جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه "طبقات اجتماعی" در نشریات گروه "تاریخ"

Abu Bakr Al-Turtushi, the Maliki jurist of the 6th century AH, in his Siraj al-Muluk, has put forward his theory about the ideal Islamic society and sovereignty, especially with regard to his conceptions of the Sunni society of Egypt during the transition era from the Ismaili Fatimids. This research has tried to recognize the role of each social class in al-Taurtushi's thought using desk study method, historical analysis and themic analysis methods, as well as benefiting from the model by Thomas Spragens for understanding crisis. Al-Turtushi took the formulation of the four classes of ancient Iran as his general framework; however, he made some changes in terms of content and function and tried to theoretically incorporate the situation of his own era, including the society during transition from the Fatimids in a new way. By empowering the class of Ulama (i.e. scholars), he placed them in the position of advisors to the rulers to help the authority of the Sunnis during the transition period. He also redefined the agents for the sake of efficiency of the government in a structured and task-oriented way. Moreover, by classifying Christian and Jewish religious minorities, he undermined their social authority for the benefit of the cohesion of the Sunni society.

Social classes play a major role in different areas of every society's life. The way of interaction and the real position of each can help the progress and excellence of that society or, on the contrary, cause a number of anomalies and instability in the fields of culture, politics, economy, etc. The presence of social classes and their special characteristics in Islamic societies is an undeniable fact that although according to religious teachings, one person is not privileged over another except for piety, but these classes have helped the development and progress of the glorious Islamic civilization and in some cases Periods have brought the society to the border of instability and chaos. Social classes have existed in every period of Iran's history, and this has also been manifested in the period of Al-Buye. Al Boyeh's need for employees and encouraging them to work and craft, and honoring scholars and scientists and their use of slaves, caused that every city from different classes, such as the class of artisans, the class of employees, the class of merchants, the class of jurists, The class of soldiers, the class of scientists, and the class of slaves were formed with the specific indicators of that era. Based on what was said; The central question of the current research is what characteristics did the social classes have in the era of Al Boyeh? The proposed hypothesis is that the social classes of this era have not changed in structure compared to previous periods, but they have had serious differences in political and social behavior. The current research is explained using historical sources and descriptive-analytical method.

Dealing with social classes in historical periods provides openness to understanding the current situation and getting out of the current social blockages from the area of scrutiny in historical texts. The present research examines local chronicles in order to extract the criteria of reflection of social classes in these texts and the statistics of social class fields. The main question of the research is that the criteria of reflection of social classes in the social history of local chronicles depend on which type of volume, combination and convertibility of capital in the fields of social classes? Therefore, the main hypothesis of the research is that the camouflaged class structure in the social history of the Safavid era indicates the pyramidal hierarchy of capital. This research has been compiled using the three-stage coding of foundation data and relying on the developmental structuralism of the contemporary sociologist, Pierre Bourdieu, regarding the fields of classes and their quadruple capitals and is based on five sources of local historiography of the Safavid era, including “Aḥyā al-Mulūk”, “Gilan history”, “Gilan and Daylamān history”,” Šarafnāmeh and Ḵānī history”. The result of the current research is that, the field of governance or court in local chronicles has the highest volume and amount of combination and the amount of transformation of social, economic, cultural and symbolic capital for the hidden classes in it. The field of trade and property is in the second place and the field of culture, poetry and art is in the next ranks. Also, in the lowest order, it is the field of community, which has the lowest volume and lowest amount of composition and conversion of all types of capital for its classes.

Just before the occurrence of constitutional revolution some riots and crises began in Mashhad. The events made the city the central place for opponents of tyranny, though at the same time deep oppositions could be seen against the constitutional movement. Mashhad’s different social classes consisted of both opposing and advocating groups at the dawn of the constitutional revolution. Strong bonds with Russia or England could be seen as well, making the groups stay against each other. Considering the mentioned conditions, the study tried to see of what social classes Mashhad was composed at the beginning of the constitutional revolution, what political tendencies and affiliations they had, and how the classes affected the sociopolitical structure of Mashhad. Taking a descriptive-analytical method and using library resources and documents pertaining to the consulates, the study tried to find an appropriate answer for the mentioned questions. The results obtained from exploration of related documents on the issue showed that due to political and ethnic-tribal affiliations and aristocratic relationships, the dominant tendency of Mashhad's social classes was reactionary and against the constitution. The situation caused Mashhad’s failure to be just like Tehran, Tabriz, and Isfahan in being outstanding and pioneering in the constitutional revolution.

