جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « safavid » در نشریات گروه « علوم انسانی »

The Safavid period is one of Iran's civilizational periods, and the current identity and culture of Iran is a reminder of that civilizational age. This magnificent and powerful civilization was destroyed by a few Afghan soldiers who had primitive weapons. Can any thinker believe that the great Safavid civilization was destroyed easily and only by military power? Or are there other reasons that turned this civilization into a hollow drum? The main question of the current article is what caused the Safavid government to lose its authority and disintegrate with the slightest blow? The hypothesis of the article is that the expansion of the Akhbarist school and the fading of rational sciences in the field of Safavid era science caused the rationality and thinking and strengthening of thinking man to be removed from the society. It is natural that when the rational sciences are weakened and the scientific dominance is with transferable sciences and the approach of the school of Akhbarism, it causes significant science not to be produced and thinking and rationalism in the society are reduced and as a result, superstitious views spread in the society. Proving this hypothesis by referring to first-hand sources and reports of domestic and foreign writers from the Safavid period, the state of scientific centers and the management method during the peak and decline of the Safavid civilization were investigated. The findings of the research show that during the era when the Safavid dynasty was at its peak in terms of political power, architecture, art, urban planning, etc., the view of the government and the personalities who were in the power structure and the curriculum of schools and scientific centers were rational and philosophical views, and after this, the views and approaches in scientific centers and among political figures became weak and the Akhbari approach and irrational views and as a result, superstitions spread, the Safavid dynasty started to decline and finally, the Safavid government fell.

Safavid era is one of the important periods in the history of Iran, where Persian and Turkish languages interacted with each other. This article investigates the function of Persian, Turkish, and Arabic languages in Safavid era Iran, as well as the lexical borrowing between Persian and Turkish languages, within the framework of Bourdieu's linguistic market theory. For this purpose, Persian and Turkish loanwords were collected by content analysis method and analyzed according to Bourdieu's linguistic market perspective. The results show that during Safavid era, these three languages, coexisted with each other. Arabic was the language of religion and science; and introduced religious, and scientific words and terms into Persian and Turkish. Persian was the language of poetry and literature; It had legitimacy in the literary circles and has lent poetic and literary words and terms into Turkish, and Turkish as the language of Shahs and army; was used in the army and court environment and has lent military and government words and terms into Persian. Therefore, the dominance of each of these languages in a certain social field is because of its speaker’s authority and competence in that field, not the nature of that language.

As one of the important occupations, cloth weaving played a significant role in the economy, culture and social conditions of Iranian society in the Safavid era. Due to the support of the court and rulers, this profession experienced significant growth and development. The expansion of textile workshops and the gathering of artists in these workshops caused valuable textiles to be remembered from this period. These textiles were often used to supply the clothes of courtiers, luxurious curtains, and royal tombs. Textiles that seem to be neglected today and forgotten after the Safavid era. Based on this, the aim of this research is to identify the weaving method of a sample of Safavid period fabrics kept in the Metropolitan Museum. To make the weaving method of this fabric a technical analysis. The collection of information in this research was in the library and field. To achieve this goal, it has been done using a descriptive-analytical method.The findings of this research show that in the Prince and Asir fabric, for the implementation of the pattern, the atlas-finish type of weave is necessarily used, and the method of pattern implementation is in the form of a train. (Rupport 1/2 Rotating Adjective).

The aim of this research is to analyze the colonial trade strategy of the Netherlands with Iran during the Safavid period in the Persian Gulf. This paper attempts to evaluate and study the strategy and manner of trade of Dutch merchants, particularly the Dutch East India Company, with the traders of the Persian Gulf region and the Safavid government. It seeks to answer the question: What was the strategy of the Dutch in trading with the Safavid government and the traders of the Persian Gulf region, and what consequences did this strategy have for the Dutch East India Company and the Safavid government? The research method in this article is descriptive-analytical, and the information gathering method is library research. If we consider Spain and Portugal as pioneers of classical colonialism in the 16th and 17th centuries, undoubtedly the Netherlands, with the establishment of the Dutch East India Company, was a forerunner in commercial colonization of the Eastern lands. The Dutch East India Company, utilizing its naval fleet and traversing the seas, sought highly profitable goods, particularly Indian spices and Iranian silk, along with other commodities of the East. In this context, the Persian Gulf and the Sea of Oman, which had strategic connections with the Indian Ocean, held geostrategic importance for Dutch merchants; therefore, Dutch traders and sailors focused their trade predominantly on these areas. By adopting a strategy of trade monopoly and eliminating competitors, they employed a diverse set of tactics for trading with the merchants and the Safavid government, as well as the local governments of these regions. In line with this, the Dutch East India Company, with a flexible and thoroughly profit-driven approach towards the Iranian government and Iranian traders, utilized a range of tactics such as unfair contracts, collusion, barter trade, transport of goods and passengers, and smuggling of coins and goods. With this strategy, it was able to secure a larger share of Persian Gulf trade compared to other colonial competitors like England.

