جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه "قدرت سیاسی" در نشریات گروه "تاریخ"

Almoravids, as one of the most important Islamic states in the fifth century AH, ruled Maghreb and al-Andalus. The situation in al-Andalus, after the Umayyads and the establishment of Taʼifa king, became unstable and suitable for their presence. Sovereignty in al-Andalus for the Maghreb Ṣanhāja required strengthening the power and structure of the system legitimacy. They formed the configuration of their legitimacy by superiority over the various Maghreb tribes and creating the concept of jihad, political power with the help of Maliki's thought, adoption of the title of Amir al-Muslimin, and jihad with Christians. Therefore, the analysis of the political power of the Almoravids, the structure of their legitimacy, and the process of their presence in Andalusia is important from the perspective of this research. The present analytical study tries to answer the following question: what factors led to the formation of the power structure and legitimacy system Almoravids in al-Andalus according to the conditions of the fifth century AH? The findings indicate that the Almoravids initially exploited the Maghreb's capacity for the hegemony of power and the structure legitimacy and established their sovereignty. Then, by adopting the concept of jihad against Christians and seeking help from Maliki jurists, they arrived in al-Andalus and took advantage of the rupture of the political power of the rulers of Taʼifa king and occupied al-Andalus.

The presence of Almoravids in the Islamic Maghreb, coinciding with the rupture of power after the Umayyad in Al-Andalus, inevitably linked the development of these two neighboring lands. The Almoravid movements first started based on the tribal structure in the Maghreb and religious thought. After its formation, Almoravids first strengthened its power base and moved closer to the borders of Al- Andalus. With the fall of the Umayyad Caliphate of Al-Andalus in 422AH/ 1031AD, a small kingdom emerged, known as the period of the tribal kings. Most of the rulers of states and their rulers were constantly involved with each other. Their policy was based on achieving personal benefits without considering the important issues of land and people.As a result of this policy and due to the war between the rulers of different regions, political turmoil emerged in Al-Andalus, affecting the inhabitants' economic situation. The differences between the Tifaking rulers, the lack of unified power, and Christian attacks on Islamic lands led to seeking help from the Almoravid government. The land of Al-Andalus apart from the presence of Muslims for the desert dweller of Almoravids had many attractions. Almoravids could take advantage of provided opportunities and introduced themselves as the rulers of Al- Andalus.The present study also emphasizes the role of Almoravids in the fifth century but presents the power structure and legitimacy system of this government in the political atmosphere of Al- Andalus and the challenge of its presence on this island. In this respect, the following question is posed: In the process of consolidating power and presence in Al-Andalus, what political action and intellectual development did Almmoravids do to establish their system of legitimacy? What logic did Al-Andalus consider for the presence of Almoravids during the period of Taifa king? It seems that Almoravids, in the early stages, took advantage of the Maghreb’s capacity for the hegemony of power and structure of legitimacy and consolidated their sovereignty. They then reached Al-Andalus by adopting the concept of jihad and the title of Amir al-Muslim against Christians and seeking help from Maliki jurist. They also made the most use of the rupture of political power by the rulers of the Taifa king. Joseph’s presence in Al-Andalus and his relative victory over the Christians undoubtedly challenged Taʼifa king; in other words, it did not take long for Amir Al-Muslimin and Amir Al-Arab to quarrel. But this time, too, the Almoravids succeeded in conquering Al-Andalus.

The present study, with an analytical approach and emphasis on sources, tries to answer the following question: what factors led to the formation of the power structure and legitimacy system of the relatives according to the condition of the fifth century?

