shahram yousefifar

The main purpose of this study is to analyze the nature of educational administration and leadership as an influential subfield in relation to the fields of power and religion within the historical context of Iran. Grounded in Bourdieu's Theory of Social Fields, this study adopt a new sociological perspective on education and upbringing. This approach posits that for a comprehensive analysis of specific phenomena such as the field of educational administration and leadership, necessitates examining them in the broader social issues. Therefore, utilizing the method of document research and employing the thematic analysis technique aligned with the Bourne and Clark approach, as well as the Atrayd Sterling model, the social history of Iran was studied in two periods: pre-Islamic (Ancient Iran) and post-Islamic (up to the mid-Qajar period and modern educational developments). The results revealed that in ancient times, educational administration and leadership took shape within the hierarchy of Zoroastrian Mobeds with different levels of cultural capital, aristocratic social capital, and symbolic capital derived from political positions. This resulted in a limited professional inheritance in social classes, a prominent characteristic of this specific field. The primary function of this field was the dominance of cognitive knowledge, the stratification of knowledge along class lines, and the reproduction of classes based on a managerial value system. In the Islamic period, due to the diminishing link between the fields of power and religion, as well as the relative independence of the educational field, especially during flourishing periods, educational administration and leadership became more specialized and intrinsic in nature. Renowned religious scholars, in their roles as custodians or representatives of authority, assumed responsibility for educational administration based on their professional qualifications and cultural capital. The function of this field is explicable based on its degree of independence.

The encounter between Eastern nations and the modern world, particularly in the 19th century, was a pivotal event in contemporary history. During the 17th, 18th, and 19th centuries, the East gradually distanced itself from the modern world, especially European powers. This gap was evident in the early military and intellectual confrontations between the East and the powerful states of the international system. The Ottoman Empire, Japan, and Iran were three significant Eastern states whose political histories during this period are of particular interest. These nations experienced a crisis in the 18th and 19th centuries. Aware of the similar challenges they faced—internal weakness and external threats—the intellectual and political elites of these states sought to save their countries from decline by adapting to the new global order. Beyond their shared challenges, these elites also converged on a similar solution: reforming the political system. Constitutionalism, as a product of the modern era, was seen as a means to achieve this reform and overcome governmental weakness. The constitutional movements in the East reflected the belief among the intellectual and political elites that establishing a constitutional order and drafting a constitution could transform governance.

This study argues that this historical experience merits further analysis and reinterpretation. By examining the spread of constitutional thought in Eastern countries, we can ask the following question: "How did the Iranian Constitution, particularly the Constitutional Law of Iran, differ from the constitutions of the Ottoman Empire and Japan?" This question necessitates a historical analysis of the constitutional movements in these three Eastern countries during the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The underlying hypothesis of this research is that the Iranian Constitution (1906), compared to the Ottoman (1876) and Japanese (1889) constitutions, had a different perspective on the role and status of the nation. Unlike the other two constitutions, the Iranian Constitution was the first in the Eastern world to move beyond the tradition of authoritarian rule.Interpreting constitutionalism in the Eastern world necessitates employing a historical content analysis approach. This involves a critical analysis of historical events, texts, and documents to examine constitutionalism in the East. The research aims to compare constitutionalism in the Ottoman Empire, Japan, and Iran and to identify distinctions between the Iranian constitution and the other two case studies; a historical sociological approach can be adopted. According to Dennis Smith in "The Rise of Historical Sociology," several issues are crucial in a historical sociological perspective. The first is the role of elites and intellectual or political actors in events. Second, it involves understanding events within a specific historical and temporal context, paying attention to the sequence of historical developments and the unique historical, cultural, traditional, and political context of that society. Third, it emphasizes the importance of comparing and contrasting events.

The theoretical framework of this research is based on John Austin's perspective. According to Austin, beyond the existence of written law, one must also consider the law's efficacy. By efficacy, Austin means that written law must have a practical impact, and political order cannot simply rely on the existence or writing of a law. The efficacy of law becomes relevant when the rights of the people or nation and the limits of government are respected. A similar perspective is found in the interpretation of constitutionalism, where it is argued that a constitutional monarchy is truly founded when the 'rights of the nation' and the 'limits of government' are clearly defined.

