جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه "slaves" در نشریات گروه "تاریخ"

The Seljuk era is one of the most influential periods in the middle history of Iran. Therefore, historians and researchers have paid attention to the Seljuk government from various political, military, cultural and social aspects, but due to the prominent role of slaves in this era, no research has been done that specifically deals with the military and policing functions of slaves. In this research, the author collects data by using historical and research texts related to the research topic (library method) and with a descriptive-analytical method, he seeks to answer the diversity and evolution of the military and policing functions of slaves in the Seljuk era. The author's claim is that in the time frame of the Seljuk rule, the variety and transformation of the military and policing functions of the slaves was significant and it was connected with the need and condition of the government and the ambitious efforts of the slaves. The findings of the research show that after the establishment of the Seljuk government, the use of slaves in the army and protection and security jobs was one of the priorities and necessities of the government. The trust of the sultans and government officials in the slaves and the loyalty of the slaves to their masters, having special qualities to do the work and meet the satisfaction of the owners, led to the continuous employment and promotion of slaves from low levels to high officials in the military and law enforcement arena.

Nuristan is a province located in the northeast of Afghanistan, which is known as Bilour/Bilouristan in Islamic sources of the Middle Ages and as Kāfiristān among Muslims. The people of Nuristan were divided into several social classes, the lowest class of which were slaves. Slaves played an important role in the daily work and life of Nuristan people. Slaves were responsible for important jobs such as carpentry, blacksmithing, wood carving, making clothes, shoe making and leather making. In the meantime, carpentry and blacksmithing had a special place in the daily life of Nuristan people, because the agricultural tools and weapons that people needed were prepared by slaves. Slave women and girls were also used to work in houses, raising children and farming. Based on George Scott Robertson's travelogue, this research has investigated the social status and daily life of slaves in old Nuristan.

From pre-Islamic times to the end of the fourth century AH, the political community of the eastern plateau of Iran, especially Khorasan and Transoxiana, consisted of local governments. These local governments were independent in managing their internal affairs. In the fourth century AH, the Samanid society suffered from internal security crises (tensions and conflicts between social groups) and external crises (attacks by Turkmen forces, especially the Karakhanids) due to the changing value patterns and high sectarianism. In this situation, by weakening the voluntary aspects of social order, the political dimension of order (force) was inevitably created with the help of military institutions and led to the transformation of the power structure and the transition from the Samanids to the Ghaznavid military government. In this regard, Ghaznavid law enforcement and military institutions, based on their organizational nature, tried to exercise direct and comprehensive control over Khorasan and neighboring lands by eliminating local governments and applying repression and establishing a security environment. In other words, the goal of Ghaznavid centralism was to use all available capabilities in society to deal with increasing security crises. This article examines the security situation in the Samani-Ghaznavid community and shows why the security crisis led to the removal of local governments in the region and what were the consequences for society. The method of this qualitative research is library study with the approach of contextual analysis.

With the expansion of the Islamic realm and the conquest of parts of Asia and North Africa in the first and second centuries (AH) and the arrival of slaves and captives, a suitable platform was provided for the slavery of the Arab community. A group of these maids who had children from their masters were called Mother of the Child (Umm-E-Valad). The present study seeks to investigate the attitude of the community towards the mothers of the children and the role of the Imams (AS) in promoting their social status. For this purpose, historical and non-historical writings have been examined for the social understanding of the subject, using a descriptive-analytical method. The results of this study show that in a situation where slaves and the mothers of the children had no place in Arab society and were humiliated and discriminated against, the Imams (AS) while providing legal support to slaves, by releasing them and choosing them as wives were practically displaying  a model of right Islamic behavior.  They promoted the status of the mothers as the wives and mothers of their children.

Slave bargain that was common in the West of Europe for a long time continued after the conquer of Andalusia by Muslims in the last decade of the first century A.H. Meanwhile, slaves from the northern regions of Spain, especially Slavic lands, entered the Andalusian markets. These slaves, known in medieval Islamic sources as Saqaliba, were often bought by Jewish merchants and transferred to Andalusia in the west Islamic world. The main question of the research is that where was the prime origin and geographical dispersion of Saqaliba and how did they enter the community of Andalusia? Findings indicate that Saqaliba were a group of white people living in Eastern and Central Europe that had entered Andalusia as slaves. The Umayyad rulers of Andalusia, who were harassed of ethnic and tribal competitions of Berbers and the Arabs used this opportunity for their government permanence in Andalusia. Thus, the Slave bargain of Saqaliba has been beneficial for all the three sides of this triangle transfer i.e., the slaves, the Jewish merchants, and the Umayyad governors.

Ishmaelite Fatimids (297-567) initially took power in the Islamic West and later, they entered Egypt. In their political and military structure of their government particularly the army and the positions in the court and government, they were not dependent on the native powers and extensively they took advantage of slaves belonging to various races. After providing a general illustration from the symbols of authority of slaves and via the descriptive-analytical method, this article tries to answer this main question pertaining to the internal and external elements effective on attracting the servants by Fatimids. This study reveals that the elements such as war, priority of military power of servants, increasing the number of them and strengthening their authority against the internal claimants, not trusting in native and local powers due to their frequent sedition, the danger of local powers and collaboration with Abbasid caliph, territorial development and providing an obedient army without any materialist and regional belongings are considered as the main elements of taking advantage of slaves in the political- military system.

The position of the Safavid government in the development of architecture, art, military affairs, and security is not hidden from anyone. The important point in these developments is to what extent the slaves contributed to these developments. Slaves in this study are the special slaves of the government in the Safavid period through which the Safavids consolidated their power. They were slaves who in Safavid historiography were usually referred to as neo-Muslim Christians who were called Shah Doost. The master-slave model, which began during the reign of Shah Tahmasb I, became the most effective tool during the reign of Shah Abbas I to maintain the power of the monarchy against the style of tribal rule. Shah Abbas supported the slaves in order to create a rift in the tribal structure and in return demanded unconditional loyalty from them. The question of the research is what role did slaves play in the structure of Safavid sectarianism, society, architecture, art, and trade, and the hypothesis is that given that the power of slaves was due to the Safavids' sincerity to the Safavid king always in the work of security and They worked hard to spread architecture, art, and trade. This article examines the role of slaves in the Safavid rule according to the available sources in the form of a library.

One of the important factors neglected seriously in the writings of Islamic historians is the movement of social and tribal minorities in the Islamic Caliphates. The prevalence of political and military issues in the writings of historians, especially in Omavid's Caliphate, has left no space for this issue. This historical negligence has made the job historians difficult to study the socio-historical nature of these movements and their causes. The movement of Kasahin and Ahloalkala and slaves of the south of Iraq—occurred during the reign of Abdol-almalek- ebne- Marvan—is among these social movements neglected in the civil wars of Muslims. This article attempts to study the social, economic and political roots of this movement and how this social movement was suppressed by Hajaj-Ibne-Yusof –e- Saqafi

One of the remarkable things in the history of Islamic territories may be regarded as the causes and grounds leading to the power of some slaves, inferiors, and sometimes those of bad record. These people, having entered the kings’ court as slaves, with the social and political situations happening in Islamic societies, were able to come to power and become powerful rulers. Therefore, they could take the destiny of a region in their own hand and appoint Caliphs or Sultans for the Muslims. Analyzing the Persian and Arabic texts written by the Muslims, this paper aims at answering the question on the causes and grounds for the power and influence of slaves and inferiors in Islamic territories of the era in establishing hereditary regimes.