The Almoravids first created a religious movement in the Maghreb desert and sought help from the tradition of Ṣanhāja tribes and Maliki jurisprudence, and then succeeded in conquering the entire Islamic Maghreb and paying attention to Al-Andalus. At this stage, they changed the configuration of their legitimacy system by using the title ‘Amir al-Muslimin’, and by adopting such a policy, they introduced themselves as the defenders of Muslims in the West to Islamic rulers. It also reflected the growing power and ambitions of the Almoravid government. By consolidating the political structure and strengthening the system of legitimacy, they took advantage of the power vacuum in Al-Andalus and entered there. Much of the Almoravid’s success in Al-Andalus depended on the political situation and the structure of the ruling governments there. Before taking any action, Yūsuf Ibn Tāshfīn decided to adopt the most appropriate method of defending against the progress of Christians by creating the concept of “jihad” and uniting the rulers of the region. The issue of jihad had a place in Maliki’s justification for establishing the political legitimacy of the Almoravids in Al-Andalus. Although the Almoravids succeed in shaping political power and the system of legitimacy, there are a number of reasons why they encountered difficulties in establishing power in Al-Andalus. First, the Al-Andalus environment was unfamiliar to the Almoravids, and due to their dependence on the Maghreb desert, they could not establish a model like the Al-Andalus Umayyads. Another issue goes back to the discourse of the political power of the Almoravids in Al-Andalus, which did not continue after Yūsuf Ibn Tāshfīn. After Yūsuf Ibn Tāshfīn, they shattered their rule by creating erosive battles in Al–Andulas at great expense, and caused dissatisfaction by raising taxes. The Almoravids were stuck in the confusion of the Maghreb in Al-Andalus, with all its ups and downs. They weakened after the death of Yūsuf Ibn Tāshfīn (500 AH/1106 AD) and then declined. Nevertheless, the Almoravids marked one of the best historical periods in Al-Andalus.

The Islamic Revolution, by creating a fundamental hiatus on the link between tyranny and colonialism, considered issues such as independence, freedom, relying on neither East nor West slogan, self-confidence, belief in internal capacities and forces, and denial of dependence on foreigners as the country's basic strategies in the post-revolutionary era. Ayatollah Khamenei refers to this strategy as the "strength of the internal construction of power." In this theory, the internal construction of power means empowerment based on internal capacities and capabilities in various political, cultural, social, economic, scientific and technological dimensions without "dependence" on external power. In other words, the strength of the internal construction of power is the ability of societies to deal with vulnerable challenges which its source is the internal authority and the strengthening of the internal construction of power in various fields. Accordingly, the main question of the present article is formulated as follows: Accordingly, the main question of the present article is formulated as follows: What are the historical and intellectual backgrounds of the genesisof the theory of internal construction of power and what is the relationship between this theory and political power? Apparently factors such as the historical situation in Iran (invasion of foreign countries and dependence on them), understanding the nature of international relations based on the system of domination, highlighting the Qur'anic texts that imply the concept of independence and internal authority, be factors which provide the necessary grounds to genesisthe theory of the internal construction of power. In addition, Ayatollah Khamenei emphasizes the entanglement of the theory of the strength of the internal construction of power and political power; So that, On one hand, Without considering the idea of the internal construction of power, the foundations of political power will be shaken, and on the other hand, without the political power derived from the discourse of the Islamic Revolution, this theory will not be able to be realized and given objectivity.

Under the affect of the political, social, cultural and religious situation of Iran, the social position of women and their role playing has undergone changes and developments throughout the history of Ira. Over the course of time and because of the increasing influence of Iranian cultural and religious factors on the Mongol ilkhans, as well as the ancient and mostly patriarchal political thought of Iran, the role playing of court women was passed over to social and cultural domains rather than the mere politics. Likened to any other heritages, this role playing deformation of court women extended to some post-Ilkhan local rules, whose founders and rulers were more educated in the Iranian culture than the later Ilkhans. Employing historical approach and descriptive-analytical method, this research is mainly aimed at explaining the position of court women and factuality of their role playing in the local rule of Al-Muzaffar (1291-1373AD). Findings of research demonstrate that Al-Muzaffar court women under the influence of factors including the nature of Al-Muzaffar rule and the Iranian traditional bureaucracy, mostly played a role behind the pilitical scenes. In spite of some political activities, such as the several-day vicarious ruling of some cities and the occasional incitement of Mozaffari kings and princes in political and military conflicts, the court women in the mentioned era were more active behind the political scenes influencing decisions and actions related to prominent political figures as well as getting involved in building public utilitiy affairs including building mosques and schools.

