جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « democracy » در نشریات گروه « علوم انسانی »

Western democratic political systems, mainly after the Second World War, have become widespread as a good model for governing different countries with different cultural diversity. After the fall of totalitarian regimes at the end of the 20th century, governments based on people's votes and the separation of power of main circles became the category of political development. After the victory of the Islamic revolution and the design of the model of religious democracy and the prominence of the role of the people in domestic and foreign policy issues, a new form of political governance was proposed, which has significant differences compared to Western democracy. The model of religious democracy that emerged from the victory of the Islamic Revolution in the view of the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution and his explanation of it has benefited from a special prominence. In the present study, the author seek to examine the views of the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution in relation to religious democracy. Therefore, the following question is raised: What are the epistemic bases of the model of religious democracy in the view of the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution? In response to the above question, the following hypothesis is proposed: the model of religious democracy considered by the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution is based on the principles of establishing justice in society, law-oriented, freedom, people's satisfaction and justice. The research method of this article is descriptive-explanatory and the method of collecting documentary sources.

In today's world, changes resulting from new technologies have significantly impacted human life and the learning processes of students, seriously challenging traditional methods of education. It has only been a few decades since the term "educational technology" has found its place in the global educational culture. Educational technology encompasses the systematic design, implementation, and evaluation of the entire learning and teaching process based on specific objectives and research outcomes in human learning, communication, and the use of a combination of human and non-human resources to create more effective education. Thus, we are faced with the study and ethical practice through the creation, application, and management of appropriate technological resources and processes to facilitate learning and improve performance. In this regard, the fundamental issue of education from the perspective of social sciences is extremely significant. This issue, particularly in the legal and especially human rights approach, asserts itself as a universal right. As a human right, education is a universal right for all humans. This right also serves as a means to achieve other human rights and a tool for social and economic empowerment. The fundamental issue of education on one hand and educational content on the other are significant topics of the world's educational systems, which, along with teaching tools and methods, collectively strive to prepare generations for the acceptance of global and local cultures. By accepting the right to education and emphasizing socialization, it is the duty of democratic governments to embed the teachings of democracy and rights into new generations. In fact, democratic principles and traditions must be taught so that people become aware of and appreciate their opportunities and responsibilities as free citizens. Teaching democracy is not limited to traditional knowledge learning but should be promoted through other means as well. Today, the term "educational technology" carries a progressive and evolved concept, and its scope of utilization is not merely confined to the use of educational materials and tools; it embodies a broader and more modern concept. Today, to clarify educational matters, diversify the means of the teaching process, and elucidate lesson content, the use of educational aids by teachers is inevitable.

Intelligent State is the State which is the artificial intelligence (AI) its agent and not human beings. The technological process is shown that such States will be established beyond electronic State and Cyber State on the basis of human reliance on optimized decision making by AI and transformation of the constitution to the constitutional algorithms. The present descriptive-analytical paper seeks to answer the question of that what would be the position of human rights at the possible future fulfillment of the intelligent State. This shows that wide information which is given by users and citizens to them, leads to more confidence in AI. So, it is expected that AI will revolve the concept of privacy and many jobs and make fundamental changes in social institutions such as the family. This process requires that democracy and political rights which is aroused to find new concepts to evolve supervision on the State, to develop citizenship to AI and causes losing human rights’ position in international relations. In fact intelligent State is a danger to human dignity itself and what it will dispose this danger is global consensus on constitutional algorithms ethics and values.

Hegel by studied the French Revolution and its negative outcomes, and he identified democracy as a kind of mass that is not only unable to protect the basic rights of minorities, but also prevents freedom from being realized. Hence, he rejects universal suffrage as democracy undermines the role of representation in political life and even tends to cancel it, so in such a situation an individual cannot be represented and with the domination of the public vote is so insignificant that the outcome will not be extended beyond the "the tyranny of the majority". As a result, people will vote to gain material interests and seek immediate impulses. In this paper, Hegel critical attitude toward democracy and its challenges, as well as their suggestions for the ideal government form, are analyzed.

