فهرست مطالب nejat mohammadifar

The emergence of Covid-19 has proven the ineffectiveness of the security-oriented state structure. Given the short-term effects of this crisis, it is imperative that governments change their global security debates and policies on infectious diseases for the future. With the emergence of Covid-19, the reexamination of the relationship between pandemics and global security has become more serious, forcing countries to rethink the scope and concept of national and international security. Based on this, the main question of this article is to answer the question by focusing on Iran, what effect did the pandemic have on the role of governments in the field of national and international security, especially in the era of Covid-19? The research method in this study is descriptive-analytical and library and internet information gathering tool. Based on the theory of human security and Bozan's theory, it can be argued that there are non-military and non-violent threats such as pandemics for the individual's existence, which should be included in the discussions related to national security in Iran along with traditional threats and focus on ordinary people instead of the government. Based on the findings of the research, Iranian statesmen should consider the field of national security beyond the traditional defense-war model and be more responsive to human security and ensure the security of their citizens against all threats.

One of the basic electoral challenges in democratic systems is the allocation of parliamentary seats to provinces and constituencies. In this context, countries act very differently in terms of the ratio of representatives to citizens in the parliament and draw the borders of constituencies based on the criteria included in their electoral laws. Since there are no fixed, standard or universal criteria and rules for allocating the number of parliamentary seats to constituencies that determine the configuration of a national assembly, countries usually do this based on demographic and geographic factors. Therefore, the research question is how one can optimally and fairly distribute the provincial seats in the Islamic Parliament? The main hypothesis here is the unfair and non-optimal distribution of the representative seats of the Islamic parliament in the current situation. In this regard, to answer the question of this research, the SECA optimization method has been used based on the criteria of population, area, number of cities and human development index. According to the findings, the optimal number of representatives of each province in the Islamic Council under two scenarios and two weighting approaches to the four criteria has been precisely determined and compared. These results show that the provinces of East and West Azerbaijan, Isfahan, Tehran, Khuzestan, Fars, Gilan, Lorestan, and Hamedan have a surplus of representatives, and other provinces generally face a shortage of representatives. In other words, the source of injustice in the distribution of seats in the Parliament is the extra seats that have been allocated to provinces.

Collective behavior is one of the social phenomena through which emerging social groups have challenged political systems. ISIS is one of these terrorist groups whose behavior can be examined in this framework. This group has been captured by propaganda and false awareness of leaders who promote violent collective behavior such as violence, terror, panic, panic, madness and rumors by using new means of communication such as satellite, internet and social networks. Based on this, the main goal of this research is to analyze the dramatic collective behaviors of ISIS based on the theory of Agburn and Nimkoff' (problem). The research method in this article is descriptive-analytical and data collection is done through the review of books, articles and internet resources (Method). The results of this study show that ISIS through collective violent behavior such as beheading, crucifixion, burying alive, burning prisoners, mass executions, selling girls and women as sex slaves, shooting and beheading ethnic-religious minorities and foreign journalists, the destruction of ancient monuments and holy places and spreading rumors as a tool of soft war has fueled the increase of anxiety, worry and terror in the societies and in this way has challenged the political systems (findings).

One of the important issues in the field of sociology is the issue of cultural change, which is influenced by various factors. One of the factors that cause cultural changes in society is the mass media and especially the new social media such as social networks that lead to changing the behavior of society. Accordingly, the main purpose of this study is the role of social networks in intergenerational cultural change in Khuzestan province. The present study is of the purpose type, applied and in terms of the nature of the correlation design. The statistical population of the present study was Khuzestan province. Data were collected through a questionnaire and analyzed using SPSS software under Windows. Based on the findings, there is a significant relationship between the use of social networks and the tendency to transcendental values, material values, attitudes toward family norms, values and gender norms of Khuzestan citizens among the three generations. In general, the results of this study showed that there is a significant relationship between the use of social networks such as Telegram, What Sapp, Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, Eta and Soroush messengers with cultural changes in Khuzestan province. This means that the more we use these social networks, the more cultural changes we will see in Khuzestan province.

