet of Tajikistan changed from the alphabet Of ancestors (Persian) to Cyrillic (Russian), but it did not happen. Therefore, in order to understand the cause of the subject, first the history of alphabetical change and in other words extinction of the Persian alphabet in Tajikistan during the Soviet era will be explained in the context of this article. Then the upsides and downsides of the change stream of the alphabet, in other words, the subject of the revival of the ancestors' alphabet in Tajikistan after the Soviet era in more than two decades will be described. Recognizing this history from two historical periods, understanding the cause and the reason why the alphabet of the ancestors (Persian) did not replace in the post-Soviet period in the Republic of Tajikistan is significantly valid in terms of providing the reasons for the opponents and the aforementioned superiors. Thus, in this paper the question, i.e. why the process of changing the Cyrillic alphabet (Russian) ancestors’ alphabet (Persian) was not realized, will be answered while studying both periods. Therefore, it is assumed that not accepting the elitism has been an effective factor acknowledging of the importance of economic and political factors. In this context, it is explained that the whispers of the first issue of the reformation of the Arabic alphabet and its replacement with the Latin alphabet in the stream of nationalism and the development of the Islamic countries were proposed by Malkam Khan and Mirza Fath Ali Akhundov and his counterpart in the second half of the nineteenth century, but his efforts had no tangible achievement. Between 1927 and 1930, the alphabet of the five Central Asian republics changed to the Latin alphabet. Initially, changing Arabic alphabet to the Cyrillic alphabet instead of the Latin alphabet was suggested, but it was rejected. At that time, such a move was seen as the institutionalization of Russian superiority, which was strongly condemned by Lenin (Hiro, 2009: 46) Although Central Asia was under the influence of Russia and the domination of communism during Soviet era, its encounter with new era was more or less like Iran, since in Iran there were whispers about alphabet change from some political and cultural elites at that time. In addition, Latinization relied on Iranian nationalism, because Latinization was a reflection of the Persian modernization and its ability to expand in line with time. In other words, Latinization was part of the movement for expressing the national existence. The occurrence of the communist revolution of Russia and the founding of the Soviet Union and the political and social events which from it, made Tajiks face a great transformation in all its aspects, and the fate of the Persian language could not be kept free of these changes. By initiating the Soviet era, Persian language was placed in a new context in cultural terms. From this period on, two fundamental factors shaped the fate of Persian language. In 1926, in the Turkology Congress of Baku, it was announced that the Latin alphabet would be used for all Soviet-Turkish languages. The prevalence of the Latin alphabet coincided with the elimination of illiteracy throughout the Soviet Union, including Tajikistan. The Qur'an and its interpretations, as well as the poems of Persian poets such as Ferdowsi, Saadi and Hafez were banned books. The influence of the pan-Turkism movement on intellectuals or reformists had reached the point where many of those whose nationality was Takij and their mother tongue was Persian, were influenced by it and denied the basis and place of their national language and culture. In a way that in the first years of the new Soviet government, Persian speakers were fined for speaking Persian in Bukhara. Even so, the Tajiks had to defend their originality and independence at the same time with alphabetical change in framework of controlling negative pan-Turkism waves. Although the process of Russianization of the various nations of the Russian empire dates back to Alexander III in the second half of the nineteenth century, but this process was accompanied by ups and downs in the Soviet era.  At first it was condemned based on the theory of Pokrovsky titled as the absolute evil of all colonial forms of English, French or Tsarist Russian until mid-1930s. After a while, the leaders of Soviet Union supported a historical new theory called “Less Evil” during next decade between 1937 and the end of the 1940s. Considering these developments, not only was there no sensitivity to the Tsarist Russia legacy, but also it was acknowledged and even praised. One of the reasons for promoting the Cyrillic alphabet instead of Latin and then compulsory language training in Central Asia, including Tajikistan, is understandable in this context. However, the acceptance of the replacement of the alphabet of the ancestors (Persian) was high at the beginning of the independence of Tajikistan, but with the outbreak of civil war in Tajikistan, and the  Cyrillic alphabet advocates exploiting this undesirable situation on the one hand and hastiness of the advocates of the revival of the ancestral alphabets on the other hand, the necessity of principle of transformation in order to achieve cultural independence was influenced and postponed for an unknown period of time. In other words, ruling situation in Tajikistan showed that law enforcement was far more difficult than its resolution. By splitting the elite community of Tajikistan to two poles, opposites and advocates of changing alphabet, the opposition contexts of opponents of alphabetical changes were more significant than the its advocates’ reasons, as the following: 1. The opposition contexts of Alphabetical change: A. Cultural Context: Disconnecting from Tajiks in Bukhara and Samarkand, stating technical problem in Persian alphabet, claiming that learning Cyrillic Alphabet is easy. B. Political Contexts: a feeling of dependence on Iran, Islamophobia, clerics gaining power. C. Economic contexts: High risk of work, recovery costs, the factor of Russia. 2. Reasons of alphabetical change advocates: A. Cultural reasons: The relative difficulty of writing, benefits of returning to self, relationship among three countries with the same language. B. Political reasons: Tajik religious interests, elimination of Islamophobia, fear of dependence having no ground. C. Economic reasons: Having shared facilities, Risk reduction, and gradual replacement. Given these explanations, it is clear that intellectual-elite cooperation and synergy in order to move toward realizing expectations in the framework of achieving progress is far more effective in the process of cultural transformation than any other transformation. Thus, in Tajikistan, the contexts of accepting alphabet change must be established within the framework of the strategy of continuity and solidarity. Acceptance, of course, only takes place when preparing the contexts of elite acceptance facilitates the public acceptance which its reflection can be found in the framework of people yes votes in a referendum, as there was the acceptance of changing Persian Alphabet to Latin in Tajikistan in the early twentieth century.