Moral realism is a meta-ethical debate and is very influential in the field of ontology of moral judgments and in understanding theories. In order to distinguish between realism and non-realism, theories are distinguished in the field of value. In this article, we classify the contemporary theories regarding religious government in terms of realism and non-realism. The importance of the issue is that, firstly, the confusion of ideas such as jurisprudence and secular ideas is avoided, and secondly, the essentials of each idea are recognized from the other. Few researches have discussed the theories of theocracy from this point of view. The views regarding the government structure can be divided into three categories: realist, unrealistic and dualist. Theories such as pure contractualism are unrealistic, and theories that present a secular interpretation of religious democracy, such as the argument on the distinction between universal beliefs and personal beliefs, or the theory of Islamic democratic government, and other similar theories are dualistic. Shiite jurists, despite the difference in interpretations and differences of views in the field of religious governance, are all realists. Those who believe in absolute velayat or limited velayat, those who believe in hasbiyyah matters or non-hasbiyyah matters, those who believe based on al-faragh region or any other jurisprudential point of view have spoken based on realism. Therefore, according to the jurists' point of view, firstly, democracy has nothing to do with pure contractualism or dualism; Secondly, the rulings of Sharia are subject to real benefits and corruptions; Thirdly, God's commandments are a reliable source for understanding real values and recognizing real advantages and disadvantages; Fourth, people's opinion will be a matter of value in order to have a real effect on real materials; Fifth, the role of the individual will of the rulers or the will of the people is not the source of value, and in a sense, it is unrealism and incorrect individual and social relativism; Sixth, the evaluation criterion of all rulings, including the rulers' vote and the people's will, is a real criterion; Finally, people will be the owners of rights and obligations based on the true criteria of Mukhtar.

Researches on the subject of "governance" are expanding in the scientific space, but this subject has not yet found a clear literature. For this reason, this research tries to approach some important aspects of governance in its new meaning, so as to firstly create a correct understanding of them, and secondly, to clarify the relationship of the Islamic Republic of Iran with those aspects to some extent. The main question of this research is as follows: What challenges and opportunities do the fundamental features of the new governance create for the Islamic Republic system? Due to the scope of the aspects of governance, this research will only clarify the relationship of governance in the new sense with authority and democracy as two important aspects that have the most contact with the current political system of Iran, so that with a degree of self-awareness, we can understand governance in the field of political and Social life. This research has shown through analytical-descriptive method and with the help of reliable library documents and by introducing three rationalities as three types of governance that governance in the new sense is compatible with the third rationality. The findings of this research show that governance based on the third rationality challenges and opportunities such as greater participation of people in decision-making, increased productivity in the implementation of policies, increased socio-political legitimacy, lack of attention to Threats in the field of culture and fixed religious values create a severe limitation in policy-making related to transcendental values.

