جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « عهدنامه ها » در نشریات گروه « تاریخ »

With the end of the first war between Iran and Russia (1228-1219 AH/1819-1804 AD), which led to the Golestan Treaty and many parts of the Caucasus were handed over to the tsarist government, Iranian statesmen expected to be able to negotiate through diplomacy and a direct request from Tsar Alexander I. (1801-1825 AD) to take back some of the lost areas. This request was followed by Abul Hasan Khan Ilchi in the embassy to Petersburg (1814 AD) and according to Alexander I's decision, its follow-up was subject to negotiations with the new Russian ambassador, General Yarmulov in Iran, which in 1817 AD, had a fruitless meeting with Abbas Mirza and Fath Ali Shah Qajar. This embassy not only did not achieve anything for the Iranians in recapturing areas of the Caucasus, but also caused new disputes and misunderstandings, which eventually led to the outbreak of the second war in 1826 AD. The last mission was the embassy of Mirza Mohammad Sadeq Vaqayenegar, the influential figure of the Iranian court, who in 1241 A.H./1826 A.D. with the embassy in Tbilisi, became the agent to settle border disputes with General Yermelov. One of the most important features of this embassy was the delivery of "negotiation instructions" to Vaqayenegar, which is one of the first experiences of diplomatic etiquette in the history of Iran. Examining the documents and sources shows that Abbas Mirza and the Iranian court had already drawn up various plans to advance the demands step by step and to force the Russians to accept Iran's conditions, and in the end, due to various reasons, it was not possible to fulfill the provisions of the document, the negotiation ended and the second three-year war, which led to the Treaty of Turkmanchai, began.

The provisions of the Golestan Treaty did not satisfy the Russians nor the Iranian government; Especially because of the ambiguities that existed in the border lines. In this regard, Russians invaded Iran ocassionally, until in 1241 AD. Russian forces captured Gogche. This event, in addition to the terrible news that reached the Russians about the suffering and torture of the Caucasus people, made the start of the second war between Iran and Russia inevitable. Therefore, with the consent of the politicians, the verdict of Jihad was issued by the scholars and the Iranian army under the command of Abbas Mirza started the war. The second period of wars between Iran and Russia started on 22 Dhu Hijjah 1241 and the battles lasted for almost two years until Abbas Mirza welcomed the Russian peace proposal due to the current unfavorable conditions. The place of negotiations was decided by Paskovich Dekhwarqan (Azershahr) and the leaders of the two countries attended there. In the Dehkhwaraghan negotiation assembly, Paskovich made the peace agreement conditional on handing over the states of Yerevan, Nakhchivan, Mako, Talesh and Mughan, as well as the payment of 20 crores Ashrafis from Iran, but the Dehkhwaraghan negotiations failed due to Iran's non-agreement. With the mediation of the British ambassador Macdonald, it was decided to start the peace talks again, this time in Turkmanchai village. At the end of the long negotiations, a compensation amount of 10 crores equivalent to 5 million Tomans was determined, which should be given to the Russians before signing the treaty. Hence, after going through various stages, a part of the reconciliation money arrived and the parties signed the peace treaty between the two countries on the 5th of Sha'ban 1243/21st February 1828 in Turkmanchai village. Moreover, in order to interpret some articles of the Turkmencha Treaty, several other treaties were also added to it.

Examining the historical treaty between the governments is conducted mostly through exploring the events and interactions of the political forces involved in concluding them, which is in large part a result of the view that conclusion of these treaties is itself a historical event. But if we assume the conclusion of a treaty between one or several states within the framework of a legal-negotiating process, which has gone out of the domestic legal framework of each of the countries involved in it and in the context of a conventional legal system among the governments, in this case, we can distance from the mere historical examination of the events and have in a way an analysis, examination and pathology of the negotiating behavior of each of the governments for achieving their goals. The present paper tries to collect the negotiating records and the reports related to the meetings between the Iranian negotiators in the Qajar era and the Tsar Russian political representatives during the 1st Iran-Russia wars during the Fath-Ali Shah Qajar reign, and depict a plan of the negotiating behavior of the political representatives of the Qajar court during the conclusion of the Iran/Russia treaty, called the Gulestan Treaty.

