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Gender as a nominal inflectional category is found in some modern Iranian languages, although they differ in the way this concept is realized. Abyānaʾī, belonging to the Central Dialects of Iran, does not have a grammatical way of marking the gender. In other words, there are no individual formal markers (except for some nouns ending in vowels) distinguishing between the two genders. In order to determine the status of gender in this dialect, based on Corbettʼs (1991) theoretical framework, agreement was taken as the criterion for distinguishing masculine and feminine genders. By instantiating dialect materials collected by fieldwork and through interviews with four informants, the present article seeks to determine the scope of gender agreement, namely the elements showing agreement in gender with their head noun. This study showed that Abyānaʾī has an agreement on both the noun phrase and clause levels. The grammatical gender of the head noun determined the morphological form of some of its dependents, such as the numeral "one", attributive adjectives, demonstratives, predicative adjectives ending in /-ɑ/, ordinal numbers, definite article, comparative adjectives, and the quantifier "more". On the clause level, on the other hand, only the third person singular form of past verbs agreed in gender either with the subject (as in the case of intransitive), or with the object (as in the case of transitive). Because the gender distinctions appeared in the singular but not in the plural, the gender system of Abyānaʾī should be considered as a convergent type.

Every region’s language and dialect have a main influence on the formation of the people’s worldview and identity, but recently these languages and dialects have been left and ignorance endangered for reasons such as the effect of the standard language and inattention of the native speakers. Therefore, the purpose of this essay presentation is to register and reserve one of these endangered local varieties. In the present study, agreement and case categories as two main elements of morphological alignment typology in the Khorramabad Lori language were surveyed. The method included preparing a 340 sentences questionnaire, interviewing 3 native speakers, registering, recording, transcribing, describing, and analyzing dialectal data, and at the end, eliciting grammatical patterns of the case and agreement categories in this language. Findings revealed that it is a nominative-accusative pattern for agreement and case categories in Lori. Finally, it was deduced that the typological system of morphological alignment is nominative-accusative consistently in the Khorramabad Lori language.

Case marking has always been a challenging issue to account for in various versions of the generative enterprise. Among the several available approaches seeking to theoretically deal with case marking, two approaches have been significantly highlighted: the first one, entitled as the syntactic approach, is advocated by Chomsky in the basic versions of minimalist program and the second one, which is generally described as the morphological or dependent approach to case marking, was first proposed by Marantz and subsequently elaborated on by Baker, among others. Focusing on the accusative alignment in present-tense transitive constructions in Hawrami, the present paper attempts to compare the explanatory adequacy of these approaches. It is indicated that none of these approaches can comprehensively account for the case-marking patterns in the accusative constructions in Hawrami. Although the syntactic approach can explain the bilateral relationship between the case-marking properties of the subject and its agreement with T, it fails to come up with a plausible analysis for the case-making of the object, in which case the dependent approach is more theoretically equipped to account for. Therefore, in line with previous studies in this regards, it is recommended that employing an eclectic approach, in which the theoretical apparatus of both syntactic and dependent frameworks are being used, can result in a more logical scenarios for the minimalist analysis of case-marking patterns in syntactic structures. 

The purpose of the present article was to describe and study the agreement system typologically in Ayaski dialect based on Comrie's pentagonal system (1978). This language variety is one of the subgroups of the Tuni dialect, which is spoken in the north of South Khorasan province, and belongs to the southern western branch of Iranian languages. The data of the current research has been collected by field method such as observation and interview with Ayaski speakers. All collected sentences were obtained with the participation of at least ten Ayaski speakers aged between 34 and 71. The analysis of available data showed that the agreement system in this dialect is split, and is sensitive to aspect, time and person. In sentences with present tense, both with intransitive and transitive verbs, the agreement system was from a nominative-accusative type. This agreement did not depend on the intransitive or transitive verb, so the agreement system in the present tense was not sensitive to the transitivity of the verb. In sentences with past tense, both with intransitive and transitive verbs, the agreement system was from an oblique-accusative type. In the nominative-accusative system, the subject in half of the cases was formed as an agreement inflectional suffix in the verb. In the oblique-accusative system, agreement were also manifested by oblique clitics, and were of neutral type.