Freedom of speech, a cornerstone of democratic societies and a legal-political tool is one of the most contentious issues in human societies. Due to its special nature, it is both a fundamental right and a potential threat to those in power. Consequently, it serves as a key indicator of a democratic system Freedom of speech plays a vital role in preventing tyranny by fostering public awareness and critical thinking, which holds rulers accountable. However, defining its limits and preventing government overreach remains a challenge. The government has a dual obligation: to refrain from unnecessary intervention and to guarantee this right for its citizens. This descriptive-analytical article examines the relationship between Iranian criminal law and citizens' freedom of speech. It seeks to answer the following questions: - Does Iranian criminal law guarantee freedom of speech? - Conversely, do criminal regulations themselves violate citizens' freedom of speech? -What are the examples of these violations?[1 The analysis begins by defining freedom of speech and its limitations as outlined in international documents. It then compares these provisions to the Iranian Constitution. Subsequently, it examines regulations in Iranian criminal law that both support and violate freedom of expression. Freedom of speech allows individuals to express their beliefs without fear of government reprisal. It encompasses the expression of thoughts, theories, values, and opinions through various means, including speech, writing, images, and the press. "Expression" is used broadly, encompassing linguistic (speech, etc.), non-linguistic (images, gestures, etc.), written (books, newspapers, etc.), and non-written forms. Today, art forms like paintings, caricatures, films, theater, and music are also prominent expressions. Even silence is a part of freedom of speech; individuals can choose not to reveal their views. The right to freedom of expression, a cornerstone of human rights, guarantees that all members of society can express ideas and opinions, access resources and information, create and enjoy art, and participate in cultural life and scientific development. This right is characterized by eight key components: Universality: Everyone has this right equally, regardless of race, color, nationality, gender, language, religion, opinion, social origin, or property. Global Scope: This right extends beyond geographical borders. Content: This right encompasses a wide range of information and opinions. Two-Way Communication: This right includes both receiving and transmitting information, ideas, and opinions. Positive Obligation: The right imposes a positive obligation on governments party to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. They are required to take necessary measures, such as establishing laws and providing compensation for violations, to ensure its observance. 6. Method of Expression: There are no limitations on the method of expression. Individuals can use any media of their choice to communicate their ideas. No Indirect Interference: Any attempt by the government to directly or indirectly limit this right constitutes interference. Examples of indirect limitations include imposing special taxes on media outlets to hinder their activities or requiring them to broadcast government-approved content or refrain from criticism. Positive Duty of Governments: Freedom of speech necessitates the free flow of information and ideas. This right places a positive duty on governments to ensure its existence. The research findings suggest that Iranian legislators have violated this right by introducing ambiguous and complex terms like "Islamic standards," "Islamic principles," "Islamic rules," "national interests," "public rights," and "contrary to Sharia content and Ethics." These violations occur in both the Constitution and ordinary laws. The Iranian Constitution does not fully recognize this right as an independent and fundamental legal right. Furthermore, criminal legislation implements this right minimally through strict regulations, depriving citizens of its full potential. Iranian laws do not guarantee freedom of speech. The Islamic Penal Code, Press Law, Law on Punishing Unauthorized Activities in Audiovisual Matters, Law Prohibiting the Use of Satellite Receiving Equipment, Law on Political Crimes, and Law on How Parties Operate criminalize acts such as insulting authorities and holy places, assembly and collusion to disrupt security, forming or managing groups with the intention of disrupting national security, acting against national security, propaganda against the regime or for opposing groups, conspiracy against the Islamic Republic of Iran, cooperating with hostile governments, disrupting public peace and order, publishing lies to disturb the public mind, publishing content against public morals, and anti-Islamic educational activities. These all restrict freedom of speech. Moreover, legislators have further hindered the future of freedom of speech by opposing proposals and bills such as "Establishment of Supreme Courts for the Protection of the Constitution," "Amendment of the Press Law," and "Guarantee Freedom of Assemblies and Marches." Conversely, they have proposed legislation like "Protection of Cyberspace," "Punishment of Publishers of Fake News in Cyberspace," "Punishment of Commenting Against the Opinion of Official Authorities," and "How to Hold Ral ...lies." Conversely, they have proposed legislation like "Protection of Cyberspace," "Punishment of Publishers of Fake News in Cyberspace," "Punishment of Commenting Against the Opinion of Official Authorities," and "How to Hold Rallies and Marches." These proposals suggest a potential for further restrictions on freedom of speech.

In conclusion, Iranian criminal law presents a significant challenge to citizens' freedom of speech. The use of ambiguous terms and strict regulations within the legal framework significantly limits the ability of citizens to express themselves freely. The opposition to reforms and proposals for stricter online control suggest a bleak outlook for the future of free speech in Iran.