Clothing is one of the cultural manifestations in human life that has not been fixed and has undergone changes in different periods of history according to human needs, the occurrence of different events and the domination of different ethnic groups; Therefore, it has distanced itself from its main and primary function and has become a factor in showing the social and cultural status of individuals in society, which has created major effects in the proper formation of relationships and interactions between individuals. This study covers the time period of the Mongol period in Iran, ie from the Mongol invasion to the final extinction of the Ilkhans (756-616 AH) in a descriptive-analytical method with library tools and emphasis on Persian literature books in Written that time or a little later; It intends to provide a clear picture of the daily life of the people, social classes and the influence of Mongol culture on the way Iranians dress. Explaining the presence of certain sections of society, including Sofia, as well as examining the degree of freedom of women in society, is another goal. The results show that the main difference in clothing depends on the gender of the individual and the. The clothing of the Mongols was very similar before this period and even in many cases there was not much difference between the clothing of men and women. Distinction in gender, color and type of clothing is the most important social function that clothing was responsible for in that period.

Historical photographs are essential tools utilized to study and analyze the social history of different periods; in addition to providing visual information, they have implicit implications for other senses, including the sense of taste. Extracting elements related to the taste in photographs and matching them with the written sources can reveal the relationship between the social position and the sense of taste, the way of cooking, the ingredients, and the way of serving the food. Many photographs taken in the Qajar period include elements and behaviours related to the foods. In the current article, using the social history of the senses to analyze photographs, we examined the sense of taste in photographs of different social classes in the Qajar period. The critical question of this research is: "what are the differences in the sense of taste in various social classes in the Qajar era, and how is it reflected in the social photographs of the same period?" The results show that in the photographs recorded during this period, food and related elements in the upper of the social class pyramid were used not only to tame hunger but also to present an aesthetic and luxurious aspect and the glory in banquets such as Ashkhoran, an annual feast of the king. In these classes, a large volume of high-quality food is used together in one meal. While the meals of the lower social classes were more uncomplicated and, regardless of aesthetics, were consumed for necessity and urgency.

The rise of political and social phenomena is discussed with different readings; But multiple interpretations do not necessarily reflect different facts. According to this understanding, any kind of processing of these phenomena will be selective. The occurrence of the Islamic Revolution of Iran in 1978, as one of the political developments of the twentieth century, was analyzed by behaviorists, political scientists, and social scholars with various theoretical readings. Despite the multiplicity of narratives, the role of Iranian indigenous political and social identities in these analysis was neglected. Brighton Moore's theory of modernization and revolution can also be evaluated in this regard. Accordingly, the attempt to analyze the capabilities and capacities of Moore's neo-Marxist theory to understand the Iranian revolution is the main concern of the current writing. According to the research hypothesis, the Islamic Revolution of Iran, not only in terms of foundations, does not correspond to the determining role of classes and social forces and patterns of capital accumulation in Brighton Moore; But is also completely different in terms of  its development, its orientation and its results. The present article tries to test the current hypothesis using  an analytical-comparative method along with a historical sociological theory.

Among the various social classes, the role of the middle class as an influential class in legitimizing the ruling structure has always been considered. The purpose of this article is to explain the position and role of the middle class in the political and social developments in Iran, Also, the role of the middle class on the legitimacy of the ruling structure from the beginning of the Islamic Revolution in Iran until 2013 has been studied. Examining the position and function of social forces in political and social developments as well as its impact on the legitimacy of the ruling structure is one of the basic issues in political sociology. The research method in this article is descriptive-analytical and based on library studies. The results of the research show that the middle class is known as the main class in the socio-political developments of Iran, which uses components such as the class accompanying the ideology of the system, trying to transition to democracy in Iran, strengthening political participation , strengthening relations with Influential groups and parties in the political arena and strengthening the political culture has been able to play an important role in legitimizing the ruling structure.