Agreement can be known as the phenomenon by which a word takes morphological features that originate somewhere else, i.e., a situation in which a target form has grammatical marking that is controlled by a controller. On the other hand, cross-referencing (when a verb is marked) is often used in the pro-drop languages as a mechanism through which a verb is marked by bound elements in order to express its arguments. This kind of verb on its own suffices to represent its arguments, as it is inflectionally rich. Since Persian, as a pro-drop language, has the above-mentioned features, we can logically apply the term cross-referencing to Persian. But, it seems this term has not technically and comprehensively been investigated in this usage in Persian, and instead, agreement is usually used in this case. Therefore, the present study aimed to investigate: Can cross-referencing be used for the typological situation of the Persian verbal agreement system? What are the components of the Persian cross-referencing framework? Can a technical field be proposed for cross-referencing in Persian? To do this, analyzing 43 standard colloquial Persian scenarios, this research characterized the components of the Persian cross-referencing framework, and introduced a technical field for the mentioned term based on typological approach according to Siewierska & Bakker (2005), and Corbett (2006). Besides, to select between agreement and cross-referencing, the study offered a two-way continuum.

In a diachronic perspective, the article investigates and compares the changes in Arabic and Persian word order, agreement, and case-marking, as the devices of differentiating subject and object. In fact, the main problem of this investigation was to discuss and follow the changes which have happened in the ways of distinguishing between the subject and object in the history of the two languages. In Arabic, the Classical variety has been compared to two of its today’s varieties, and in Persian, the changes have been followed from the Old period to this day. Persian and Classical Arabic data have been extracted from written sources, and the fieldwork part of the investigation consists of gathering data from the Arabic of Khuzestan and Lebanon via interviews with six speakers (three from each variety) by means of questionnaire and picture-description. Data-analysis shows that Arabic has lost its cases and extended its agreement system, and now it relies more on word order. Persian, on the other hand, has lost its case and agreement devices, reconstructing both later, with no changes in word order at the clausal level. Furthermore, no evidence for influences of Arabic and Persian on each other in these fields was found in this investigation, and it seems that all these changes have been language-internal, or at least, the two languages did not have effects on each other with this regard.

The present study investigates the grammatical gender feature in Kholosi language. This language belongs to the family of Indo-Aryan languages, which is spoken in the villages of "Kholos" and "Gotav" in Hormozgan province. Kholosi has preserved this grammatical feature inherited from the Sindhi language since long ago. Sindhi language is the historical language of Sindh state, which has been influenced by Farsi, Urdu and Balochi languages. Kholos is the name of a small village in Kokhard, Harang district of Bastak city, which is located in the west of Hormozgan province, 18 km from Jinnah city. Many believe that this people migrated from India to Iran before Islam and accepted Islam after settling in this region. After the migration of this people to Iran, due to the existence of geographical borders and lack of contact between the residents of this region and the speakers of the Sindhi language, their language gradually changed. These changes occurred in the field of vocabulary, grammar and syntax, so that now the speakers of Kholosi language cannot communicate with the speakers of Sindhi language. The category of grammatical gender only focuses on some languages of the world. An important question that is raised in linguistics is the method of assigning grammatical gender to nouns.

Materials and Metods:

This research is descriptive and the data of this research was collected through interviews with speakers of Kholosi language. To collect the data of this language, 10 speakers of Kholosi language were interviewed. Among them, 3 men and 7 women in the age group of 30 to 85 years were selected. The data were analyzed in the form of Corbett's (1991) semantic system and formal system. Moreover, the way of assigning grammatical gender to nouns in this language was investigated in derived, compound and loanwords. This research was conducted with the aim of achieving the following question:What is the criterion for assigning gender in Kholosi language? Since no linguistic research has been conducted on Kholosi language so far, in the background section of the research, some researches related to grammatical gender in other Iranian languages have been mentioned. The definition of grammatical gender in this research is based on the research of Corbett (1991). The main feature of grammatical gender is matching. In languages that have a gender system, the most common number of genders includes two classes (feminine and masculine). Kholosi language also has two grammatical genders, masculine and feminine, at the level of nouns, adjectives, and verbs.