The effort of one of the strategic regions of Iran, located in the west of the Caspian Sea, has been very effective in determining the political borders due to its special position. Simultaneously with the extinction of the Safavids, most landowners, in an effort to protect their own interests, turned to the Russian government. After Nader Shah Afshar, a suitable ground was prepared for the formation of independent and semi-independent khanates, and during the reign of Karim Khan Zand, due to the peace in the borders, the Khans had unstable relations with the Russians. During the Qajar period, and especially at the same time with the conclusion of the Golestan and Turkmenchay treaties, which led to the division of the Talesh region, the position of the Khans towards Russia became more apparent. What are the reasons for the growing presence of Russians in the region and the turning away from the Iranian government in the political dispute between Iran and Russia? Attention to the level of power, domination and supervision of the then government of Iran in the effort on the one hand and the expansionist policy of Peter the Great on the other hand caused the Russians to pay unprecedented attention to the readers of the effort. According to the findings of the present study, this change of position has been affected by the conditions of colonial development in the world, the readers' sense of independence and lack of military and political supporters by the Iranian government. The present article seeks to investigate the political behaviors of the readers of Talesh in the Qajar period following the Iran-Russia wars and its impact on the outcome of the war using a descriptive-analytical method.

Talesh is a land in west of the Caspian Sea that Persistent Iranians have lived there for a long time And it is rich in historical, social, economic, geographical and religious perspectives. Wire this area into two parts of the northern and southern Wire this area into two parts of the northern and southern tributaries after the Turkmenchay treaty, a study of its historical geographical range prior to division is necessary. In the Period of different religions throughout history, it has had a more sustained presence than its neighbors. Therefore, its population composition is assumed to be reflective. This paper seeks to answer these questions by a descriptive-analytical method :What was the historical geography of Talesh before it was divided? Have the historical and human characteristics of Talesh been influenced by geographical factors? The findings of the study indicate that Talesh's specific geographical location has protected it from other influxes of tribal populations and to some extent it preserved the ethnic origin of the area. On the other hand, the attempt on the Gilan route to Azerbaijan, the Caucasus and Russia has created a history of different ups and downs between neighboring states.

The Russian government for detaching Georgia from Iran's territory took two stages of the war, the first war in 1804/ 1218 which was ended to the Golestan pace, And the second war in 1826/1241 stated and concluded with Turkmenchay. There are some provisions in the chapters of the treaties which made slow Iran's development pathway. This research seeks to address the causes and roots of Iran's underdevelopment through the two treaty. This article shows that the implementation of the provisions of the treaties had led in lack of progress and development, which had irreparable effects on the socio-economic life of the people and the Iranian state. Russia's meddling in internal affairs of Iran in accordance to the provisions of the treaties made internal chaos in the country and had a devastating effect on the economic, political, cultural and social conditions in Iran. So, the set of factors which had a significant impact on Iran's lack of development are going to be assessed one by one.

Iran was put exposed on the politics and intervention of the European countries on the eve of the nineteenth century, when Iranian politicians were not enough primed to face such a situation because of the undeveloped state of the country along with their own ignorance. The first round of Russo-Persian Wars was one of the most important instances of the involvement of Europeans in Iran, which ended with the imposition of the Treaty of Gulistan with the mediation of the UK ambassador to Iran, Sir Gore Ouseley. This study tried to analyze the role of Sir Gore Ouseley in the events leading to the end of the first period of the Russo-Persian Wars especially the aforementioned treaty. The results indicate that Sir Gore Ouseley acted as a mediator in the negotiations between Iran and Russia since 1227 AH /1812. However, he had an important role in defeating Abbas Mirza's forces in Aslanduz, with his tendency toward Russia and his removal of British officers from the Iranian troops. Promising the reclaim of the Iranian lands by the Russian emperor, and using other promises and threats, he also forced other people to accept the unequal conditions of peace with Russia.

