جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « ایده ها » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

Within the realm of governance, the effectiveness of a government hinges on the engagement and utilization of collective wisdom. Research indicates that in less developed countries, debates often center around the fundamental principles of governance and the wisdom behind governmental actions, while discussions concerning policy formulation, planning, and decision-making are relatively scarce. Conversely, in more developed nations, controversies tend to revolve around specific decisions and policies, with little emphasis on questioning the underlying rationality of governance. This prompts the question: what underlies this disparity, and what are its implications? This study employs an analytical approach, distinguishing between two forms of rationality: foundational and policymaking. It argues that the strength of a nation lies in having foundational rationality, governance principles, and related matters largely settled and accepted, thus remaining outside the realm of everyday controversies. Conversely, issues surrounding policymaking rationality and national interests often become subjects of debate. It contends that a broader and continuous engagement with public opinion, along with a wider utilization of collective wisdom, leads to more optimal decision-making and policy outcomes. However, in weaker countries, both executive bureaucratic systems and external adversaries attempt to limit debates to matters of the first type, albeit with varying motivations. Consequently, they exclude issues of the second type from collective participation. This undermines the concept of governance and results in decisions related to national interests, policymaking, and decision-making lacking the input of collective wisdom. This scenario paves the way for autocracy within bureaucratic systems and middle management.

Political actors are one of the main drivers of public policies. They direct the policies due to their beliefs. Studying their action has a long tradition in policy studies but recent changes known as “ideational turn” gave a new aim to the research. Following this changes this article tries to uncover the images undelaying in the discourses that political actor have presented to public and also identify their ideas, used to gain audience and improve policies. The data are collected from the political discourses of 8 different Presidential Honeymoon Periods from 1989 to 2017. The Framework used to conduct this research is argumentation theory of Isabela and Norman Fairclough’s (political discourse analysis framework). The findings highlight a specific image advocated by the political actors in each Presidential Honeymoon Periods for the cultural problems and also indicates a selective use of constant key ideas in addition to changing ideas based on society’s conditions.

Politics and economics are closely related, politics decisively affects the fate of the world economy, and economics has far-reaching consequences for international and global politics. The complexity of the interactions of economics and politics has formed the academic discipline of international political economy (IPE) with its flexible boundaries. Liberalism, realism, and Marxism have been the three dominant and traditional approaches to the study of international political economy. In an analogous way to the studies of international relations, the field of IPE has undergone theoretical diversity since the 1990s. At present, markets have become globalized, and cooperation or conflict of interests is one of the obvious realities of political economy. Therefore, theory building and hypothesis testing in international political economy—examining the relationship between governments and the markets—has also gone beyond the conventional theories. Thus, theories such as constructivism, postmodernism, criticism, feminism, and environmentalism have been taken into consideration. Of these, constructivism as a new intellectual endeavor has attracted a great deal of attention in the research on the global political economy. In this paper, the two research questions are as follows: 1. What are the foundations of the constructivist theory of international political economy? 2. To what extent is constructivism relevant to the study of international political economy? Using an analytical-explanatory approach, various research findings of the prior works have been examined to identify propositions and important themes. To get insight into the constructivists’ perspectives, we compare and explain different constructivist arguments about the need to apply their theoretical approaches to the field of IPE. Then, an attempt has been made to answer the research questions by analyzing and inferring from the qualitative data taken from these texts. In the research hypothesis, it is postulated that relying solely on economic or political analyses without considering the interaction of politics and economics leads to the inability to fully understand the dynamics of the international political and economic order. Given the diversity of the objectives of the stakeholders in the political economy, the multiplicity and ambiguity of their preferences and strategies, as well as the uncertainties of the outcome of the actions of the competing state and non-state actors have increasingly made the researchers’ goals of explaining and predicting international political and economic processes and outcomes more difficult. Constructivism is an approach which attempts to understand "the dynamic roles played by ideas, norms, values and identities in political processes and outcomes", and provides a viable theoretical framework for analyzing issues in international political economy (i.e., the nature of conflict and cooperation in the areas of trade, finance, defense, development), and explaining the interaction between political and economic forces at international level.