In data analysis, the grammatical gender of Kholosi words was investigated based on the semantic and formal system of Corbett (1991). According to Corbett (1991), in the semantic system, the meaning of the word is the only criterion and basis for determining grammatical gender. In Kholosi, there are nouns such as: "sister", "mother", "woman", "father", "brother" and "man" which have feminine and masculine semantic characteristics. In this language, in addition to humans, specific words are used to refer to some names of male and female animals according to their gender. According to the phonological rules in the Sindhi language, proper nouns that end with the vowels [-a], [æ], [-i], [-ey] are feminine, and nouns that end with the vowels [-o], [-u], [-ū], [-ow], have masculine grammatical gender . In derived adjectives, the gender of the noun used in it determines the grammatical gender. In Kholosi compound words, the final vowel indicates the grammatical gender, but if the compound word ends with a consonant, then the grammatical gender of the first morpheme determines the grammatical gender of that word. The rules of grammatical gender of loanwords in this language are the same as assigning gender to nouns. In Kholosi language, there is a match between adjective and noun in terms of gender and number. In descriptive compound, the suffix is ​​attached to the end of the compound and to the adjective. The sign / ᴐ /- is used for the masculine adjective and the sign /-i/ is used for the feminine. To express the concept of indefinite, the independent definition letter is not used, but the number /hek/ "one" before the nouns has this role. /heko/ is used for masculine nouns and /heki/ is used for feminine nouns. In Kholosi, there is a gender match between the verbs and the subject, only if the verb is past tense and intransitive. In other tenses, they have a tense limit and the verbs match the subject only in terms of person and number. The gender matching suffixes are /du/ for the masculine gender and /di/ for the feminine gender. In this language, there is a match between gender and person, but in the imperfect continuous form for the second person singular, at the end of the verb, the feminine gender marker /-di/ is used in a neutral form to indicate both genders. The relative verb "to become" in the past tense and in the singular form has the distinction of masculine and feminine grammatical gender. The sign /ᴐ/- is used for masculine adjectives and the sign /-i/ is used for feminine adjectives. If the adjective is plural, these additional signs are removed and the plural sign /-a/ is used at the end of the adjective.

Kholosi language has overt and covert grammatical gender. Masculine nouns end with vowels [o, u, ow, ü] and feminine nouns end with vowels [a, æ, i, ey]. Loanwords are also subject to the same phonetic rule. If loanwords end in a consonant, they usually take the masculine gender. In Kholosi language, animate, inanimate and object nouns also have grammatical gender distinction. In this language, nouns match verbs, adjectives, pronouns, numbers, and letters of definition in terms of gender, and there are many restrictions on the correspondence between nouns and their dependents, including tense, phonetic, person, mood, and number restrictions. Verbs in this language have grammatical gender distinction only in the past tense and singular. The relative verb "to become" in the past tense and in the singular case has gender distinction. Noun has masculine and feminine gender only in singular case, and if the noun is plural, it has no grammatical gender. The speakers of Kholosi language use grammatical gender in their speech and are aware of its existence, but due to the influence of Persian language, the speakers of the new generation of this language in this village use the category of grammatical gender less.

Many researchers working within the framework of Generative Grammar have investigated the null-subject phenomenon. Therefore, there are many approaches, which differ in the identification of the little pronoun (pro), and its licensing across human languages. This paper discusses these approaches and highlights the multifaceted nature of null subjects. More specifically, it shows that the original formulation of pro-drop parameter, which is based on rich agreement, does not adequately capture the behavior of pro across languages especially in a theory where Agreement features are uninterpretable. Within this theoretical framework, an attempt will be made to demonstrate that Arabic is a pro-drop type and that the verbal suffixes are agreement markers in contrast to what is common in some generative literature. The nominative case will also be considered as the basic licenser of the little pronoun, while the features identification process is specified through binding relation. Additionally, it is assumed that pro in Arabic is inserted into the derivation with non-specified ɸ-features. Therefore, it involves the presence of a topic in the structure or an antecedent in the discourse to identify its features. This specification of pro features facilitates the valuation of T features in the same way as the valuation process of T features in DP.

In this article, the gender system in the Vafsi dialect is examined. The theoretical framework is based on the view of Corbett (1991) according to which gender is a system at the level of relations between words (outside lexical derivation). In this view, The criterion for evaluating and determining the number of grammatical genders or word classes in a language is agreement. In addition to determining the number of genders in the Vafsi dialect, the semantic/formal parameters involved in gender assignment have also been studied. The results of this study show that according to the agreement criteria, there are only two word classes or grammatical genders in this dialect feminine and masculine: 1- Words ending in an unstressed vowel –æ̀ (feminine) 2- Other words that end in other vowels and consonant (masculine). Also, the synchronic status of this dialect shows that the gender assignment to the words is not based on a semantic criterion such as biological sex (sex-based) or animacy. Instead, the mentioned phonological criterion forms a separate class of words in this language. Thus, from a typological point of view, the Vafsi dialect has a non-sex-based gender system in which gender assignment to the words is formal, not semantic.