Comprehensive development (economic, political and social development) is the concern of many political leaders of the world; however, in practice, the imbalance between different levels of development not only causes the ineffectiveness of the ruling regime, but also provides grounds for its downfall. On the other hand, the existence of successive political crises such as legitimacy crisis, identity crisis, participation crisis, influence crisis and distribution crisis leads a regime to the abyss of destruction. The second Pahlavi regime was not an exception to this rule in such a way that the imbalance in different levels of development (heterogeneity of development) and the existence of political crises provided the grounds for the victory of the Islamic revolution and the fall of the Pahlavi regime. Based on this, the main goal of the current research is the role of the political underdevelopment of the second Pahlavi regime in the Islamic revolution based on the theories of Lucian Pye and Samuel Huntington. The research method in this descriptive-analytical article and the data collection tool is library and internet. The results of the research show that the political underdevelopment of the Pahlavi regime as a result of the accumulation of legitimacy crisis, identity crisis, participation crisis, influence crisis and distribution crisis and development heterogeneity caused this regime not only did not solve them successfully, but these crises became dense and While making the regime ineffective, it destroyed Iran's modernization capacities and eventually caused the downfall of the Pahlavi regime and the victory of the Islamic Revolution.

The purpose of this study is the cultural components of border residents and its role in the development and sustainable security of Kermanshah border areas. The present study was conducted by a combined method consisting of two parts, quantitative and qualitative. The statistical population in the qualitative section included experts and specialists aware of the subject of research. The sampling method in the qualitative section was purposefully snowball, which reached a theoretical consensus with 30 elites and experts. A small part of the statistical population included citizens of border areas of Kermanshah province. The number of these people was 540 according to initial estimates. Data collection tools; Semi-structured interviews and researcher-made questionnaires. In a small part of the study, SPSS software was used. The results show that sustainable border security from the respondents' point of view has 19 semantic units in six common categories: "economic security", "social security", "political security", "environmental security", "military security" and "cultural security". Were located. On the other hand, the cultural dimensions of the frontiersmen included six dimensions of "participation and cooperation", "cultural cohesion", "two-way interaction", "insight and awareness", "ideology" and "zeal and chivalry". Correlation matrices between cultural categories and sustainable border security show that there is a significant and direct relationship between each of the components of this matrix. It can be said that the two categories of the core of sustainable border security and the six cultural components of border guards are in a dialectical relationship; In a way that in the bilateral interaction of these components, social order is formed at the borders and the border residents witness a kind of lasting security.

The main purpose of this research is to investigate the role and importance statesmanlike positions in women's political empowerment around the world. For this purpose, the representation of women in executive and legislative political positions has been studied and analyzed worldwide with an international approach from the past few decades to today. The research method used in this article is descriptive and data collection is done using library tools and internet resources. The results of the research show that there is a reciprocal relationship between women statesmanlike positions and their political empowerment, that is, on the one hand, female political office holders give motivation and self-confidence to other women to enter political activities and competitions and empower them, and on the other hand, Political empowerment of women encourages them to work in political and social fields. In addition, increasing the representation of women in executive and legislative political positions will lead to political stability, political legitimacy, equality, social welfare and effective governance; Therefore, most of the world's political and social thinkers continue to insist on the necessity and importance of women's presence in politics in such a way that the United Nations has made the improvement of gender equality and women's empowerment the third main goal for the development of the millennium. Based on the statistical data of the current research, there is hope that women can empower themselves politically and improve their current position by holding political (administrative) positions.