Kashan is one of the cities of Isfahan province and after Isfahan city, it is the largest city in this province. Kashan city also has many historical and cultural monuments due to its old age. Kashan, which is seven thousand years old, is the birthplace of one of the oldest human civilizations called Silk. The people of this civilization were the first to settle together. Kashan was introduced as a communication and commercial city because it is located in the center of Iran, and in all periods of history, this city has seen many ups and downs. But the turning point for this city can be called the Safavid period. During this period, Kashan was considered the residence of the Safavid kings, and because this city was located on the way to the capital of Iran, Isfahan, many tourists visited this city.Keywords: Safavid, tourists, mosques, Bagh FinKeywords: Safavid, tourists, mosques, Bagh FinKeywords: Safavid, tourists, mosques, Bagh Fin

The establishment of the Safavid dynasty and the recognition of the Shiite religion by them created a deep rift between Iran and the Ottomans, which led to endless wars between the two sides with the aim of eliminating the rival. These conflicts continued with the Battle of Chaldoran (920 AH / 1514 AD), which began with the invasions of Suleiman, which led to the conclusion of the peace of Amasya (962 AH / 1555 AD). This peace, while reducing political and religious differences, to some extent defined the borders of Iran with the Ottomans, and confirmed the political and geographical existence of the Safavids by the Ottomans. This study aims to answer the important question that what effect did the peace of Amasya have on the agreements between the two countries in the Safavid period until peace and what are the common provisions of these agreements? It is assumed that there are many common points in the treaties concluded between Iran and the Ottoman Safavid era with Amasya. If the findings of the present article prove the correctness of this hypothesis. In compiling and writing this dissertation, using historical research method based on the method of describing and analyzing documents, library resources are examined and finally the research findings are presented

The "Safavid"period is one of the special  times  in the   history of  Islam  in terms of the conflict between the centers of power over the factor of political-religious legitimacy. In this period, we witness the efforts of the institutions of the Shiite clergy, the Safavid monarchy, and Sufism to establish their legitimacy and marginalize rival currents,  with  the institution of the monarchy now leaning more towards the clergy. The conflict between the centers of power during this period, particularly with regard to the historical legitimacy of Sufism and the leadership role  of the clergy in the newly established  Shi'i society and system, had specific dimensions and aspects, and the writing of texts refuting Sufism by the clergy should be examined  in light of this historical horizon. The refutations of Sufism have fluctuated between the two poles of criticism and destruction; However, the general atmosphere of these texts is often influenced by the author's logic and polemical expression, and the type of criticism of the theoretical aspects of Sufism in these texts is not exempt from these conditions. In this article, by applying the method of discourse analysis and using the tools of critical stylistics, the relationship between the polemical destruction of theoretical mysticism and the  main politico- -religious components of the Safavid period in the seven refutations of Sufism during  this period has been investigate. From the perspective of this article, the refutations destroyed theoretical mysticism under the influence of the issue of legitimacy and are not reliable sources for analyzing the relationship between theoretical mysticism and Shiism

The Shia Safavid government was established in the 16th century AD (10th century AH) in the vicinity of the 200-year-old Ottoman government and the newly established Uzbek government, both of which were Sunni. The religious policy of Shah Ismail I (1501-1524 AD/907-930 AH) was based on the expansion of Shiism, which was in contrast with the religious policy of his neighbors, who were preachers and promoters of the Sunni religion. In addition to the fact that this issue caused religious disputes and repeated wars with the Safavids from both sides, it led to the convergence of the two Ottoman and Uzbek governments against the Safavids. The purpose of this research is to examine how Ottoman and Uzbek political relations were established and its consequences on the Safavids in the 16th century AD, with a descriptive-analytical method. The findings show that the formation and stabilization of Safavid rule, the development of its territory, and the Shiiteization of society, which was accompanied by the increase in the number of Shiites, caused concern to the Ottoman and Uzbek governments. Therefore, due to the common religion and the difference in religious policy with the Safavids, the two governments, with the aim of overthrowing and resorting to the issuance of Takfiri fatwas and the declaration of jihad, strengthened relations with each other against this government and established the idea of political and military unity by sending ambassadors, writing letters and sending military aid.