This essay discusses the typology of case system in four varieties of Turkish language: Azeri, Khalaji, Anatolian and Uzbek Turkish. Case-marking is one of the applied methods to show the grammatical connection between elements of the sentence. It also indicates the grammatical connections between the noun and verb clauses. Theoretical approach of this study is based on Comrie's approach (1989),which has introduced the five types of languages. The data of the study are gathered from the literality texts and fictions in varieties of each language . According to these data, there are six types of case-marking in Turkish language and its dialect's that There are nominative, accusative, dative, genitive, locative and ablative. The case-marking bound morphemes are presented through suffixes. Transitivity topic is also examined in this research. Since the selected dialects belong to different branches of Turkish language, there are some similarities and differences between them which have been studied typologically.

This study investigated grammatical gender in Āmora’I language. This language is spoken in Āmora village in Khalajestan rural area in Qom province. It has two grammatical genders: Masculine and Feminine. Feminine gender is marked by inflectional suffixes '-a' and '-iya'. This suffix appears as -a in consonant ending words and -iya in vowel ending words. These markers are added to nouns, pronouns, indefiniteness markers, adjectives and verbs to distinguish the gender of a word. The grammatical gender of the verb, adjective, pronoun and indefinite marker is determined based on the gender of head in noun phrase. The gender agreement is a regular-based method for distinguishing the gender of nouns in the rest of the components of the sentence. The gender agreement of verbs with adjectives is also observed with any type of noun (human, animate and inanimate) and with plural nouns. While indefinite marker agreement can be seen only in singular names attributed to humans. The verb gender agreement is only possible for past tenses. In this agreement, although third person singular pronoun which expresses the gender marker but also, it is true for all other persons.

Phase Theory has been proposed as the latest achievement of the minimalist program to optimize syntactic computation of language. Chomsky believes that the derivation of linguistic constructions follows one-phase performance to reduce the memory computing burden. At the end of each phase, part of the syntactic structure already formed undergoes the transfer to the phonological and semantic componant , with the result that the relevant part of the structure is inaccessible to further syntactic operations formed in that stage of derivation. Many linguists believe that syntactic operations of  Merge and Agreement follow the phase impenetrability condition. Since pronominal clitics systems have often been extensively adapted to the Agreement system throughout history, studying the Agreement operation in a language requires studying the clitic hosts. In this paper, by examinig the Ardalani Kurdish language data and describing and theoretically analyzing the clitic hosts, we will show that the explanation of  clitic  agreement  in Ardalani kurdish is related to the principle of phase impenetrability condition.

Phase Theory has been proposed as the latest achievement of the minimalist program to optimize syntactic computation of language.The purpose of this paper is to study and analyze of Ardalani Kurdish data and to what extent phase theory is useful in explaning the clitic hosts in Ardalani Kurdish. we showed that the explanation of clitic agreement in Ardalani would follow the principle of phase impenetrability condition . Data collection was based on field methods, library and the use of researcher language intuition. We also showed through a descriptive –analytical method based on theoretical framework of Citko (2014), the derivation of the phase of transitive single object phrases in Ardalani. The clitic hosts are limited to the complement of VP core in the first phase. Therefore, the elements that are in this range can be a good host for the matching word closure. Therefore the direct object and the non-passive component of the compound verb would be the best choice for the clitic. The clitic can also choose object-dependent adjectives and adverbs as hosts, provided that these elements are limited to the first phase. In this case, the clitic systematically selects these elements as the host. We also, by examining of the construction of adverbs, showed that there is restriction on the selection of adverbs and they are locally restricted. Whenever they are in the complement of the first phase, clitic will select them, but when they are outside the first phase, they can not be selected as hosts, and if selected, the sentence will be crashed. Finally, we concluded that phase theory is capable of explaining the clitic hosts in Ardalani

