جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه "اعتراض" در نشریات گروه "علوم سیاسی"

The history of nations is full of recurring social phenomena such as protests, dissatisfaction and political-social unrest. "General dissatisfaction" refers to a situation in which people's dissatisfaction with the governance of the government system, government agents and institutions (governance sovereignty) has become an epidemic phenomenon and covers a wide range of citizens. Based on this, the aim of this research is to "identify the dimensions, components, indicators and forms of public dissatisfaction in J.A. Iran". The type of research is applied and descriptive.The method of data collection was also in the form of a library and with a polling tool, and finally, the pattern of formation of public dissatisfaction was extracted, which according to the research results can be attributed to the accumulation of demands and demands of different strata and different layers of the Iranian society in the period various government management issues, their failure to respond (expectation and reward theory) and as a result the lack of public trust, the adoption of a security and political approach to the daily issues of society by law enforcement and security institutions, the lack of civil liberties and political rights of citizens, economic inequalities and He pointed out the development of structural issues such as the increase in unemployment among university graduates and the government's inability to provide facilities and employment for them.

The present article analyzes the grounds and achievements of teachers' protest rally in Baharestan Square in 1340 AH. The focus of this research is the subject of teachers' activities and their demand at this time. The main issue is why and how teachers union demands were mixed with current political issues? At first, the teachers had union demands, including an increase in their monthly salariesHowever, due to the global conditions and the domestic situation, political goals were added to their movement, and this made the teachers achieve their demands to some extent. This research shows that strikes, union organizations and cooperation with other social groups were among the main strategies of teachers to realize their demands.The research method of this historical article is qualitative, which has led to analysis by matching historical data and information. The method of editing and writing is descriptive-analytical. And it has been tried to use documents, newspaper content, and related books.

Protest actions, as a form of socio-political orientations, have challenged the governments beyond the expiry of the electoral periods, in order to display new forms of participation. The demands raised in the form of protest slogans and their relationship with political discourses are the concern of this article. Therefore, in order to examine the semantic change of protest slogans of the last three decades in terms of political discourses, relying on Snow and Benford's framing theory and using the method of  content analysis to analyze the protest slogans in July 1978, in January 1996 and November 1998 . The results showed; In 1978, compared to other years, the diagnostic framework of the protesters was developed around the lack of coherence in the political structure, in 1988 around the non-realization of political values, and in 1996 and 1998 about the structural dimension of the political system. The themes of the slogans in 1978 (freedom, democracy) were consistent with the elements of the Reform discourse, but there was no correspondence between the slogans and the government's dysfunction. The themes of the slogans in 1988 (political justice) did not match the elements of the discourse of justice (reduction of poverty and deprivation), but it was in harmony with the functional dysfunction of the government in the field of politics. In the movements of the 90s, the slogans of the protestors were consistent with both the elements of Moderation discourse and the functional dysfunction of the government

The present study aims to analyze the roots and causes of political violence in the Middle East by relying on Huntington's theoretical perspective (Modernization Theory) and Robert Gurr's theoretical approach (Relative Deprivation). The main research question is what factors fuel the occurrence of political violence in the Middle East? The research method is of the historical-documentary type, where the researcher looks for the answer to the main goal by referring to articles, books, research and printed scientific works in the databases and also by referring to the historical past of the phenomenon (Political Violence). According to this; the results of the research show that political violence in the Middle East is the result of economic, social, political, psychological and cultural modernization. In transitioning from traditional and old patterns to new patterns; the countries accept changes in the society, however, previous authorities have collapsed, and new political, social and security challenges have arisen, including new political violence.

Based on the topics of political sociology, the emergence of revolutionary changes in a society is rooted in various protest movements in that society. This dissatisfaction is a set of internal and external factors. Some of these developments are explained based on a sociological approach and others on a historical approach. The first category, being short-term social causes and factors, develop when change movements, including revolutions, emerge. However, recognizing and explaining long-term historical causes and factors depend upon conducting research into the developments of contemporary history. The developments in Iranian society until the end of Pahlavi regime and the emergence of protest movements, including the Islamic Revolution, are rooted in dissatisfaction in contemporary history. Moreover, the accompaniment of tyranny and colonialism are two other effective factors. The characteristics of despotism include non-democratic government, lack of a civil society, lack of security, and the suppression of religious beliefs by rulers. In such conditions, colonialism is created, the consequences of which include the establishment of a hegemonic diplomatic relationship, an unfair exchange of privileges, and making decisions without public participation, and a lack of the right to vote for the people and the elite. Overall, it seems that fundamental changes in every society occur when people, in many cases, are dissatisfied with many issues. This fundamental issue calls for detailed study on the historical and social trends that develop the changes and movements in a society. These trends ultimately result in alternative systems.