Familiarity with modern methods of historiography and the transformation of Iranian historiographical methods has been one of the most important achievements in dealing with the manifestations of modernity in Iran's Qajar Era. The most important concerns of this research are the study of the formation and development of memoir writing and determining its place in the process of historiography of the Qajar period. The framework and general spirit of the present study seeks to answer the question that what effect and place did the flow of memoirs have in the process of historiography of the Qajar period? Findings of the study indicate that the sources of memoirs can be considered as a type of historiography related to the Qajar dynasty, which was formed in the middle of the Nasserite era under the influence of modern European ideas and manifestations, but it took different route from its western examples. In the West, memoir-writing, by emphasizing on the originality of human existence, were more at the disposal of the personal feelings and moods of their authors and placed under category of literature. While Iranian memoir-writers, aware of this "I" and "crystallizing" it in "social We", put it not at the service of expressing their own feelings and existential originality, but in describing the political and social events around them. Due to the critical atmosphere that prevailed in many political, cultural, social and economic fields at that time, these memoirists also turned their memoirs into a field for expressing these criticisms. This private sphere, which was created in the personal privacy of these soliloquies, became a means of criticizing various issues from a historical and critical point of view, with their awareness of the disorder of their society. Their works became secret historiography due to their secrecy and informality and the presentation of pristine information from the political, social, cultural and economic situation and works with high credibility in the historiography of this period. Considering the importance of the Constitutional Revolution, we divided the memoirs related to the Qajar period into two periods: Before and after the Constitution from a historical perspective, and according to the class base of the memoir-authors, which fall into two groups of the dominant and middle classes. Existence of 14 memoir-writers, with 15 works in the first period and notably their heeding to recording issues of political history and 27 memoir-writers in the post-constitutional period with 27 works and their attention to recording the events of social history and the life of the masses clearly demonstrates the effects of the Constitutional Revolution on this historical-literary campaign. The existence of 15 memoir-authors of the second period in the middle class and the fact that there are only 2 memoir-writers of this class in the first period, in comparison with the 12 memoir-writers of the dominant class of this period, also well proves the hypothesis that the Constitution Revolution led to a shift in the class base of the memoir-authors from the ruling class in the first period to the middle class in the second period. In valuing memoirs from a historiographical point of view, according to the class base of memoirists, which has directly influenced their thoughts and reasons, as well as the way they write memoirs, and according to characteristics such as having insights and views of historians and critics, and the extent to which these memoirists used documents, correspondence, and orders, as well as the extent to which they provided pristine historical and political data, given that most memoirists were from the ruling class and were involved and aware of many important events, and according to the special class base that has dominated many currents, the value of the memories of this class can be preferred to the second class. However, due to the wide expression of social issues by middle-class memoirists, special value should be given to the group and not diminished their importance. In general, it should be noted that modern memoirism, which itself was formed under the influence of modern European ideas and had a special evolution with the Constitutionalist movement, like other Iranian historiographical methods of this era, while being influenced by the cultural and social conditions of their society also caused a change in the presentation of historiographical materials in terms of style and prose, subject and history technic, as well as the language of reporting events.

Social movement is a fundamental argument in theories of revolution, and because of this importance, various theories have sought to explain it. One of the most important theories is the theory of relative deprivation. The Siahjamgan uprising sought the support of lower-income groups and relied on them in some of their slogans to raise the level of the value expectations of those social classes, while with the rise of the Abbasids to the caliphate, the level of value ability of the people did not change much. They suffered from frustration and relative deprivation. This situation led to revolt against the Abbasid caliphate, of which Babak Khorramdin's revolt was the most lasting one. The present article tries to investigate the formation and causes of this movement by using the method of historical analysis and sociology in the light of the theory of relative deprivation. The achievement of the article shows that the caliphs and agents of Bani Abbas challenged economic, religious and participatory values and caused relative deprivation, which led to an increase in the participation of social classes to Babak Khorramdin movement.

An origin of power and legitimating factor of kingdom in the Sassanid era was divine glory, but nature and mortar of this power was according to the will and acceptance of a group of elites including high priests (Mobbedans), military and
bureaucratic aristocracy, and other great ones and nobilities who were of importance and influence as hidden layers of power. At the time of strong and potent kings, this collective power came under of king's individual power, but at the time of other kings, it was this collective power that not only under shadowed king's individual power but also the whole political of Sassanid.  There was always conflict and tension among these layers of power which comprised top classes of the society. Sometimes a presence of common interests caused unanimity and convergence among these classes, but most of the time relationship between these classes was hypertensive, hostile, and based on jealousy, rivalry, criticism and conspiracy, and intrigue. On the other hand, since the kings saw their influence, ruling and supremacy in danger, they always looked at them with fear, caution combined with pessimism, meanwhile according to centralized policy in Sassanid era the king should by acting as chief of high layers of society to have them under his and supervision and establish balance of power among them, and in order to protect and stabilize the monarchy's ruling and power, should establish a proper relationship with them,  and by supporting Zarathustra religious apparatus against minorities and protecting priests' rational interests made the religious apparatus support structure of government and legitimacy of Sassanid dynasty. However, from the second half of Sassanid ruling, this relationship becomes disturbed, and the social order faces crisis; crisis of legitimacy, management, strife and quarreling,  rivalry, treason, suspicion, conspiracy, coup d'état and insurgency, abuse of
privileges and power, bigotry, violence, and greed of authorities which as a result of distrust or lapse of confidence as the most important pillar of social capital, confront the whole set with inability and inefficiency in composing or observance of organizational principles and structural ، and by ruling of such circumstances, the connections are completely ruined and Sassanid regime breaks down.

In the ancient Persia, society was divided into three or four classes based on more ancient tradition. According to some scholars, this common legacy originates in the Indo-Europen period, traces of which can be found in the Indo-European societies and beliefs. It is important to find the fact that whether these classes were related to a religious belief and gods or they were brought about by a social role. What differences had the social classes in religious and non religious texts. Since most information of the classes refers to the texts in the Sasanian period, we are trying to find the division process in ancient Iran.