Iran’s urban spaces over the Islamic period can be considered a combination of completely interwoven public and private spaces. Tea-houses as new social places formed a new kind of urban socialization from Safavid period onwards. Taking various functions, the places played a significant role in developing public issues. The places at the beginning had a recreational function, though the function undertook changes as religious context of Iran and its events influenced them, so that they experienced many changes. Exploring the functions of the spaces will provide a view to the study of socio-cultural history of Iran’s society. Such a study requires due attention, investigation, and analysis of all its dimensions affecting the socio-economic and political relations. Taking the issues into consideration, relying on library resources, and applying a descriptive-analytical approach, this study dealt with various functions of tea-houses and their development over Safavid and Qajar periods. The results showed that the recreational-leisure, religious, literary, artistic, and political functions of the places have changed continuously over the periods. The functions are assumed to be abstract and independent, but due to the religious context of Iran and Iranians’ strong religious beliefs over the periods, the functions sometimes have been intermingled. Tea-houses have had positive influences on preserving and spreading national, ethnic, and religious culture and some artistic manifestations of Iran. They, however, have not been void of some mal-functions and increasing social crimes. The mal-functions became more expanded when modernistic elements expanded in Iran society in Qajar era and drastically influenced other functions.

The works remaining from any period are definitive mirrors of the thought, culture and language of that era. The reflection of ideology, mentality, language, and the path and practice of the pillars of power have both direct and indirect effects on shaping the content and structure of the writings, which play a major role in giving identity to the ethnicity, language, and intellectual discourse. The ruling power in the Safavid period was composed of a triad of the Safavid kings, the military commanders, and the religious scholars, each of which used mystical, military and religious discourses, respectively. Therefore, they employed three different types of language appropriate to these three types of discourse to communicate with the people. Sharing the goals such as maintaining power and continuing political domination over the people often led to coping with the intellectual and cultural conflicts between mysticism, religion, and military service. In the same way that they used the three languages ​​of mystic self-centrism, religious spiritualism, and military violence to dominate the society, they also utilized the potentials of all the three discourses to produce literary and historical works appropriated to their style of governance, which is evident in the prose language of the era. From a sociolinguistic point of view, language is a tool for exercising power, which links human sciences to social sciences and linguistic. Accordingly, this research deals with the influence of power in Ālam-ārā-ye Safawi from the perspective of sociology of language, distinguishing the powers that have influenced the prose text of this book and determining the frequency and form of the power influence on its prose.

During the Safavid era, some of the structural and functional aspects of government positions underwent transformations, and in the course of it, some institutions were developed and evolved in order to implement Sharia laws, and some were separated by the Safavid kings and assigned to different institutions due to the multiplicity of duties. Among them, Hasba institution, which was one of the institutions related to the judicial system and based on the religious and customary rulings of the society, had continued with ups and downs during the Islamic era. Many of its functions were assigned to other newly established institutions. In this article, based on historical sources and descriptive-analytical method, the developments of one of the most important governmental institutions have been investigated at the same time as the establishment of the Shiite government of the Safavid religion and the impact of the religious orientation of the kings of this dynasty on the duties and functions of this institution. The most important findings of the current research show that the Safavid kings performed some of the functions of the Hasba institution and delegated its extensive functions(unlike in the past periods) to other institutions. The result of these developments at the end of the period was the limitation of the powers of this institution along with fundamental changes in its functions

Ziyad Oghli Qajar dynasty was among the important and influential families in the Caucasus who emerged from the transformation process of the political and administrative structure of the Safavid government. This dynasty developed from the Qajar tribe and gained power in Karabakh by the support of the Safavid kings. Ziyad Oghli dynasty was one of the most important advocates of the establishment and perpetuation of the political sovereignty of the Safavid state in the Caucasus. There is no clear picture of their political and military role in Karabakh during the reign of Shah Tahmasb I, and therefore, further studies is essential. This research attempted to answer the question: What was Ziyad Oghli dynasty’s role in the political developments of the Caucasus during the reign of Shah Tahmasb I? The findings showed that the Ziyad Oghli dynasty was responsible for the security and protection of the Safavid frontiers against the Ottomans. Moreover, they had to deal with Georgia's internal affairs and suppress the riots against the Safavid state in the eastern parts of Georgia. In other words, their most important role was to stabilize and perpetuate the political sovereignty of the Safavid state in the Caucasus.The research was a descriptive and analytical study.