Democracy is one of the most powerful words in the world. In other words, democracy can be understood as an ideology, a concept or a theory. Democracy has been created in the field of politics and has been discussed in governance, but in recent years this concept has placed itself in organizations and companies and the business world in general. Commercial democracy is a concept that can be a way to achieve success, growth and development of organizations and companies. The aim of the current research is to present and formulate the commercial democracy model of Iranian petrochemical companies. This research was done qualitatively. The data research strategy is the foundation. The intended community includes business management specialists, professors with books and research in the field of business policy, as well as experts in the field of political science and political economy and high-ranking people of commercial organizations. Sampling is snowball and purposeful. Also, the data analysis method is based on the foundation's data analysis method with a systematic approach to the coding method. After analyzing the data, the results show that 27 categories for causal, central conditions, strategies, interveners, environmental categories and consequences have been obtained by the researcher.

Depicting the relationship between religion and modernity in the changing world  caused by the modern crashing waves, which sweep away all religious values and beliefs at a high speed, has been one of the tasks of the new religious thinkers. This trend has always tried to provide an up-to-date reading of religion by re-reading religious propositions in accordance with the evolving conditions caused by modern affairs. "Mehdi Bazargan" and "Ali Shariati" are two Iranian modern thinkers who have tried to determine the position of the religious subject in the new era based on the reinterpretation of traditional foundations in interaction with the new era. Using two narratives of authoritarianism and dialogue-centered relationship between subject and authority as a theoretical approach and qualitative content analysis method, this article has examined and explored the opinions of Bazargan and Shariati. The findings of this research indicate that the method of each of them had differences from another method; Concerned about providing a definition of traditional religious foundations that is compatible with the modern world, Bazargan tried to provide more space for the subject. On the other hand, Shariati, by emphasizing an ideological reading of Shi'ism, aimed to remove the subject from the control of traditional authority and emphasize her humanity even while remaining loyal to traditional teachings.

This article addresses the Quranic political approach in the thought of Malek Bennabi, exploring solutions to the dilemmas of the concept of politics in its various aspects. Malek Bennabi contends that the Islamic world has borrowed its concepts from the West, emphasizing the need to return to its Islamic roots and heritage. It also underscores the necessity of investing in the Quranic text and its comprehensive vision in studying the concept of politics. The significance of the political aspect lies in its representation as the forefront of any reformative change, and this article attempts to elucidate the relationship between a nation's politics and its righteousness. Within the framework of Malek Bennabi's goal to reveal the boundaries of the Quranic approach in addressing the concept of politics as a practical model, we observe the effectiveness of this approach in achieving proper guidance towards a nation's righteousness and its politics. Amidst this conflict and debate, Bennabi's contribution lies in providing solutions from a comprehensive critical perspective, considering the multidimensional aspects of the subject. He presents a critical view of the shortcomings in contemporary Islamic discourse and offers his theoretical political alternative. The analytical method employed in this article is critical and comprehensive, drawing from the spirit of the Noble Quran and the purified Prophetic tradition. The most significant findings include religion as an objective framework, imposing itself on any political thought or action seeking to restore a nation to its former glory. Furthermore, the return of Islam to life and the revival of the nation's role in the human arena necessitate first and foremost the elimination of the idea of separating religion from politics, as viewed by Imam Khomeini. It is also emphasized that principles and foundations enable religious thought to revitalize Islamic thinking and address the ailments afflicting politics.

Theories of institutional economics emphasize the importance of the method of political governance as a determinant of financial market development. In the economic literature, based on theoretical perspectives, there are two completely different and contradictory perspectives on the impact of democracy on financial development. In fact, in theory, democracy may have a positive or negative effect on financial development. Therefore, empirical studies should be performed on a specific sample to determine the positive or negative relationship. Accordingly, the purpose of this paper is to investigate the relationship between democracy and financial development in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) using the Panel Smooth Transition Regression (PSTR) model during the period 2002-2021. In this study, a two-regime model with a transfer function and one threshold was determined and the results of estimating the first and second regimes show that democracy in both regimes has a negative and significant effect on financial development and since increasing the numerical values of the democracy index in this study means that the level of democracy is deteriorating, so the results show that improving the level of democracy leads to promoting financial development.