Numerous studies have been conducted on the ups and downs of Iran's constitutional revolution, each with its own perspective. However, this discourse argues that a deeper understanding of Iran's constitutionalism and particularly its constitution can be achieved by examining it within the broader context of the East's encounter with the modern world and by comparing it with the constitutions of other countries that underwent similar transitions to constitutionalism. Analyzing and explaining constitutionalism in the East becomes even more significant when, beyond merely describing historical developments, we examine their constitutions in terms of the relationship between the people, the monarch, and the law. The constitutionalist thought of that era expected that alongside goals such as a strong state, economic modernization, and territorial independence, the issue of national sovereignty or the primacy of the people's will in the constitution would also gain importance. This desire was one of the fundamental bases of the constitutional model of political governance in any state or nation around the world. However, the constitutions of the Ottoman Empire and Japan adopted a conservative and stingy approach regarding national sovereignty and popular rule. In fact, rather than interpreting the constitutions of these two states in terms of the place of the people's will and national sovereignty, the Ottoman and Japanese laws can be seen as a form of human rights or consideration of certain expedient rights for the subjects. In contrast, the Iranian Constitution explicitly insisted on national sovereignty and rule based on the will of the people. The Iranian Constitution was the first constitution in the Eastern world to describe governance as a trust granted by the people to the ruler. This was in stark contrast to the pre-constitutional Iran, where the Shah or Sultan was considered the shadow of God, the Qibla of the world, and the absolute owner of people and property. The distinction and virtue of the Iranian Constitution lay precisely in its termination of such a tradition.

Ikhwaniat or personal letters are a type of historical source that contains diverse and rich social data. These letters which are mostly written outside of the political power system, have a unique feature that based on the writer of the letter has the opportunity to talk with the audience about the issues of his life, the personal status of the audience, and the condition of contemporary society. With this information, it is possible to show social data and present an image of the social atmosphere in people’s daily lives. The purpose of this article is to read the text of the Ikhwani letters in Atabat Al-Katabah from the perspective of social history and identify the categories of social history found in this important source during the Seljuk period. The main question in this article based on the descriptive and analytical method, is what categories of daily life can be identified in these letters? Based on the finding research, the importance of Ikhwani letters for social history studies is revealed. Also, categories such as complaints and dissatisfaction with the social situation, the effect of heavenly and natural disasters on people’s lives, the social hierarchy of people and its interior layers, family issues, the effect of politics on daily life, and similar cases can be achieved in the Seljuq era society.

Museums as social and cultural institutions, arising from the various discourses of the society and the goals of its founders, while interacting with diverse audiences, can also influence different strata of society. Institutions and cultural organizations use this communication capacity of museums to promote and spread the ideals of the Islamic Revolution of Iran. "Famous house Museum" as one of the types of museums, can be related to these cultural values. "Shahid Beheshti House Museum", the residence of Ayatollah Dr. Seyyed Mohammad Hosseini Beheshti (1307-1360 AH) is one of these spaces that has been in use since 1392 AH. It operates in Tehran. While introducing and examining the components of the museum, this article tries to answer the following main questions: under the influence of which discourses does this museum represent the personality and life of Ayatollah Beheshti? Also, what are the other effective discourses in this house-museum? This research, while innovatively explaining how to use the theory of "Discourse Analysis of Laclau and Mouffe" to analyze the space of a museum and specifically "Museum House", also resulted in the following results the main discourse of the museum, about the personality of the house owner, in the position of "spirituality arising from The family of religious scholars is up-to-date, aware of the requirements of the times and a capable manager in building organizations. A discourse that has caused other aspects of Ayatollah Beheshti's personality and activities to be seen less. Also, the marginal discourse of this museum is the "Islamic Revolution Discourse" which Articulate few discourse elements with a faint structure.