As the most significant hagiography of Ilkhanīd period, Safwat al-Sāfa articulates a specific narrative of Sufi-State relationships under Ilkhanīds. What is represented in this new narrative is not the overall political history of the time, but only some moments, in which the central event is the encounter between the representative of ideological power, i.e. Sufi leadership, and representatives of secular power, politico-military elite. Safwat al-Sāfa's reports do not imply a complete representation of those events and do not correspond to the official historiographical reports of those events, but are aimed at writing them in line with the author's political orientation. The author, thus, selects some elements of political history and reconfigures them in a new narrative arrangement in order to provide a new account with real actors and real events with a degree of verisimilitude. Neither absolutely allegorical nor totally realistic, this new narrative configuration combines allegorical elements with realistic ones to transmit its political point; the superiority of ideological power over political power.

The discussion of political thought in Iran, focusing on the Islamic period, refers the researcher directly to a collection of works that have been written under the title of policy in different periods of history. The policy of writing during this period is the result of the accumulation of an intellectual-cultural duality; On the one hand, it is a reflection of political thought in ancient Iran, and on the other hand, it is mixed with traces of Islamic political thought. The most authoritative work in this context is the policy of Khajeh Nizam-ol-Molk Tusi during the Seljuk period. After that, other works that have been written and addressed under this title have followed the same previous process with some changes in terms of method and content. However, in any form, it is not an exaggeration to say that the purpose of writing these works is essentially to maintain the ruling power. Maintaining the ruling power is understandable by striving for legitimacy in a knowledge-power interaction. So, in this article, according to its subject, an attempt is made to answer the question, "What effect have the relations of power and expediency of the political authorities had on the evolution of the policy-writing policy?"

The reign of the Qajar kings began after the victory of Ahmad Muhammad Khan over Zand rulers and other claimants of government. The relations of power and relations prevailing in the Qajar political system were based on political power. As such, Qajar's rise to power must be seen as a kind of shift in power within Iran's provincial structure. The basic basis of the political power of the Qajar government, as in other periods of Iranian history, was based on tribal structure and the tribes and tribes possessed the real power of the state. In such a structure, the king of God was the shadow of God on earth and the center of political decisions. This status and characteristic of the king's extraterrestrial power led to the concentration of power, law-abiding, despotism, and authoritarianism, resulting in political underdevelopment. The conditional revolution took place in response to the king's extraterrestrial and heavenly power, but failed with the emergence of minor tyranny. In this research, we are trying to study the Qajar method, how to build the inheritance power and the absence of legal institutions in the Qajar era and its role on the political and social situation of Iran until the Constitutional era. The purpose is practical and, in the nature of research, descriptive and analytical, the data and findings are. The method of gathering data is viewing and reading through a library and archive of documents as well as searching the Internet and virtual networks.

Many factors exercise influence over, and moderate the structure of a city. These factors can be linked to the political, administrative, social and religious structure of society. This paper points out how political power's decision making, affect the structure of a city. It focuses on Isfahan the capital of Iran during Safavid king, Shah Abbas, government (1571–1629a.c.). This is a Historical research with analytical-descriptive method, which tracing structure transformation of the Isfahan through Abbas monarchial regime, from primary and secondary sources. Being a case-study of one city, this paper provides details about the context, actions and development from the study of Isfahan. Finally, article is followed by a typology of different kinds of autocratic interventions of Shah and their modes of operation. This paper concludes Creative interventions, direct interventions on concept and ideology of urban design, intervention through oversight and supervision, Self-glorifying Intervention, and intervention through development of urban public spaces were tools of autocratic controls of king on urban design and development. Being grounded in Isfahan, this typology is not meant to be exhaustive or mutually exclusive. The discussion focuses primarily on examples from Isfahan, but examples from other cultures, contexts and settings will be provided to indicate transfer-ability of the concepts.