The main purpose is to study the social structures of the Safavid age with particular attention to subject of social classes in capacity and process of civilization of that time. The importance of this is that the Safavid class system can be described as an adaptable system with the focus on opportunity and reciprocity. With the rise of Safavids (1180-1907), a dynamic classical articulation (classical co-existence) has always been provided between nomadic, peasant and urban communities (urban commodities), as the Safavids defined social structure of Iran with emphasis on a new religious and national identity. The whole formation of social classes of the Safavids was like a substrate that in the shadow of this arose political and national unity, civilization, social welfare, economic and cultural dynamism, and extensive relations with the foreign states. This description does not mean to confirm all aspects of the class structure of the Safavid era during the periods of the Safavid kings, because the changes of social, economic, religious, and governmental practices, has played a key role in creating a class structure in the era of various Safavid kings. The present study aims to use the descriptive-analytical method for investigate and analyze the course of civilization in the social classes of the Shiite government of Safavid in the perspective of the political, social and economic life of the society as the foundation and infrastructure for subsequent periods, while considering the necessity of applying sociological approaches in analysis of historical phenomena and based on library resources.

Writing biographical layers (ṭabaqāt) is regarded as a procedure of Islamic historiography that has particularly been employed in biography writing by Muslim writers. This procedure has been practiced during successive centuries, from the third century AH until present era and has experienced different styles and methods. Writers in different vocations and fields have used this model for presenting rijālī (biographies of ḥadīth transmitters), historical, and biographical data, yielding a large volume of Islamic written heritage. Influenced by the social and political climate of their time and their own beliefs, the authors of these works have selected various methods for classifications of their books. Given the way the Islamic biographical layer writing and its various procedures developed, the stages of writing biographical layers and the impression of social climate on the writers are examined in this paper. In conclusion, the possibility of making connection between writing biographical layers and the issue of social classes of the Islamic community has also been taken into consideration.

Most of the studies conducted on Mazdak’s movement and his acts consider the class structure of Iranian society in Sassanid era as the main cause of the formation of this radical movement; a movement which is seen to have been intensified by the inefficiency of the contemporary social context. In the same vein, they tend to represent it as a logical and real movement. This research, however, aimed to show that the class structure of the ancient Iranian society which was deeply rooted in the realities of Iranian society, not only was not the cause of instability and public discontent, but also it was the most important factor regarding stability and potency of social context and structure as well as consolidation and power continuity and wealth generation. Mazdak's ideas are mostly the result of the thoughts influenced by idealist philosophers of ancient Greece, which were formed in Gnosis discourse of western Asia contemporary with Sassanid period or a bit earlier, and thus had non-Iranian and bizarre roots different from socio-geographical realities in Iran. Therefore, this movement was not successful in absorbing the elite class and in forming and offering a new structure of society and government. Its revolutionary and idealistic effects resulted in the failure of many riots and movements.

Arabs migrated towards Iran in numerous ears and due to different reasons. Before Islam، famine، drought، poverty، the breach of Ma’areb dam as well as Al-Qaram flood; moreover، the religious and economic motivations were considered the most effective elements of migrations after Islam. The geographical situation، economic advantages besides being faraway from the center of caliphate، Khorasan was regarded the main purposes of migrators. The social consequences of these migrations were the development of cities، the change in the structure of social classes، the advent of governors، as well as the enhancement of tribal disagreements among migrated Arabs which have been thoroughly investigated in this article.

Iran contemporary history includes colonial anti-colonial autocracy, antiautocratic. This dialogue affected middle classes. Attitude of classesʼ classes in political, social and economic indicates their reactions differently. So, in oil industry national move ment, most of representatives of these clases have important role, participation, connection with sovereignty; Dr. Mossadeq government and attitude of this. This paper analyses roles of classesʼ aspect of compositive teory about individualism, collectivism and connection both of them. In fact, this teory tells this movement neither individualism, not collectivism, perhaps both of them affected by movement’s results. So, this research presents place of classes in oil industry national movement and role of them in it. Therefore, compositive theory corresponds social forces and middle classes in this era of history contemporary in Iran.

As is understood by the Safavid documents, surely endowment has been of its most flourishing periods in that time. Safavid King have been counted as the forerunners for great endowments and, following them, many of regional rulers, men of the Court and charitable people throughout country endowed considerable parts of their properties. With regard to the extensiveness and dispersion of the studies in the field, in this paper, it has been tried to focus on the deeds of bestowment in their original or copy form and some digital sources. Emphasizing on the deeds in Mashhad as one of the most important and oldest religious places in the view of those of endowment and Ardabil, with a rich background of Khaneqahi endowments, the social position and classes of those of endowment have been surveyed.