The Caucasus region has had a great importance in the Iranian history since ancient times and has played a major role in the main developments of Iranian foreign relations. By separation from Iran in 1828, this significance remained for the coming decades; although its shape have changed. The main purpose of this paper is study and review role of Armenians in tendency to Russian empire from last decades of the safavid dynstay to the Turkmanchay treaty. We try answer to this main question that the scientific views of the last two centuries, that consider joining to Tsarist Russia as a general and maximal demand of Armenian community, how much is it consistent with the historical reality and the relevant sources and archival documents?. By examining the relevant documents and sources, present study shows that this trend was not a maximum demand and many parts and main church of the Armenian community had no adesire for join to Russian Empire. Because of various reasons, including the political support of the Iranian governments from the Christians especially during the stabilization of the central power, most of the Armenians have called for continuity in the Iranian society.

The quick conquest of Persia by the Arabs, which took place in many cities and regions, at least after the defeat of Nahavand, without serious and organized resistance, is one of the the most interesting issues in the history of Iran and Islam. Meanwhile, the study of the motivations that made Iranians compromise Muslim conquerors in many cities is of a high significance. Searching in treaties and peace agreements that were concluded between Iranians and Arabs in the first century A. H. would be very useful for achieving these motives. The study of these treaties shows that the incentive to obtain economic benefits or to repatriate material losses, as well as efforts to achieve Life and financial security, has had the largest share in the Iranian desire for reconciliation with the Arabs. As in most treaties, the maintenance of the benefits and the dispossession of material property was the first and most compelling demand of Iranians, and the preservation of Zoroastrian religions and beliefs had a smaller share. This article, by examining the existing treaties between Iranians and Arabs in the first half of the first century A. H., aims to study the contribution of each of the Iranian economic and religious motives to compromise them, and ultimately provide the reader with the possibility of comparing these two types of motivation.

An introductory evaluation of Iran’s history during Qājār period shows that the problem of succession was a field of Russian interference in political matters of Iran. The history of foreign interference in successional problems of Persian throne might be traced as long as Achaemenid and Arsacid periods. Nonetheless, for the first time in early Qājār period and through the Gulistān and Turkman Chāy treaties, a foreign power, namely Imperial Russia, interfered formally in successional problem of Qājār dynasty. According to the seventh chapter of Turkman Chāy treaty, the Tsar guaranteed the right of Abbās Mīrzā and his house for the Persian throne. It seems there were serious challenges which threatened Abbās Mīrzā’s elevation to kingship of Iran and these challenges played an effective role for Russian formal interference in the problem of succession. This paper aims to give an explanation of this problem through analyzing the range of causes which paved way for Russian interventional activities. According to its main hypothesis, a number of causes such as lack of a firm and clear succession law, its dependence on the King’s arbitrary will and, a destroying rivalry between Qājār princes and the Vicegerent prepared the favorite ground for Russian interference.

After the Harun's death, the Abbasid Caliphate plunged into political crisis. The caliphate's territory was divided into eastern and western halves. The early Islamic historians generally say that the internal crisis of the Abbasid caliphate was started when the caliph Amin ignored Mamun's right of sovereignty over the eastern half of the empire and contravened the Meccan protocol which had segregated Mamun's authorized limits and Amin's realm. Therefore, Mamun's army captured Baghdad and took possession of power by killing the caliph Amin. This study tries to found its achievements -with a different approach- on the following hypotheses: Firstly, Harun did not divide his territory in the Meccan protocol and did not distinguish the authority sphere of his sons. Secondly, the claim of Khurasan's autonomy has been added to the Meccan protocol after the murder of the caliph Amin for justifying Mamun's autonomy in Khurasan and condemning Amin as the violator of the Meccan protocol and the real agent of the civil war. Thirdly, Ma’mun’s disobedience towards the Caliph Amin’s orders, paved the way for internal crisis.