This experiment was conducted during 2015-2016 in Karaj, Iran to investigate the effect of cover crops on weed control and the use of herbicide on establishment of cover crops as a split-plot arrangement in a randomized complete block design with three replications. Main factors were Festuca ovina, Festuca rubra, Agropyron desertorum, Bromus tomentellus and control (no cover crops, weedy) and sub factor was Bromoxynil + MCPA (Bromicide M. A EC. 40) herbicide in four levels: 0, 300, 450 and 600 gha-1. Based on the findings, B. tomentellus and F. ovina species had the highest cover crop dry mater (8 and 5 kg/ m2 respectively). B. tomentellus and F. ovina species had the highest reduction in weed densities (86% and 67%, respectively) and dry weights (81% and 71%respectively) compared to the control. The interaction between cover crops and herbicide on total dry weight of weeds was significant. The most common weeds of the experiment were Alyssum desertorum, Descurainia Sophia and Polygonum aviculare. The mean dry weight reduction of dominant weeds by cover crops compared to control for D. sophia, A. desertorum and P. aviculare were 83%, 71% and 89%, respectively. The highest dry weight loss of dominant weeds was belonged to B. tomentellus and F. ovina treatments. Based on the Shannon Wiener index, the highest reductions of diversity compared to the control (1. 5) were observed for B. tomentellus (0. 6) and F. ovina (0. 73).

The emergence of a security crisis in West Asia and the overflow of refugees and asylum seekers in Europe have caused various problems for European countries. The issue of immigration to European countries has long been the subject of European right-wing parties and has strengthened the anti-immigration positions of these parties. Extremist right-wingers believe that the presence of asylum seekers in European countries creates challenges and security risks, identities and economies for their communities. Their opposition has led to slamming anti-immigration slogans and provoking nationalist sentiment and security of the presence of immigrants. Consequently, extremist right parties see any foreign citizen who wants to reside in their country or emigrate to their country as a threat, and they try to create fears, anxiety and hatred in their people by magnifying and assigning foreign citizens to each other. Although the history of the formation of right-wing parties is different, the right-wing extremist movement in Europe has managed to gain a significant vote in a similar way through the security of the immigrants, in the national elections and in the parliamentary elections. The main question of the article, the analytical method-descriptive, is how the security crisis in Western Asia has had an impact on the power of the extreme right-wing parties in Europe. In response to the question raised, the hypothesis is that the security crisis in the Middle East has led to the overthrow of immigrants to European countries and, as a result, to security, identity and economic problems, and extremist have been able to secure the presence of immigrant and asylum seekers While introducing these immigrants as a security threat, they have achieved remarkable success elections.

One of Takfiri movements which in recent years have brought violence and extremism in the West Asia is a movement called ISIS. This movement due to reasons such as absence of democracy and citizen rights, bigotry and backwardness, has emerged and has been able to sustain itself by the financial and logistics support of some regional and extra regional states for five years and has introduced the most serious challenge for the regional states. Given the nature of ISIS and its objectives and outlooks, it can be potentially a threat for Central Asia. this paper with apply the theory of encounter with modernity and the theory of failed states, seeking to the possibility and impossibility of Isis in the region. The authors are believes that Islamist movements in Central Asia are partly influenced by extremist views in the West Asia and as these views contradict with modernity ideas, the condition is ripe for the presence of ISIS. However, despite relatively stable authoritarian governments in Central Asia ISIL's presence in this area is limited. Our research method in this article is descriptive-analytic and we have used library and internet for collecting data.

Russia has tried to conceptualize its buffer zone as near abroad in post-Soviet era. Ukraine has am important position among the countries of this region because of numerous cultural and historical affinities. Therefore the security and political issues of this scope are important for Russian Federation. In 2013, Ukraine has faced to an erosive crisis and this issue has incited Russia to harsh reaction in order to manage the crisis automatically and immediately. The article intends to answer this question that how and by which tools and technics, Russia has managed the Ukraine crisis. The hypothesis is that based on Russia approach to international crisis management, crisis occurrence in near abroad usually followed by Russian military reaction. The results indicates that due to the geo-economics, geostrategic and geopolitical importance of Ukraine, Russia mange the Ukraine crisis by using hardware tools collection including military invasion of Crimea, dispatching army troops to the east of Ukraine, delivery loads of super heavy war equipment to oppositions and supplementary software tools such as holding political-diplomatic meetings, imposing energy sanction against European competitors and adopting advertising actions.