The industrial revolution, by changing the way of production, left a tremendous impact on the traditional industries of nations. Affected by industrial developments, Iran's textile industry faced a challenge with machine production; These developments gradually changed the taste of Qajar Iranian society, especially the court, nobility and other classes of the society to use machine textiles. In this period, variables such as diversity in design, pattern and color, price reduction compared to handmade products, changing tastes of different classes of society and the development of trade due to the political and economic power of Europe, led to the spread and expansion of the use of machine-made textiles and the reduction of the consumption of domestic products. and as a result stagnation in many domestic textile branches. In this article, with the historical and analytical method and the use of library resources and by adopting the theoretical framework of dependence, the question is answered that what factors have been effective in creating the domestic textile challenge? And what has been the result of domestic textile stagnation? Relying on the dependency theory, the industrial components affected by the political and economic power of Europe, the traditional view governing relations and the inability to change the production method and the dependency of the Qajar government in creating challenges in textile and as a result the gradual decline of many textile branches and the unemployment of artisans. had. These findings indicate that getting rid of this situation depends on changing the production method, breaking dependence on the structure of the capitalist system, and paying attention to the introverted development model.

The Transoxiana witnessed the emergence and evolution of rural communities throughout history, dating back to ancient times. Rural life in this region has had unique characteristics due to the diversity of geography and climate, the flow of political and social events, and the special place in the extra-regional economy. The study of rural history in the Transoxiana provides extensive knowledge of patterns involved in formation, transformation, evolution and, finally, the decline of villages at the disposal of social history researchers.An essential perspective in the studies of rural communities is the investigation of the process of their emergence and establishment. Recognizing the influential factors in this process helps with a deeper understanding of rural relations and its subsequent developments.In this paper, focusing on the main question about the formation of villages in the Transoxiana region, it was assumed that the villages in this region were formed and established according to different models. Therefore, they have experienced diverse natures and socio-economic relations during their subsequent growth and development. The result of the research indicated that, contrary to the simplifications of the popular opinions about the roots of the formation of rural societies, various factors have played a role in the emergence of villages in Transoxiana.This research on the social history of the village in Iran was organized with a qualitative approach, and a thematic analysis method was used to identify information, process data, and explain the main categories.

To investigate the policy, methods and development of tyul farming in Mazandaran during the Qajar period and its results.

It is written with a historical method and descriptive analytical method using archival documents and library sources.

Based on the requirements of the province's foreign and domestic policy, in the first half of the 13th century AH, the Qajar government considered the policy of halalization of the lands of Mazandaran in order to transfer the land to individuals in the form of tiwals, in addition to the provincial military force and the like. To achieve goals such as providing security in the northern borders of the country as well as in Mazandaran as a special region in the north of Iran, but in the second half of this century, due to the reduction of the government's ability to supervise the tyuls, the rural economy in Mazandaran was damaged. In order to solve its financial problems, the government had adopted the policy of restoring and selling pure land and handed it over to the owners of the property at the beginning of the work, which was very effective in expanding private ownership, but the deterioration of the land continued until the return of property. Which should often be recorded by the government when reciting the Khalsa of Mazandaran. This issue was related to the position of the Khalsa and the owners of the Tiul and the performance of the Ministry of Finance, which in Mazandaran faced consequences such as usurpation of the Khalsa lands with fake decrees and the delay and improper implementation of the law on the return of the Tiul. Therefore, the lack of supervision and security in this type of agricultural land exploitation policy caused a destructive effect on the growth of the rural economy. One of the most important results of this process was the expansion of private property and the change in the social conditions of farmers in Mazandaran in the 14th lunar century.

After the occupation of Iran in World War II, Lorestan was located in one of the main corridors of the railway and the routes of Shoseh north to Jeno, the location of Souq Al-Jishi (adjacent to Kermanshah, Iraq, Khuzestan, and the north of the country) and the presence of clans with capacity Dissatisfaction with the central government was noticed by the occupiers. The presence of foreign military forces in Lorestan quickly caused disturbances and unfortunate consequences from the economic and social points of view.In this review, we will discuss why and how the allied military forces entered the Lorestan region and also study the consequences of their presence from an economic and social point of view. The results of the research show that after the defeat of the Lorestan mixed brigade (subordinate to the 6th division of Khuzestan) and the occupation of Khuzestan, the allied forces entered the region from the south of Lorestan without resistance. The presence and operations of these forces gradually caused insecurity, lack of food, famine, inflation, and disruption in education in some areas of the region. These issues had long-term effects on the lives of cities and villages. 