Safavid epoch, as one of the most brilliant eras in art periods in Iran, was along with the support of kings from artists. Meanwhile, the new political transfers and relations caused more acquaintance of Oriental artists with western art. The present research, while studying visual, ideological and sociological aspects of Safavid miniature from the viewpoint of the novel “My name: Red” based on Wuthnow theory, contrast the present differences between two miniatures schools of Herat and Tabriz II and the obtained results are matched with one of the miniatures without identification information left from this period. As per the novelist, he had been familiar with the philosophy governing Iranian miniature and its differences with western paintings and investigated the existing differences between traditional and modern views in the miniature workshop of the Ottoman Empire Palace. The points that how the said miniature was following one of the schools of Safavid miniature and how had been its relation with governing miniature school are discussed in this research. The findings of the present research indicate that from the composition viewpoint, this miniature belong to Tabriz II school and the artist, while being institutionalized with environmental conditions and principles, remains royal to the school in question and in some parts benefitted from his contemporaneous innovations. The findings of this article well indicate the importance of referring to fictions in artworks criticism.

According to Iranian Persian nationalists, the Turkish dynasties in the history of Iran during the Islamic era did not have a positive and defensible track record, and their rule did not bring any other results to Iran except the continuation of oppression, violence, looting, and slowing down progress in various fields. According to this group, if there were positive events in the Islamic era, these events originated from two sources. The first origin was the Iranian and Persian dynasties of the Islamic era, which had a civilizing and culture-enhancing nature and formed a government based on an experienced and noble school and philosophy of governance. The second source of the positive events of the Islamic era were the Persian and Iranian ministers, who, with the help of their genius and art of chronology, while opening the way to the Turkish court and taking control of the politics in these matters, made the uncultured and unruly Turkish kings serve artistic, civilizing purposes.Accordingly, contemporary Persian nationalists and anti-Turkists in Iran, based on a rule trusted and practiced among all the followers of this school, in their historical analysis, attribute all positive events invarious subjects to Iranian dynasties and ministers who have infiltrated the organization. On the other hand, they attribute a series of intellectual and practical vices to Turkish kings and dynasties. Ali Akbar Saeedi Sirjani, as a member of this school, paid full attention to this part of the principles set for analyzing the events of Iranian history and used the Turkish dynasties of the Islamic era, including the Ghaznavids, the Seljuks, the Khwarizmshahs, the Safavids, and the Qajar, as the target of their attacks and fault finding. And draws a regressive, anti-culture, uncivilized figure, deprived of the philosophy of the government and the dynamic thought of the Turkish dynasties, and introduces the Turkish generals as the cause of stopping freedom andthe Atmosphere of science and thought and oppressing votes in Iran. And next to that, he attacks some Iranian figures who are cooperating with the Turkish dynasties.

Gaining familiarity with the school of thought of jurists, the cultural atmosphere of society, and their influence on women’s issues throughout history are among the prerequisites for judging the Islamic perspective on women’s issues. One of the influential schools in this field is the Akhbārī School. In this study, an attempt is made to present the effects of the views of Akhbārīs and the political atmosphere of the Safavid era in the field of women’s social participation. Also, it analyzed the scientific and practical behaviour of the Akhbārīs of the Safavid era on women’s confinement at home and examined their jurisprudential views on the prohibition of women’s social presence and encouraging them to stay at home. The issue of women’s participation and banning them from leaving the house was not limited or prohibited in this way before the emergence of Akhbārīs. Akhbārīs, especially Sheikh Ḥurr al-ʻĀmilī, have played a significant role in creating this restriction through fatwās and traditions that are sometimes incorrect. The preference (Istiḥbāb) of keeping women at home, the prohibition (ḥurmat) of seeing non-maḥrams, the unwillingness (kirāhat) to greet women, the unwillingness (kirāhat) to leave the house with the husband’s permission, the preference (istiḥbāb) of women’s spinning, and similar fatwas have affected the restriction of women’s presence and lack of social participation. It should be noted that before Akhbārīs, such chapters and fatwas about the limitations of women’s social presence did not exist or were not so strong in the earlier books.