The present research aims to provide a relatively accurate picture of the causes, topics, characteristics, achievements and problems by systematically reviewing the studies related to mass protests in Iran in 2018 and 2018 and by aggregating the results of scattered researches and by achieving a new perspective. These researches give. For this purpose, in this research, taking into account practical possibilities and time limitations, 60 cases (30 studies related to the protests of 1988 and 30 studies related to the protests of 1996) of the existing works between 1388 and 1400 were examined and the necessary information, extracted and analyzed. The obtained results show that in the collection of scientific works related to the protests of 2018, political causes have been given more attention than other causes, and the economic factor has been given less attention than other factors. In general, most of the authors have paid more attention to internal variables and socio-political factors. In the collection of scientific works related to the protests of 2016, social causes have received more attention than other causes, and the cultural factor has received less attention than other factors, and most of the analysts have paid more attention to internal variables and socio-economic factors. In the studies related to collective protest action in 1996 compared to 1988, we see a shift from socio-political factors to socio-economic factors.

Land in recent decades has become the most important factor in growth and development, especially the development of cities, the government to obtain the land needed for urban development has to adopt special policies tailored to the conditions of the country. According to Islamic law, the mortal land does not belong to a specific person and is given to the Islamic government. In this regard, the Urban Land Law in 1981 and the Urban Land Law in 1987 were approved by the parliament and caused many lands to be owned by the government. In the same years, it caused a major change in the development of cities, the provision of public welfare and the provision of housing needed by the government. The purpose of this study is to examine the scope of jurisdiction of the Article 12 Commission in accordance with the practical procedure of the courts and the extent to which the Commission has been able to achieve the government's policy objectives for urban development and public welfare. This research has been compiled by analytical-descriptive method and in the form of a library. The results of this research show that the said commission has limited competence and only has jurisdiction in determining the type of land. Most cases are challenged and this shows that in practice in recent years it has not been able to meet the government's goals in policy-making for public welfare and urban development, and there is a need for a major overhaul of Article 12 of the Urban Land Law.

The general purpose of this study is to investigate the impact of security and its specific purpose is to investigate the impact of security on public policy in the post-Islamic Revolution and the internal turmoil in Iran. Due to the importance and necessity of security policy, many thinkers and writers have tried to present different models, methods, and methods using different sciences. However, one of the common points of these models is the emphasis on recognizing the issue as the starting point of the policy process. Establishing a stable environment is one of the concerns of any government. In this study, we seek to answer the question: what effect does security have on evaluating the public policy process? Securitization makes the problem part of the policy-making process, and public policy-making makes operational and executive design a priority by prioritizing the security problem or security issue.

Today, most of the world's oil and gas fields are located along the borders of two or more countries. Exploitation and extraction from these common fields has been one of the most controversial issues of the host countries of these fields and reservoirs. In particular, the lack of a specific and comprehensive procedure has added to disagreements. Today, countries have resorted to various methods of joint exploitation to prevent or at least reduce such disagreements. One of these very useful methods is the exploitation through the integration contract. In this method, the host countries of the common fields or reservoirs agree that the field should be considered as a single unit and its operation should be done in a coordinated and integrated manner. Given the diversity of integration agreements, it can be said that there is a uniform procedure for these agreements. The question that can be asked in this article is whether there is a uniform procedure for joint exploitation agreements and integration of oil fields agreements between governments? This article examines in a descriptive-analytical manner the hypothesis that countries often use bilateral and multilateral agreements for integration and joint exploitation to exploit their common oil and gas fields. Although these agreements are very diverse in terms of geography and the clauses used in them, they seem to follow an almost fixed pattern.

Actions such as protest, turmoil, rebellion are often shaped by acts such as social, political, cultural, economic failures and failures. These actions, sometimes peaceful and sometimes with destruction, damage and undermine public safety, Typically, an announcement of dissatisfaction with the status quo is aimed at opposing the rule or changing it. Although the substrates of the three categories are identical, But from the criminal point of view, they have the same essence. As the jurisprudence and the law look different in their case. As a result, peaceful protest rallies are not basically a crime, But also a legitimate right. Security-disruptive actions are also graded And they are different in terms of grounds for criminalization. The conspiracy of Pasargadae, viewed from the viewpoint of public security custodians, was considered to be hideous and deviant And, from the perspective of the stewards of that civil protest, it is one of the actions that necessitate a criminological analysis. And should be studied in an impartial study. This research is an attempt in the same direction as trying to delimit the above titles, Turn your situation on.

The purpose of this study is to survey the different types of ethnic political actions in Iran and the process of their formation and development in different states of government and government, With the intention of helping to analyze the ethical roots of ethnicity and policymaking by presenting patterns of political action of Iranian ethnicities. Albert Hirschman's theoretical framework of "protest, exit and loyalty" is used for Surveying the pattern and process of ethnic political action.