Relatively speaking, the policy and approach of the Naqshbandi Tariqat is derived from the Tariqat of Abdul Khaliq Ghajdwani (died 575AH). But the origin of this sect is attributed to Bahauddin Muhammad Naqshband Bukhari (717-719 A.H.), which was established and expanded in the Khorasan region and beyond. During the Timurid period, his successors were given the position of peshvai. However, the peak of prosperity and spread of the Naqshbandi Tariqat happened in the second half of the 9th century AH under the leadership of Khwaja Ubaidullah Ahrar (died895AH) who had a close relationship with Sultan Abu Said. Naqshbandiyeh was influenced by the cultural and political conditions of the Timurid period in Mawra al-Nahr(Transoxiana)and Khorasan. Investigation and research showed that 1: The Naqshbandi sect had an impact on the religious and religious orientation of the ruling body in Mawra al-Nahr(Transoxiana) and Khorasan, which was the center of power of the Timurids, and the prosperity of the Naqshbandi sect in Mawra al-Nahr(Transoxiana) and Khorasan was the result of a direct relationship with the system of social values and its religious principles. Tariqah was with the cultural and political structure of Timurid period society.2: the weakening of the Naqshbandi Tariqat in Mawra al-Nahr (Transoxiana)and Khorasan after the fall of the Timurids was due to the change in political and cultural conditions in the region of Naqshbandi and Khorasan, and this caused the influence of the sheikhs of the Naqshbandi Tariqa and its ability to influence the society to be greatly reduced. The method of this research, like historical research, is based on the description and analysis of library resource data, which uses Foucault's theory of genealogy in historical analysis.

The Timurid era was one of the most efficient cultural periods in Iran in terms of literature and art. Because the policies of Timur and his successors provided a good ground for cultural activities.The flow of poetry in the Timurid era expanded and flourished as it was welcomed and materially and spiritually supported by the Timurid sultans. Due to the status and high impact of poetry in the Timurid era, Timurid kings and princes used poetry effectively to convince and achieve their goals in political relations. The use of poetry in the political letters of the Timurid period was common and was considered a privilege and a virtue. Poets and writers in the Timurid era had a high political and social status. Thus, Timurid kings and princes were equally important to poetry. Thus, for the Timurid sultans, poetry was an influential tool in the politics of domestic and foreign relations. Although the Timurid rulers were fond of poetry and poets, and many of them wrote poetry themselves; But the cost of Timurid kings and princes for the development of poetry was politically motivated and met their political expectations.

Water and land were two important factors of production in Iran and irrigation water depended on type of ownership. According to the differences of geographical location and social status of Iranian Plateau, the situation of water and land ownership changed in different areas. Climate, social status, and strategic situation of Mazandaran Province affected the model of land and water ownership and gave them characteristics. We intended to answer these questions in this study: What institution built Mazandaran water facilities? How was the situation of their ownership? What effect did the production system and land ownership have on the water ownership and Mazandaran irrigation situation? The findings of this study showed that the water ownership right was directly affected by landholding system and the relationship between landowner and farmer. This right was under the supervision of religion and traditions of Iran in Qajar era. The ownership of Mazandaran important rivers was in a form of Khaliseh (governmental) and water delivery and distribution was done by the villagers (Mirabi) from the Khaliseh villages. Climate and soil fertility were important factors in growing types of crops and in making water facilities such as Ab-bandan (water storage ponds) and Qanat, which were made by the people. Government mostly monitored water resources during the water distribution and building dam on them. Also, government benefited from Khalise right. This issue was examined historically and the data are provided from library documentation and archives. An explanatory method of describing and analyzing the subject has been used in this study.

The emergence of war with neighbors, internal conflicts and the emergence of conflicting centers of power due to the weakness of the central government, the rebellion of the Ghezelbas, the independence of local rulers and looting of some border tribes during the turmoil, the causes of urban imbalance and low This period counts. The present study is an interdisciplinary study; This means that it will rely on sociological studies of the lower classes and historical study and will use an explanatory and interpretive approach in the field of historical studies. This study seeks to answer the question of how the impoverishment of urban society occurs as a result of power struggles? And what were the consequences of subjugating the people in reproducing more conflicts? Also, what was the political reaction of the lower classes in the face of their unhealthy situation? This article has reached the general conclusion that in this period, the urban masses increasingly lost their existence and financial support and did not have the opportunity to revive financial resources and return to a balanced life, and some of them to the bottom of the social hierarchy. They fell. Decreased quality of life led to an increase in the number of urban downtrodden. In such circumstances, the lower classes, in order to change their situation and improve their situation by joining and accompanying some of the protests and social riots of this period, also resorted to acts of violence.