Imagining government as a powerful and all-encompassing institution which effectively controls a geopolitical area has affected the basic role of this institution in the development discourse. Because the government is considered as the main basis of political, economic and social order, its representative role is significant. Today, many thinkers and international organizations believe that the government still plays an essential role in advancing the process of development and poverty reduction but the problem is that always some governments have not been able or willing to play the expected roles. Many governments, due to various social, political, economic and structural reasons do not have the ability and capacities necessary for carring out development and poverty reduction, or basically do not show much political desire and will in this regard. Since the 1990s, those states that their governments lack the necessary ability to perform normal functions and lead their society to development have been known as fragile states. This is a concept that is more related to developing countries. On the basis of this, the main question of the current research is "what are the criteria for evaluating the capacity and willingness of fragile states in planning for development and poverty reduction?" The research method used in this research is systematic review and information are collected using library tools and internet resources. The theoretical framework of the research is based on Torres and Anderson (2004). From the point of view of Torres and Anderson, the development capacities of a government include the foundations of government authority, administrative capacity and efficiency, economic efficiency and the effective exercise of political power. A government that lacks these capacities or has these features just to a limited extent will lose its capacity and ability to advance development and reduce poverty to a large extent. In addition, from thier point of view, along with these features, the political will for development and poverty reduction must exist at the top of the government. In other word there should be an explicit political statement that shows the commitment and desire of a government to advance development and poverty reduction programs. As well, in this direction, attention should be paid to the existence of strategies, tools and motivations for implementation, so that services are provided in the best possible way and has the character of inclusiveness. Finally, Torres and Anderson (2004) present a fourfold typology of governments (weak willingness and capacity governments, strong willingness and weak capacity governments, strong willingness and capacity governments, and weak willingness and strong capacity governments) that can be used to identify the criteria for evaluating the capacity of fragile states in development planning and poverty reduction. The results of the research findings show that governments in fragile states could have a proper planning in order to improve development capacities and reduce poverty by strengthening the foundations of authority, effective exercise of political power, efficiency in macroeconomic management, administrative capacity for implementation, along with the political commitment to reduce poverty and provide comprehensive services. Based on this, the governments that have weak political desire and will, even if they have the necessary capacities for development and poverty reduction, will not succeed. Similarly, those states that have a strong political desire and will but lack the necessary capacities, will not be successful. In transition countries, where governments are usually more fragile, rapid changes may lead to instability. Therefore, it should be emphasized on gradual reforms and more accountability of governments in these countries. As the Iraq experience clearly shows, dramatic changes—including a sudden move toward fully competitive elections—in countries with weak cohesion, fragile institutions, and a history of intergroup hostility can be highly explosive and undermine the entire reform agenda. So, it is better to give priority to solidarity and security and gradually carry out broader reforms in the field of development and poverty reduction so that do not explicitly threaten the status quo. Limits such as increasing transparency and carrying out budgeting methods, strengthening non-governmental organizations, creating a strong civil society, strengthening public cohesion and trust, increasing income and reducing unemployment, improving the rule of law and the government's capacity to judge and implement it can improve relations between governments and people and provide the basis for other actions. It seems that the biggest determining factors eventually are the government, its leadership, policies and institutions; This does not mean ignoring the role of the society as sustainable development requires roles of both government and society. The development-seeking government and the development-seeking society, with their desire and high capacities for development, are the key to success in the advancing development and poverty reduction.

A moral value ​​as an interdisciplinary concept is a set of rules and principles that humans use in life. This research aimed to standardize, validate and measure the reliability of the tool for measuring moral values. In line with the purpose of this survey, after studying and examining tools available in the world (standard tools) and also completing the gaps in these tools (by the researchers in the process of conducting the research), a comprehensive tool was taken and out of all the citizens over 20 years of age in Kermanshah in 2019, 440 people were selected. The selection and data of this study were collected by cluster random sampling method. SPSS and AMOS software were used for data analysis. Cronbach's alpha coefficient is 0.936, the correlation between test halves is equal to 0.554, Guttman coefficient is 0.709, Spearman-Brown coefficient is 0.703, and the total explained variance of all dimensions together by factor analysis is 87.72. The results of the measurement model show that the CMIN/DF index is 4.58, the relative fit of CFI is 0.85, the Lewis coefficient is 0.80, and the RMSEA index is 0.08 that confirm the fit of the model. The results of this study showed that the validity of the tool used is confirmed by the use of formal and structural validity to estimate the reliability of Cronbach's alpha results, bisecting method and Spearman-Brown. Since some items of the studied questionnaires were not appropriate for the local culture, they were modified and normalized based on the opinions of experts to make the appropriate for the cultural situation of the Iranian society.