With the death of Abu-Sa’id Gurkany, Sultan Hussain Bayqara after 12 years of struggling, on 10 Ramadan 873AH, captured Herat. This was while the survivors of Abu-Sa’id were not willing to defend Khorasan and there was the risk of attack by Uzun Hassan at any time. He could get control over Herat with only a small number of his forces who were not able to guarantee the survival of his governance by themselves. In these circumstances, one of the first measures he took in Herat was that he decided to change the sermon to Ithna ‘Ashari Imams, the decision that was met with opposition and was later put aside. Later his contemporary sources sought to omit his role in this adventure, and attributed it to a group of willful people and opportunists. The aim of this research is to indicate that not only did the Sultan have a key role in the adventure, but also his Shiite companions didn’t enjoy such an influence and power to do anything other than accompanying him. The main purpose of this action, regardless of the role of personal conviction, was to use Shiite elements in popular religious beliefs of Khorasan's Sunni ordinary people (Twelver Sunnism) along with Shiite forces in Khorasan and Astarabad in order to obtain legitimacy, social support, and stabilization of power

Sultan is a Concept which was in Circulation in Political Literature of Islamic World from 4th A.H onwards; The Term almost referred to Governor and Occasionally Government (Sultanate). However, until 4th Century, It endured a lot of Conceptual/ Applicable Evolutions. After Abbasid Caliphate Fall and Weakness of Dependent and Independent Dynasties, Sultan endured Scholarly and Mystical Implications too. In this Study, through Analytical - Descriptive Method, we will review the process of conceptual - applicable changes of Sultan with a special reference to its Hadith and Quranic implications and Political, Scholarly and even Mystical ones. Historical facts show that political implication is the most fundamental implications which repeated in other implications of the term Sultan.

The primary problem that guided this research was explaining the question of why internal and external political developments after August 1941, which were coincident with the opening of the thirteenth Parliament, did not lead to a fundamental change followed by an increasing role of the National Consultative Assembly in different fields. In the analysis of the problem, it is assumed that the development of the structure of the modern absolutist state, along with the aggravation of social fragmentation and the continuation of the traditional and patriarchal political culture as major obstacles to political development, had left the Parliament in an unstable and subservient position in the subsequent years, so that in the historical period of the 1950s, despite the internal critical situation caused by the weakening of the power of Shah as the top of the pyramid, strengthening of the political and military bureaucracy, and the foreign rule of the Allied Forces, the National Consultative Assembly lost its ability to monitor the affairs and make its ideal legislation. Consequently, despite the weakness of the monarchy and the young Shah’s lack of command over the affairs of the country, and with the struggle between the internal power groups and the weakening of territorial independence, we witnessed another interregnum in the legislative arena, and at this time, Domestic and foreign issues had a heavy shadow on the nature and functioning of the democratic institution of the National Consultative Assembly. Thus, achieving the ideals of Constitutionalism was given second priority, and attention and efforts remained focused on gaining or maintaining the democratic and political aspects of Constitutionalism, leading to a disregard for other constitutional organs. In this way, one of the most important aspects for the crystallization of Constitutionalism, that is, the development of the political culture in the new society based on participatory culture was postponed. Moreover, the sequence of events after the Constitutional Revolution was such that the efforts to “preserve the Constitution and the institution of legislative assembly” replaced any attempts to “develop the Constitution” and institutionalize its goals. Indeed, this is the key to the interpretation of all the events after the Constitution. By referring to historical sources and documents and studying the structure and function of the Parliaments in the 1950s, which encompasses the social and political life of thirteenth to sixteenth Parliaments, we can analyze the situation where, despite Reza Shah's departure from the political scene of the country and the subsequent political openness and in spite of the beginning of a new round of decentralization in the political and social structure of power, this temporary change did not mean progress in the path of development nor the dominance of new political-social institutions, such as the Parliament, parties, and social organizations, over the system of political power. The continuation of the structure and nature of the traditional political system and the rise of the political elite from the traditional sources of power, the most important of which was the traditional political culture, led to the reproduction of the absolutist domination in the Constitutional era, which was evident in the form of the confrontation between the structure and action of the Parliaments in the 1950s and the parallel centers of power.