Among the reasons of historical fame of Gonabad is its long history in constructing qanats and endeavors to keep and exploit them for agriculture and horticulture in this desert region. Taking a descriptive-analytical approach and relying on the documents of Astan Quds Razavi, this study examined the taken measures for keeping the fruitfulness of a number of endowed qanats of Gonabad from Safavid to Qajar period. This study sought to answer the questions: How much did the trustees of Astan Quds Razavi pay attention to dredging as a significant act to maintain the endowed qanats of Gonabad? What measures and factors were required for and optimal dredging? The results showed that despite the ups and downs over the past centuries, Astan Quds Razavi as the trustee of a number of qanats of Gonabad had considered and done dredging the qanats to maintain the agriculture of the region and make the ground for providing the locals’ livelihoods. Moreover, by accepting the dredging operation of qanats as a specialization, the organization has considered providing financial capital, sufficient time, employing specialized manpower, and providing needed tools and equipment. However, some factors have been affecting the level of dredging, the way of performing, and the outcomes, including the political situation of the region at that time, the way of performing the conventional work structure for dredging qanats by skilled and experienced well diggers, the level of providing necessary expenses for wages and materials, and the quality and number of needed instruments and facilities.

Official historians are often part of the government and their writings reflect the views and policies of the ruling system. They usually try to present a narrative that is consistent with the government’s thinking and attitudes. However, as far as the official historians of Afshariya are concerned, the matter was complicated by the political and religious complications, the fall of the Safavid dynasty and the rule of Mahmud, and the developments that led to the rise of Nader Shah. Moreover, Nader Shah pursued particular and different approaches against the Safavids. Therefore, Afshari historians found themselves in a complicated situation. Therefore, it was difficult for these historians to tell the history of the Safavids and their fall. The problem is, under such difficult circumstances, how did the Afsharian historians portray Nader's relationship with the Safavid legacy and his clashes with the Safavids? The author tries to evaluate the process and method of narration of Afshariya historians about the Safavids in those special and complex conditions with a descriptive and analytical method. The article finally comes to the conclusion that Afshari historians inevitably viewed the Safavid period with suspicion and criticism. Because Nader, who was somewhat coincidentally associated with the heir of the Safavid dynasty, Shah Tahmasb II, was always thinking of dismissing him and whenever there was a suitable opportunity, he challenged the Safavids. Therefore, Afshari historians confirmed Nadir's attitude. They insisted on the correctness of his action against the Safavids and often condemned and blamed the Safavid rule.

The subject of this article is a comparative study of the relationship between Sultan Faqih in the Middle Islamic and Safavid periods. The main question of the article: How was the relationship between the sultan and the jurist in the construction of power in the Middle Islamic and Safavid periods? The hypothesis of the present article is as follows: the sultan-faqih relationship in the middle Islamic period was based on the oneness of the caliph and the sultan, while in the Safavid period, the dual and simultaneous rule of the sultan and the faqih was witnessed. The results of the research show that the construction of power in the middle period was based on the trinity of caliphate, congregation and obedience, and the caliph, as the most important institution of Islamic society, was the organizer of religious order and political order at the same time. However, in the Safavid period, the construction of power was removed from the unity of the middle period, and the institution of religion, in the form of the leadership of scholars and jurists, played a role in giving legitimacy to the Safavid sultans in parallel with political power, and as an important factor in politics, to consolidate its position in society. Iranian payment; The power of the religious institution was strengthened during the post-Safawi era and finally, in its historical course, it came objectively in the theory of religious authority and religious sovereignty in Iran, and a political system based on the authority of the authority, in which the duality of jurisprudence and monarchy was eliminated, and the guardian of the authority was the most important position. was ruled; Formed. The research method of this article is qualitative and descriptive-analytical, and the data was collected from library resources by the method of sampling.

In a superficial view, it seems that the commentators in the narrative interpretations, without any struggling effort, have only collected narrations related to the words and expressions of the verses. Contrary to this idea, the evidence shows that the authors of narrative interpretations, like other commentators, have been influenced by the background conditions in order to discover the meaning of the verses and have started to select and arrange the narrations. What specifically distinguishes these interpretations in the issue of Friday prayer is the consideration of the conditions for the obligation of Friday prayer in the later interpretations of Ṣāfi and Nūr al-Thaqlain; this is not seen in the previous interpretations of critical argument. The reason for this difference in approach can be evaluated considering the simultaneity of the writing of later narrative commentaries with the emergence of the Safavid Shiite government. Belonging to Bahrani's interest in expressing the esoteric and ta’wīl aspects of the verses and Huwyzi's greater interest than Bahrāni and Fayz in planning jurisprudential debates in accordance with the verses are other factors influencing this distinction. Also, Sufi characteristics of Fayz's personality has caused him to not look at this issue solely from the point of view of a jurisprudential issue, which his statements in Zād al-Sālik's treatise and Olfat-Nāmeh are proof of this.