The critique of the state and ruling elites is an important part of the political life of the masses, but the political action of the descendants in pre-constitutional era, with the exception of the rare cases of rebellion and riots, is reflected in their popular culture. Meanwhile, song is one of the most common genre of folk culture. The masses had to raise their protest or political views with simple or complex camouflages at the community level in order to remain immune from the harassment by the government agents. Oral capacities of folk culture provided them with a simple camouflage, and in sophisticated camouflage, taking advantage of the allegory and password, they created songs that made it possible for them to have both political and harmless readings. The research tries to answer these questions, what was the themes of the political folk songs in the pre-constitution era during the Qajar era, and what methods were used to cover these themes in songs? The premise of the research is that the theme of these songs was mostly based on the negation of the constructive elements of the "public view of government." What is more, the government's covert threat and litigation were the other themes of these songs. The masses used to cover these themes through methods such as subtilized threats, symbolic reversal, the memorial of good natured ruler and naïve king love. The conceptual framework of the research is “Secret narrations” theory of James C. Scott.

In order to reduce the error of the brokers and improve the quality of the operation and improve the reliability coefficient in the good performing of tasks in various contemporary societies, the utility of supervision, review and accountability of brokers has been proven. In this regard, the main question is why people have a right to oversee the functions of their government and their agents, and if they are criticized and protested, they will express it and change things. What is the point of view of the jurisprudence? The author of this research, by referring to some related sources, verses from the Quran, and narrations from the Infallibles (as) and thinkers ... and by citation and analysis, outlines how to monitor and review the performance of agents by the citizens, and to this It has been concluded that this method, if provided in accordance with jurisprudence, is called to bring more efficiency to the Islamic system. And can play a more important role in presenting the pattern of the Shi'a Islamic system.

Farrokhi Yazdi, as one of the libertarian politicians played a significant role in constitutional poltical Movement. He dedicated his own life and poetry to constitutional government. Farrokhi's poem is a critical and protesting one which shows social and political suffers and pains and is regarded as a court which aims at judicially trying and passing sentence to corruptions, as well as publishing exposes against these corruptions and oppressions etc. The existence of objection in the base and foundation of a system shows the existence of violation, cruelty and disorder. On one hand, one of the political factors that caused the revolution was the tyrannical and cruel manner as well as the incapability of Qajar Government and on the other hand, Iran social changes and developments. Due to the specific sensevity of the period as well as the political and social problems of the country and since Farrokhi Yazdi was a poet who was a fighter and showed courtesy as well as was familiar with the people's pains, Political complaints in the constitutional period had a high importance in his poems. Most of political complaints in the constitutional period have been seen in Farrokhi Yazdi's poems. He, achieving the sublime aims and fulfilling justices, freedom and equality, sought for the administration of these elements in the society and intended to make the people aware of the era monarchs through shouting the complaint and criticism. According to the present investigation, it is concluded that, contrary to the other Iran political eras, the dominant and considered pain of the current study, in the constitutional period, is the people's pain, and wrong dominated policies on the society and sovereigns' cruelty and attention and fortune of people to him and his poems roots in his social ideology.

One of the frequently questioned and doubted issues has been the role of senior scholars and grand ayatollahs in political issues especially Imam Khomeini’s movement and the Islamic Republic of Iran. We are looking for answer to this question in this paper. Since we are dealing with an extensive discussion, the role of grand ayatollahs and senior scholars of Najaf and Qom were studied. By analyzing the historical documents we came to this conclusion that during the movement from 1962 to the victory of the Islamic Republic in 1979, almost the majority of the grand ayatollahs contributed in promotion and support of Imam Khomeini’s movement and the Islamic Republic in various degrees in Qom and Najaf by holding consultative meetings, issuing notifications and declarations, sending telegraphs to the governmental authorities, answering different political inquiries, being present in some sanctuaries, and political gatherings. Although there are disagreements among them to some extent on methods and limitations to fight against the previous regime, none of the titles such as “being nonpolitical”, “advocate of separation of religion from politics” and “opposition to formation of Islamic government” could be attributed to these grand ayatollahs.

The results obtained by the theoretical and field studies in the area of Civil disturbance in Iran show that the tendency towards violence on the part of protestors and other individuals present in the scene, has a decisive role in the appearance and development of civil disorders as well as in how to manage it, which is able to mass protest behaviors as a natural phenomenon towards a critical security crisis. In order to present practical and scientific options for managing and controlling violent individuals in civil disorders, this article addresses the phenomenon of mass protest behaviors, examines the concepts in this field and the existing views in classifying this phenomenon to present effective methods for influencing violence on the part of protestors, and finally presents practical suggestions in this field after presenting analyses related to causes of violence and arguing about psychological dimensions of countering and influencing the protesting population.

Since from a religious perspective government is critisizable, criticism and protest are among the political rights and freedom of the people. In addition, from a religious viewpoint, it is the believers’ duty to try to improve the condition of the government. The right of the people to criticize and protest is based on reason and logic and is religiously justifiable, too. The important point here is that criticism as a kind of political protest should protect the legitimacy of the political system, take place inside the government, and want to reform the system in order to create unity and harmony; it should not fight against the government. Thus, to propose criticisms, one should think of the various forms and manners of criticizing which should be done through gradual steps. In addition, criticizing government’s policies and actions has its own conditions and limitations not observing which may lead to the deviation of criticism from the right path. As a result, to criticize one should follow its specific regularities.