Reza Shah's renovation program can be considered as a continuation of the demand for fundamental reforms in the constitutional era. These social and economic reform projects were implemented throughout the country, and of course, in some areas, such as Lorestan, due to local requirements, they faced special challenges and obstacles. In addition, in the Lorestan region, the Ili Haro region itself had more special conditions: due to the social unrest in that region, it was more difficult to establish order and security and to carry out modernization measures.In this article, the implementation of Reza Shah's renovation plan in Haro region is examined through a historical study method to answer the question of what were the obstacles to the implementation of the government renovation program in Haro region and how were they removed? The results show that despite the opposition of influential groups in the region (such as Khavanin Beyranvand), the government implemented the renovation program with measures such as general disarmament, road construction, nomadic settlement, deportation of dissidents, establishment of schools and other cases, with authoritarian procedures. Due to the adoption of non-expert methods of renovation program in the Haro region had some unfortunate consequences in the social life of the people.

This movement was based on the formulation of a set of laws and the establishment of new educational institutions. This article aims to analyze the issue of modernizing the educational system based on the laws approved by the First Islamic Council during the constitutional period. To answer the question, based on which challenges, demands and problems did the representatives of the first parliament formulate the laws and guidelines And review the laws and negotiations of the representatives of the first parliament in relation to the expansion of public education and the strengthening of the country's schools and the change of the old educational structures. Related to education. And what were the most important indicators of educational modernization in the field of schools and teachers? Surveys show that some parliamentarians were trying to prepare the ground for local modernization in accordance with the country's requirements by taking ideas from western educational reforms. This article tries to explain the effect of the parliament on the establishment of new education in Iran by analyzing the debates of the parliament and review the laws and negotiations of the first parliament representatives regarding the expansion of public education and the strengthening of the country's schools and the change of the old educational structures. Also, the examination of these indicators along with the demands and problems of the field of education in a coherent manner in this article shows the continuation of the problems in the next periods and the need to address them

After moving from the asceticism (See Arberry 2007: 32–47), Sufism has always tended to redefine its basic beliefs and restrictive frameworks to getting out a number of groups who distanced themselves from certain frameworks and social behaviour and called them "non-Sufi" or "Sufi-pretenders." This method of differentiation was basically to reduce public criticism of contradictory behaviors of members of Sufi groups. This article focuses on the procedures of differentiation between members of Sufi groups in the Middle Iranian history, its goals and social consequences. The issues of this research are: Was the formation of a group called "Sufi-Pretender" among Sufi communities, due to the people's acceptance of the teaching of this movement or the weaknesses of Sufi organizations that provide the opportunity to form a group disproportionate to the invitation of Sufis? What solutions did the Sufi leaders find to deal with this problem and to settle the heterogeneous people from within their community? The methods of differentiation among Sufi groups were based on what necessitated and how were they defined? In this regard, it seems that the procedures of redefining the identity, in the form of formulating the practical life of mystics, emphasizing the practices of Sufi education, improving the livelihood of the group, informing the people.

From pre-Islamic times to the end of the fourth century AH, the political community of the eastern plateau of Iran, especially Khorasan and Transoxiana, consisted of local governments. These local governments were independent in managing their internal affairs. In the fourth century AH, the Samanid society suffered from internal security crises (tensions and conflicts between social groups) and external crises (attacks by Turkmen forces, especially the Karakhanids) due to the changing value patterns and high sectarianism. In this situation, by weakening the voluntary aspects of social order, the political dimension of order (force) was inevitably created with the help of military institutions and led to the transformation of the power structure and the transition from the Samanids to the Ghaznavid military government. In this regard, Ghaznavid law enforcement and military institutions, based on their organizational nature, tried to exercise direct and comprehensive control over Khorasan and neighboring lands by eliminating local governments and applying repression and establishing a security environment. In other words, the goal of Ghaznavid centralism was to use all available capabilities in society to deal with increasing security crises. This article examines the security situation in the Samani-Ghaznavid community and shows why the security crisis led to the removal of local governments in the region and what were the consequences for society. The method of this qualitative research is library study with the approach of contextual analysis.