The issue of guiding man and bringing him to happiness has been one of the goals of divine prophets; This is the basis of the call to monotheism, prophethood and the introduction of the next prophet in divine religions and Imamate in Islam, resurrection, their tidings and warnings to realize this goal and great ideal. He sent the perfect man to lead mankind to happiness and perfection and placed him as his guardian on earth and this path was current in all religions until he reached the religion of Islam and with the end of prophethood, the imamate continued the goal of the prophets for the happiness of man. and reason dictates that the successors of the divine ambassadors should be the people most similar to them, who were appointed as successors based on the Shia view, the twelve imams, and in the age of occult jurisprudence, based on reason and religious texts. In contrast to the opinion of the Sunnis, they believed in the theory of election, that they believed in the Shura for election. Mr. Shamsuddin is one of those who accepted this opinion and cited the verses of the Shura to prove it. Emphasis on the thoughts of Imam Khomeini (RA) has examined the implications of his evidence and the legal authority in the age of occultation using the opinions of Imam Khomeini (RA) has proved that he also rejected the Shura theory and at the same time did not ignore

Free elections and democracy in Europe and globally can be detrimentally affected by malicious use of new technologies, in particular artificial intelligence (AI). AI can be used as a tool to produce and spread disinformation or facilitate psychographic micro-targeting of voters in the run-up to elections. At the same time, AI can effectively counter such uses of technology. This article discusses the ways in which freedom of elections and democracy can be impacted through the deployment of AI.

This article reviews the book Democracy and Moral Conflict Written by Robert B. Talisse. Talisse in the crisis of democracy, which is a Hobbesian natural state, offered the alternative to the standard views of democratic political philosophers who believe that the democracy derived from some decidedly moral commitment. But he argued, there is good reason to think that, under current conditions, these values among citizens are essentially controversial. By contrast, the case for democratic politics which he proposed in this book draws from principles that are epistemic rather than moral and he called it folk epistemology. Talisse is a liberal democratic philosopher, but his method and solution to this crisis is Hobbesian, the separation of ethics and politics. However, he did not propose 'absolute state', but 'dialogical democracy'. Hence, a dialogical democracy requires the state to pursue the cultivation of certain epistemic capabilities among its citizens. Talisse's alternative is Hobbesian: New Leviathan.

According to the Qur'an and traditions, science has a lofty position in such a way that science is introduced as a "sultan" that can rule. and future studies have benefited from the sovereignty of science, which can be achieved through meritocracy. The question of the article is, how can the governance of science and meritocracy come to the fore in the horizon of 1414 and how can these two variables be related? It seems that in the horizon of 1414, one should believe in the sovereignty of science and meritocracy in thought and action, in such a way that with the realization of real democracy and maximum participation, the high capacities of meritocracy and the sovereignty of science can be used for the future and achieve the goals and plans. Managed and planned. The findings indicate that without relying on current knowledge and scientific theories, moving in the direction of progress and development will be practically impossible or at least incomplete and inefficient, and to realize the vision of 1414, it is necessary for science and knowledge as a culture at different levels of society. to be institutionalized and the infrastructure to be smoothed. The article has used two theories "future shaping factors" and "sovereignty of science and meritocracy" that the theoretical part dominates the method discussion. Data collection is through library and internet sources.

The study of the factors that affect the political development of countries, such as the positive and negative effects of imperialism and domination by colonial countries, can be very important for other political structures to model. For this purpose, after retelling the theoretical issues related to the domination and colonialism of European countries in countries like India, we will discuss the signs and factors of India's political development and the positive and negative effects of imperialism on it. This research tries to investigate this issue by using descriptive-analytical research method and library information collection method. Some of the obtained results indicate that the role of imperialism in the political development of India is multifaceted and while expanding some concepts such as democracy, political weaknesses based on traditions are still observed. In general, by relying on their long-standing political traditions, they have been able to organize a successful model of combining tradition and modernity in the process of shaping the power structure and the process of formulating a unique model of political development based on their native characteristics.