Accounting for the verbal agreement and its interaction with case marking in both accusative and ergative alignments have always been an interesting line of investigation in generative syntax. Two main approaches have been proposed in this regard within the general framework of Minimalism. The first one, referred to as the classic approach in the available literature, envisages agreement as a parallel mechanism with case marking, taking place in narrow syntax. The second approach, generally known as dependent case-marking approach, not only separates agreement from case marking, but also analyzes it as a two-step phenomenon being unfolded  both in narrow syntax, through Agree-Link, and PF, through Agree-Copy. Employing the theoretical apparatus of the dependent case-marking approach, the present paper seeks to study the patterns of verbal agreement in ergative constructions in Hawrami. The explanatory adequacy of this very approach is specifically observed in the theoretical analysis of a special type of ergative constructions in which the direct object takes the form of a possessive NP. The manner through which the possessor of the direct object is overtly manifested in these ergative constructions can determine the outcome of the verbal agreement: if the possessor is expressed via person-marker clitics, the verb agrees in person and number with the possessor, however, if the possessor is realized as an overt NP, the verb agrees with the possessed element. With the intention of analyzing this pattern, it is argued that in both cases the potential targets which the head of T, and consequently the main verb, can agree with are determined in narrow syntax, through Agree-Link while the ultimate form of the agreement affix is determined post-syntactically via Agree-Copy. More specifically, we maintain that Agree-Copy has a direct access to the internal structure of potential targets, and this very fact plays a vital role in determination of agreement patterns.

Clitics are medial linguistic units that have some characteristics of both affixes and words. The present research has been done to investigate clitics in Kalhori Kurdish of Ilam dialect. This investigation was done through a descriptive-analytic method whose data has been collected by referring to numerous resources of Kalhori Kurdish of Ilam and the linguistic intuition of the authors of this research. The patterns used to identify these clitics in this article are those criteria applied by Shaqaqi (1374) adopted from Zwicky and Pullum (1983) to investigate and classify the morphemes of the Persian Language. The results of this research show that the clitics of Kurdish dialect include: enclitic personal pronouns, object marker, linking verbs, marker of indefinite nouns, and the marker of past perfect tense and passive marker. Of these clitics, pronoun clitics (personal pronouns) have an agreement rule. This article shows also that the model of Zwicky and Pullum (1983) can be used as an appropriate scientific tool to identify and study Kurdish language clitics. The new achievement of this research is identifying "ɥ" clitic as the marker of the auxiliary verb in the past perfect tense and the existence of "ja" clitic for the passive verb.

The aim of this paper is to provide a typological perspective on the issue of split-ergative morphology in “Dikini”, a sub-dialect of “Marqi”. This study has shown that transitive-nominative and intransitive-nominative in both present and past tenses follow the grammatical pattern of split ergativity. In other words, the components of tense and transitivity are the main factors in grammatical change of nominative-accusative system to ergative-absolutive structure in “Marqi”. Moreover, in “Marqi”, the internal structure of the noun phrase is determined by case system.

In this contribution, we aim to analyze the architecture of "verb" in Anaraki, a central dialect of Iran, regarding the morphosemantics categories and the split agreement system. We argue that in Anaraki the past tense is expressed through both the affix marker and the split agreement system.Through this slit system, the position and the form of the agreement marker changes according to the tense, in other words it is encoded tense-sensitively. Anaraki data show that the agreement markers in preset tense are agreement affixes while proclitics in past. This rare condition is of importance because the agreement markers are often represented in suffix form. This portrays the linguistic reality that the less a category is related to the root, the more distant it stands to the root. Based on this principle, agreement markers are expected to be positioned at the end of the verbal root, as they are not semantcally reated to the root, but syntactically. Anaraki rejects this universal tendency.

Languages make use of three mechanisms to code grammatical relations: word order, case marking, and agreement. In the present study, an attempt is made to investigate agreement and the factors affecting agreement in Ilami Kurdish. To achieve this goal, Givon (2004) and Dabirmoghadam (1392) were adopted as the theoretical framework. The data were derived from interviews with native speakers using targeted questions. Results indicated that in Ilami Kurdish, 'nominative-accusative' agreement mechanism is employed as the main tool to signal grammatical relations. Also, it was proved that agreement system in the investigated language is not tense/ transitivity- sensitive. Another finding is that agreement is the main tool to code subject. However, using agreement to code object is both optional and affected by some factors including '(in)definiteness', being (non)referential', '(non)topical', and '(un)incorporated'. While, these factors were found to have some repercussions for coding objects, they are, however, irrelevant in coding subjects in Ilami Kurdish. Finally, it was found that factors including 'grammatical aspect' and 'semantic roles' of subject and object have no implications for agreement in Ilami Kurdish.