The basis of the main question of the current research is what role the Shiite clergy has played in the contemporary political history of Iran in the direction of Islamic awakening (problem). The research method in this research is descriptive-analytical and library and internet information collection tool (method). The results of the research show that at the leadership level, clerics have played an important role in the abolition of Reuter's privilege, the victory of the tobacco movement, the victory of the constitutional revolution, the nationalization of the oil industry, the victory of the Islamic revolution and the revival of the theory of Islamic awakening. At the level of public support, we can mention the announcement of Jihad and calling people to fight in Iran-Russia wars, supporting people in the Griboyedov incident and the Russian embassy, and bringing people to the stage against tyranny and foreign colonialism. At the regional level, we can also mention the efforts of religious scholars such as Seyed Jamal al-Din Asadabadi, Mirza Hussain Naini, Ayatollah Kashani, Imam Khomeini (RA) and the Supreme Leader in strengthening and awakening Islam (findings).

Why and how revolutions take place is one of the important issues that have been considered by philosophers, historians and political thinkers for centuries, and the result of their theoretical efforts has been the formation of various theories about the revolution. Jack Goldstone has explored these theories in three different generations (natural history theories, general theories of political violence, and structural theories). The main purpose of this study is an analysis of the process of the Islamic Revolution based on the views of the first generation of theorists of revolutions entitled "natural history theories". The research method in this study is descriptive-analytical and the data collection tool is library and Internet resources. The results show that in some cases, the causes of the Islamic Revolution, such as changing the allegiance of intellectuals, late and failed reforms of the Pahlavi regime, the fall of the Pahlavi regime with an acute political crisis, differences between revolutionaries and the temporary rise to power of moderates to some extent. The first generation is the natural history theories of revolutions. In general, it can be said that although the phenomenon of the Islamic Revolution in some of the above cases is somewhat in line with the views of the first generation of theorists of the revolution, but it is not fully compatible with the views of these theorists.

The main purpose of this article is the role of political socialization and its agents in the amount of political loyalty of citizens, which was done by survey method and using questionnaire tools. The statistical population of the study is citizens over the age of 18 in Isfahan with 2243249 people in 2016. The sample size was 384 with the Cochran's formula, which was selected by stratified random sampling. SPSS software was used to process the data. The results of the data analysis show that there is a significant relationship between political socialization and its agents and the amount of political loyalty of citizens. Based on the findings, between the role of family (r = 0.42), educational system (r = 0.33), peers (r = 0.37), mass media (r = 0.42), political parties (r = 0.30) and religiosity (r = 0.80) has a significant relationship with the level of political loyalty of citizens. The results of regression coefficient show that the variables of religiosity (Beta = 0.514), political effectiveness (Beta = 0.265), political events (Beta = 0.297), political parties (Beta= -0.199), political awareness (Beta = 0.069) and the educational system (Beta = -0.060) entered the equation and explained a total of 0.774 of the dependent variable variance (R² = 0.774). It can be argued that these variables play a very important role in the degree of political loyalty of individuals.