Qajar dynasty Paid special attention to crown land as one kind of historical government landholding in Mazandaran region because of its unique natural position. According to Financial and official policies, government adopted different measures in crown lands (khalisa) including (increase or decrease) and this has a great impact on landholding matters in that region. In this survey, the state of crown lands (khalisa) in Mazandaran during Qajar reign has been considered in terms of government Policy and its legal, economical and social consequences. The thesis question Follows as: how was the government policy in crown land affairs in Mazandaran? Why has the government performance changed periodically? What was its social and economical effects? Analysis of relevant data shows that the state of crown land in Mazandaran exposed to changes depending on general conditions. In the first half of Qajar dynasty, the policy of increasing area (in different ways) and variety of crown lands were adopted. Then in various reasons, The process of decreasing crown lands in different ways including has been accelerated in middle and late period. In this survey, the required data has collected from relevant references including first and second hand historical references and archives documents) and has analyzed in a qualitative way. Then prevailing patterns on process of changing crown lands have been extracted. The outcome of present survey not only represents a pattern for land holding history studies in Iran, but also introduces new field of study connected to this subject.

n the process of modernizing Iran's education system, the constitutional period is the beginning of fundamental changes. Various figures, institutions, associations and spectrums of people played a role in this development, but the role of parliamentarians has received less attention. In this article, while examining and analyzing the various opinions in the first parliament in the field of education, we will answer the basic questions of why such positions were adopted in this parliament. What problems did the Iranian society face in the structure of education at that time? And what proportion can be drawn between the laws passed by the parliament, the positions of the deputies and the problems of the society? By formulating these views and positions in the form of indicators related to the field of modernization of the educational system, we try to follow up on the consequences and examine the continuity or rupture of the votes and approaches of the first parliament until the next decades.

Damascus, the largest city in Sham and the capital of the province before and after the rise of Islam, is one of the oldest cities in the world, which has played a very important role in the political and social developments of Islam.Mu'awiyah is one of these rulers who had a direct influence on the situation in Damascus and was influenced by it during his caliphate. Therefore, the present article, which seeks to examine the political and economic situation in Damascus during the reign of Mu'awiyah, will examine the two issues of the political and economic situation in Damascus after expanding the conceptual space of the research topic. According to the thematic documents presented in this research, the research method is descriptive-analytical and the method of data collection in this research is library. The study's findings suggest that by choosing Damascus as the center of the caliphate, Mu'awiyah was able to consolidate his power base in Damascus and Sham during his emirate and change the city's political situation.Simultaneously with the use of the tax system and the innumerable wealth he had gained from Sham, he prospered the city of Damascus economically, and finally, according to the necessities that existed for the formation of the Islamic State, to establish or expand and develop various political institutions. Governments such as the political, economic, social, and cultural courts, as well as some institutions, established the centers of the foundations of their governmental authority.

Until the Naserid period, Iranian women clothing was different in and out of the home and was directly influenced by the common moral pattern. Changes in common patterns emerged from Iranians' familiarity with the manner of social presence as well as male and female clothing in the public sphere of western society, from the Naserid period onwards, and has had various effects over time. This process is examined in the present article to answer this question: Between which strata of society and regions of Iran did the change in the style of women's clothing during the period in question occur, and what social and cultural contexts were most effective in this regard? Based on the results of this study, it can be said that due to the increasing social presence of women, the process of fitting their clothing with the requirements of new social relations was within the framework of the ethical order and living patterns of Iranian women. But what happened later in the process of policy-making and implementation of socio-cultural programs by the government has caused ambiguity and numerous damages to this process.