Development, particularly in its political aspect, appears to be a future that most elites of undeveloped nations aspire to move towards and achieve its objectives. Taking step in this path full of difficulties necessitates certain conditions. From the political sociology perspective, perhaps social cohesion is the key condition. This is also applied for Iranian society and Iranian elites’ concerns. In the present study, our main assumption is that Iranian society does not have organic cohesion for articulating the political and social demands. Hence, the fundamental questions of the discussion include what are the causes for the lack of social cohesion in Iran and what is the impact of this lack of cohesion on the political development process? Influenced by Ferdinand Tönnies’ theory, the base of the hypothesis of the present research is that since Iranian society has not evolved in the scientific sense and our country’s social/historical formulation is more similar to Iranian communities than to a united Iranian society, political development appears to be impossible. Thus, in the current study, the researchers are aimed at answering the research question through applying the theory of social divides, using a descriptive/analytical method, and collecting the required sources using a library approach.

What is the relationship between democracy and literary theories? Some individuals have considered this relationship as cause and effect, they have said that the relationship between the two is direct; Cause and effect in the sense that one (democracy) is the cause of another (criticism/literary theory) and direct as there is no intermediary/variable between them. But it seems that the relationship between these two is more complicated than it appears primarily, because not only the relationship between literary theory and democracy is complex and multifaceted, but mediators such as minorities also play a role in it. Democracy as a political system has a long history. Despite this fact and its continuous evolution throughout history, many of its issues still remain unsolved and no definitive solution has been found. One of these issues is "minorities". The ideal of democracy is the management of society by all people, but the existence of minorities - who usually do not participate in society due to oppression - has made the realization of this ideal far from reach and difficult. Solving this difficult issue has been the concern of many theorists, especially democracy theorists. Establishing laws to protect minorities and so on has been one of these solutions. Literary theories are also one of these solutions to solve the problem of minorities. Literary theories - each of which deals with one or more groups of minorities such as women, immigrants, natives, etc. - attempt to free the minorities from the subjugation of others and provide the basis for their participation in the society. In this way, democracy will be exalted.

The relationship between Islam and democracy has been a challenging debate in Western and Islamic academic circles in the past hundred years. Some Orientalists have also researched this topic. In examining this issue, some believe in the compatibility between these two systems, while others argue their incompatibility. Both groups have presented arguments to support their views; however, it seems that these differing positions primarily stem from scholars’ definitions and interpretations of the concepts of “Islam” and “democracy” and their intellectual foundations. Moreover, the sources they have used in this regard have had a significant impact on their research findings. This study scrutinizes the subject of “democracy from the Quranic perspective” on three axes: Western and Islamic definitions of democracy, compatibility and incompatibility of Western democracy with the Islamic system, and the components of democracy in Islam based on Bernard Lewis’s perspective, critically analyzed according to the views of Imam Khamenei. Initially, the definition and foundations of democracy from Lewis’s perspective are extracted and then evaluated based on Imam Khamenei’s viewpoints. The research methodology relies on a descriptive-analytical and critical approach.

Organizational democracy situation in which the organization gives its employees the opportunity to participate in the organization's management and provides the conditions for participation in organizational decisions. Considering the diversity of the concept of organizational democracy, this research seeks to understand and interpret this phenomenon with a phenomenography approach. The data collection method is field and interview tool is used. The community of participants of the research was the employees of the Social Security Organization, which was sampled by the maximum diversity method and 32 employee were interviewed. Based on the analysis of the research findings, it was determined that there are eight methods of experiencing democracy in the organizational environment, which include: Thriving, realization of public will, power to change the process, rule of law, professional ethics, employee empowerment, collaborative decision-making and responding to clients. Based on research findings, descriptive classes in five levels of personal development (Thriving and empowerment), process-oriented (participatory decision-making and the power to change the process), culture-oriented (rule of law and professional ethics), organizational management (realization of public will) And society-oriented (answering to clients), which is a sign of the existence of structural and hierarchical differences in addition to their semantic differences.