The main purpose of this study is to provide a model for explaining the intergenerational voting behavior of Iranians with emphesis on Iran’s thirteenth presidential election, which was conducted by survey method and using a questionnaire. The statistical population of this study includes all 15 years and older citizens in Isfahan, which according to the 2016 census was equal to 2243249 people. The sample size was obtained using the Lin table of 384 people who were selected by stratified random sampling method. Findings show that there is a significant relationship between the variables of political Hobbyism, political conscientiousness, Political interest and sense of social belonging with respondents' voting behavior among the first generation. There is a significant relationship between the variables of political Hobbyism, political conscientiousness, Political interest, sense of social belonging and pursuit of interests with the voting behavior of the respondents among the second generation and for the third generation between all independent variables. There is a significant relationship between social belonging, tendency to make changes, social approval and the pursuit of interests) with the dependent variable. The overall results of the study show that the pattern of Iranian voting behavior is dynamic and not static in nature; More precisely, this model has always been fluid and transformed during the four decades that have passed since the establishment of the Islamic Republic, and over time it has been constantly moving from traditional to modern concepts, so that a new phenomenon called political Hobbyism has emerged.

The main purpose of this research is to determine the impact of women's political empowerment in their environmental behaviors. The study adopted a quantitative design and used the descriptive correlational survey to collect data. The instrument used for data collection was a questionnaire. A total of 200 Kermanshahi women were chosen as the sample using a multi-stage cluster random sampling. To analyze the data, SPSS and AMOS software were used. The findings demonstrated a statistically significant relationship between empowerment of women and their choice, but the relationship between women empowerment and their agency as well as participation was insignificant. In general, a significant relationship was found between women's empowerment and their environmental behaviors. The analysis of contextual variables further revealed that the respondents' age group, educational levels, and income status affect the degree of women's environmental behaviors. The interaction between these variables demonstrates that women who have more civil liberties (choice), education, and income will play a more successful role in environmental preservation. It may be suggested that women's political empowerment leads to making decisions that benefit particular social needs/concerns, and that these decisions would lead to stringent policies to improve the situation and protect the environment, promoting sustainable development.

One of the key variables in democracies is the political efficiency of citizens', which requires various factors such as media literacy. Media literacy, while increasing the legitimacy and political stability of systems, enables their governments to pursue their domestic and foreign policies with greater power.  Accordingly, the main purpose of this study is the role of political media literacy and mass media in students' political efficiency. The approach used in this article is quantitative and in doing so, the survey method was used. The data collection tool was a questionnaire. The statistical population of this study includes students of the Shahid Chamran University of Ahvaz. The sample size was 373 people who were selected by the stratified random sampling method. For data processing, SPSS software and Pearson correlation test were used to test the hypotheses and multiple regression was used to test the experimental model of the research. Based on the research results between the dimensions of political media literacy (access to mass media (r = 0.176), analysis and evaluation of political content of mass media (r = 0.261) and activity in mass media (r = 0.513)) with There is a significant correlation between political efficiency. There is also a significant relationship between the use of print media and political efficiency (r = 0.136). It can be argued that political media literacy enables citizens to distinguish between true and false information and news, thus ensuring the health of civil society and increasing a sense of political efficiency.

The main purpose of this study is to examine the effect of moral values on people's desire for benevolent behaviors in the context of the corona virus in Kermanshah. The statistical population is the total number of citizens who are 20 years and older in the city of Kermanshah, which is 2431782 people. Out of this statistical population, 360 people based on sampling with SPSS Sample Power software were selected using cluster sampling. Face validity was used to assess the validity of the research and Cronbach's alpha was used to estimate the reliability of the research instrument. Hypotheses were tested using correlation and regression indices. The findings suggest that moral values in the dimension of perfectionism (r = 0.417), dimension of avoiding wrong behaviors (r = -0.158), dimension of moral virtues (r = 0.491), dimension of forgiveness (r = 0.208) and in the dimension of moral identity (r = 0.537) and in general (r = 0.492) has a significant relationship with benevolent behaviors. Beta coefficient for the variable of moral identity is equal to (Beta = 0.35), for moral virtues is equal to (Beta = 0.29), for moral perfection is equal to (Beta = 0.18), for moral forgiveness is equal to (Beta = 0.16), for moral gratitude is equal to (Beta = 0.17) and for avoidance of misbehavior is equal to (Beta = -0.13). The amount of T is significant for these six variables at the 95% level.