Shahsevan tribe, as one of the greatest tribal unions in the history of Iran, lost a vast proportion of its winter quarters (qeshlaq) during the wars between Iran and Russia, their movement being restricted to Moqan plain (for winter quarters, qeshlaq) and Sabalan hillsides (for summer quarters, yeylaq). Finally, a portion of Shahsevans were forced to settle in Moqan plain in Reza Shah Era. This article, by gathering data to do with Shahsevan tribe from historical references and archives and by using historical method and descriptive-analytic approach, studies the ways and manners of shahsevans' settlement in Moqan plain, arshaq, winter quarters of Sabalan and Areas adjacent to mentioned areas. The results show that giving governmental lands to people and taking guarantee (assurance) from them as well as construction of gendarmerie stations for preventing nomads from rebellion and disobedience, Action to create irrigation channels, besides establishment of settling officers in settled regions, establishment of agricultural schools, burning wandering instruments, Pasture tax elimination and regulating new agricultural laws, were the most important causes of Shahsevans settlement in Moqn plain and its neighbor regions.

This study was carried out on the social history of the village in Iran and to identify and categorize the social issues in the villages of Salas area in 1325 AH. Despite the importance of rural society in Iranian history and the eve of the Constitutional Revolution, few studies have focused on issues of the peasant movement and territorial issues, relying on observers, activists, and little reflection on rural issues in the media at the time. While understanding the rural community requires a deep and broad understanding of social relationships based on a comprehensive description of the reality of the community in question at any given time. The present study was based on data from the Legal Documentation Collection (Sentence Implementation Office, 1325 AH) of a sample province (Mahallah Salas and ,Shaghaghi), comprising a homogeneous community of middle villages, Garmrood and Sarab, Miyaneh, what were the challenges and social issues of these rural communities?

The review and revising of the Barmaki's construction-infrastructure policies from the environmental point of view and the importance of this concept to the prominent personalities of this Iranian family is the main objective of this study. Although the presentation of a coherent historical explanation of Bermakan's awareness of the concept of environmental protection is difficult, but an attitude to their construction-structural measures and activities indicates the importance of this concept to them. The question of this research is, what are the most important beliefs and cultures in the focus of attention on the environment, and which perspectives have affected the attitude of the Barmak dynasty to the environment? In response to the above question, it has been assumed that the developmental, economic, and cultural approaches adopted by the Barmaki family have a source and source of environment that can be viewed in two dimensions of Iranian-Islamic culture. And the atmosphere. Accordingly, the achievements of this research show that on the one hand, Barmakian, as the first influential Iranian families in the court of Abbasid caliphate, considered the patterns of environmental attention from the ancient periods of Iran. On the other hand, they have reached the highest political positions in the most important political institutions of the Abbasid caliphate, as part of the Muslim family, from the point of view of jurisprudence from the point of view of the environment as well as its dimensions and aspects, as well as why and how They looked at it.

In the aftermath of the invasion and domination of the Mongols over Iran (7th century AH / 13th AD) and the emergence of widespread social crises of the lower class, it was necessary to adopt appropriate supportive policies to regulate their situation and reduce poverty, in order to ensure social stability and security. The issue of poverty and reconciliation of subordinate groups was considered in the opinions of medieval scholars, including Khajeh Nasir al-Din Tusi, and the results were drawn to the development of social protection programs by the private sector orgovernment to the extent that Khajeh Rashid al-Din Fazlollah Hamedani, established a support system for the descent in the Rab'-e Rashidii.
In the present study, based on the information of the Rab'-e Rashidii and historical sources, we intend to answer the question of what were the priorities and needs of the lower class groups financially at that time, what policies and solutions to meet the needs of those groups and has social protection been taken? The result of the review confirms that in the Rab'-e Rashidi, an effective support system was designed to identify the needs of subordinate groups, in order to achieve its sustainable stability and security in the community, and to gradually empower and eliminate the traditional social damage to those groups.

The Umayyads' getting to power in the Levant provided them with the basis to develop their relations with the people of Damascus who made up a large part of the Levant's (Shām) inhabitants. The inhabitants of Damascus were under the Roman rule until the Islamic conquest, and were to accept the new Muslim rule. Therefore, the Ahl ul-ḏimmah had to maintain the social and administrative position they held during the Roman domination, and the Umayyad Caliphs also needed the expertise and experience of the Ahl ul-ḏimmah to govern their vast territory. This study seeks to answer the question of how the people of Dhimma maintained their social status in the social structure of the Umayyad government and were able to dominate the Umayyad administrative structure.