The main purpose of this paper is the effect of political well-being on students' political attitudes, which was conducted by surveying method and using questionnaire. The statistical population of this study consisted of Ardakan University students, which was 2500 according to 2019 statistics. From this population, 323 people were selected based on Cochran sampling formula. Statistical analysis was performed using SPSS and AMOS software. The results of linear regression analysis show that political well-being was able to explain 0.13% of the internal variations of the dependent variable, namely political attitude. According to the results of Pearson's correlation analysis, there is a significant relationship between feelings of political well-being with conservative political attitudes (r= -0.50), liberal (r= 0.48), radical (r= -0.68) and reactionary (r=-0.19).The results of the structural equation model (AMOS) also show that the effect of political well-being variable on the dependent variable is significant. Also, the regression equation for estimating the underlying variables analysis shows that among the underlying variables (age, gender, marital status and socioeconomic status) only the marital status variable was equal to T value (T= 3.67) and significant coefficient (P= 0.000) have been able to influence the type of political attitude.

Followed by the growth of urbanization, new concepts such as citizenship and civil rights have entered the political discourse of countries. Putting rights and obligations on society and state, such concepts distinguish the pre-modern human as a responsible person from the postmodern human as an entitled individual. In this regard, the vindication of civil rights can influence the political participation quantitatively and qualitatively. Therefore, the main aim of the current study was to investigate the relationship between the vindication of civil rights and political participation.
Based on a questionnaire, the research method was descriptive-survey. The research data were collected from different districts of Isfahan. SPSS was used to analyze the data, and 385 individuals filled out the questionnaires.
According to the research findings, there was no significant relationship between civil rights and limited political participation. However, there was a significant relationship between civil rights and consequential political participation. Furthermore, the vindication of social rights did not have a significant relationship with active political participation, although the vindication of civil and political rights had a significant relationship with active political relationship. Given the religious and value trend of political system in Iranian society and the role of religious institution after the Islamic Revolution in particular, it can be generally stated that the consequential political participation was observed in some parts of society on the one hand. On the other hand, the active political participation of some individuals was observed in society with respect to the growth of political consciousness.

The issue of participation in the political process of a society has been one of the main ideals and concerns of social and political intellectuals since the past in such a way that it can be said that the gradual development of public participation rights and establishment of political institutions practicing them are products of these concerns. In this arena, vindication of citizenship rights can influence the degree of political participation as one of the key concepts of political development in societies. Accordingly, the main objective of the present study is to investigate the relationship between vindication of citizenship rights and the degree of political participation in the two cities of Isfahan and Kermanshah. The research method employed in the present study is descriptive-survey research based on questionnaire completion. In addition, the results were investigated based on the comparative method. The data of the research were obtained from different areas of the two cities of Isfahan and Kermanshah. Then, via completion of questionnaires by 583 participants, the data were analyzed by the SPSS software. According to the findings, there was a significant correlation between vindication of citizenship rights and the degree of political participation. These values for vindication of political rights were as r=0.22 the City of Isfahan and as r=0.28 for Kermanshah City. In addition, the values for vindication of social rights were as r=0.19 for Isfahan and r=0.18 for Kermanshah. Moreover, the values for civil rights were r=0.22 for Isfahan and r=0.24 for Kermanshah City.

This article aims role quality of life on the kind and extent of political participation is written. Methodology of the paper is based on descriptive-survey, and through questionnaire data has been collected. Data obtained from different parts of the Isfahan city and then through a questionnaire completed by 385 individuals analyzed by using spss software is located. Findings of this research indicate the existence of a significant correlation among variables Personal well-being (r=0.15), Family well-being (r=0.19), Satisfaction of Interpersonal relations (r=0.28), Economic situation (r=0.15) and Social justice (r=0.28) as well as Parochial political participation. Also the existence of a significant correlation among job well-being variables (r=0.17), satisfaction of interpersonal relations (r=0.18), economic situation (r=0.19) and social justice (r=0.43), as well as subject political participation. The existence of a significant correlation among satisfaction of municipal services variables (r=0.25), family well-being (r=0.19), satisfaction of interpersonal relations (r=0.27) and social justice (r=0.24), as well as civil political participation. Also Findings of this research indicate the existence of a significant correlation among Quality of Life and Political Participation (r=0.41), generally. Findings of research indicate the existence of a significant correlation among Quality of Life and level of Political Participation, generally.

One of the main issues of sociological region is the responsibility youth’s to continue the social, cohesive relations in the society. The main goal of essay is to measure the relations between using mass media and responsibility youth’s in Kermanshah. The theoretical form is based on the social psychology. The social responsibility is based on the start measure, Lickert 5 degree. The mass media is based on the electronically media. Methodology of the paper is based on survey, and through questionnaire data has been collected. The statistical society includes all of young people in Kermanshah, they are about 360450 persons, and they were randomly chosen 400 persons. The data was gathered by questionnaire SPSS Microsoft in the windows. We applied facial validity for the evaluation of questions, Cronbach’s alpha for the reliability of questions, and Pearson’s correlation statistical method for examining the hypotheses. The results from coefficient of correlation show that there is meaningful relation between using (published, electronically) media and the responsibility youth’s. The results of regression analysis shows that the electronically media is move predictable than the published ones due to the responsibility youth’s. It can be said that media plays an important role in make the responsibility youth’s cautious, so much that it change their views. The results showed that there is bilateral relations between using media and the responsibility youth’s.

Political culture as one of the basic concepts of society, is one of its realities. It could be considered as a multi-dimensional phenomenon consisted of beliefs, values, attitudes, knowledge and political feelings. In fact, political culture is a framework which forms political behavior. According to the definition, the Shiite political culture is an integral set of beliefs, values and symbols of Shiism that obtains from Shiite resources and has been the basis of Shiite interaction against political systems and government including areas in which political culture plays a significant role. Thus, the purpose of study is the role of Shiite political culture in the soft power of Islamic republic of Iran. The method used in this research is descriptive. The data collection has applied library and internet resources. The results of the study reveal that in Islamic republic of Iran system the dominant political culture is value-based. Consequently, the legitimacy of the political system is value-based. Shiite religious teachings can help us to legitimize the formation and strengthening of such values. Increasing the legitimacy of system would undoubtedly increase the soft power.

Changes in the rate of women socio-political participation and presence are among the changes and developments occurred in socio-political sphere in Iran in the recent decades. It is expected that as women capabilities and education rate and international interactions increase، their socio-political participation and presence especially in Legislature Branch increase dramatically as well. This study is to evaluate women participation and presence in Legislature Branch before and after Islamic Revolution through comparative-analytic approach by stressing the importance of political participation of women in the development of the country. Findings of this article indicate thatwomen political participation has undergone striking fluctuation from Pahlavi period to Islamic Revolution. Although women have fulfilled scientific and socio-political accomplishments hence there is a long way to go in order to utilize their abilities in the management structure of the country pertinently. It seems that their participation in this level demands motivation and eliminating existing obstacles.

Based upon experimental assessment, the Present paper aims at studying the correlation between social capital and Political legitimacy. This research conducted based on survey method and gathered the data with questionnaire. Sample contained 200 students and selected through systematic random sampling. Face and construct validity have been used to verify the validity and alpha Cronbach’s to assess the reliability of the measurement. To test the hypotheses, Pearson correlation coefficient and analysis of variance were employed. Based on the findings of the research, there emerged dominant a Positive meaningful relationship between the social capital and Political legitimacy. However, such a meaningful impact only surfaced evident with regard to rational and Charismatic legitimacy. This meaningful impact did not gain currency regarding traditional legitimacy.