This study aims to examine the theoretical foundations of right and duty in the thought of Kant and Habermas, two German thinkers of the eighteenth and twentieth centuries, and the educational implications derived from those foundations.Method of this research; In terms of research and practical purpose and according to the type of data used, it is of historical-analytical and argumentative type.Findings of the research show that Kant and Habermas's legal views are influenced by two social and epistemological contexts, and these two views - the first of which focuses on highlighting the role of the subject (mind) in cultural, social, political and legal developments, and the second It focuses on the subject's interactions with social factors, in response to the needs of their time. The educational implications of the views of these two are presented in exactly the same context. The results of this study showed; During the comparison and discussion of these two systems of thought, which consider both human intellect as the only refuge for the development and realization of intellectual and institutional modernity, we will try as much as possible to discuss the issues raised, especially in the field of education and culture and territorial conditions. We Iranians should also be expanded to benefit from the issues raised both for a better understanding and possible use for the Iranian education system.Keywords: Kant, Habermas, Right, Homework, Education

Every civilization, including Islamic civilization, has elements that one of these components can be called the main pillar, soul, heart, driving engine or the "idea of ​​the guide of civilization." But which component of Islamic civilization has such a position? The method of most articles to answer this question is to refer to the writings of Muslim and non-Muslim civilizations. Such an approach raises the question why not refer to the writings of the creator of Islamic civilization ?! Certainly the creator of a civilization is more aware of that civilization than others. With such a presupposition, referring to the book Makatib al-Rasool, the letters of the Prophet of Islam, as the founder of Islamic civilization, were taken as the basis and the main components of Islamic civilization were extracted according to the frequency in the text of Makatib al-Rasool. The components were evaluated, of which four components were the most important: Muhammad Rasoolullah 6, Islamic rituals, Islamic law, Islamic economics. Then we presented these four components on the characteristics of the guiding idea, which finally "Muhammad Rasoolullah 6" had all the characteristics of the guiding idea of ​​Islamic civilization. Considering that the guiding idea is the factor of creation, dynamism and cohesion of Islamic civilization, we can focus on this component in modern Islamic civilization.

A thought does not appear in a vacuum. But these views and theories affect the future of a country and society. The intellectual foundations of current Iranian thinkers have originated from the history of Iran, tradition and Islamism, modernity, scientism, and development, which have been influenced by the period of modernity, transition to postmodernity, religious rule in Iran, and the challenges facing Iran. The intellectual foundations of Iranian thinkers such as Seyed Javad Tabatabai have been drawn under the influence of Western, traditional, and current Iran variables. These principles have led to the presentation of authoritarian thought, powerful government, bureaucratic authoritarianism, convergence in Iran, secular Islam, elitist thought. Of course, thinkers like Tabatabai, due to the hegemony of the discourse of tradition and modernity in epistemology and intellectual foundations, pay less attention to components such as globalization, information age, political democracy, and human rights.

Regional integration or convergence and cooperation, is one of the main topic of international discourse. Meanwhile, the progress of scientific research in Central Asia in this respect is not sufficient. In this article, an attempt into scientific understanding of the processes taking place in Central Asia and, more broadly, Eurasia; an attempt to comprehend how do they correlate with the real course of regional integration are represented. The analysis of the gradual development of the post-Soviet area leads to the results that have ambiguous definitions. The questions are whether the integration phenomena that are still transforming and ot finalized yet can be defined as real integration? or whether or not Central Asia can be referred to as a true geopolitical region? The hypothesis is that the ideas of integration among Central Asian countries have not been successful due to the confusion of States and internal problems, and the integration ideas presented by trans-regional actors do not have a clear vision. Along with this, it is appropriate to to draw parallels and determine correlation bonds between the mechanisms and the institutes of the functioning regional association. of the integration type (the EAEU) with the Eurasian idea projects proposed by the the post-Soviet area countries. In this article, try to analyse in a bundle the selected issues of the political idea (projects) regarding regional integration and its prospects.

The present study seeks to answer the question of what objective and subjective fields have been formed on the basis of the crisis of the constitutional government and the establishment of the dictatorial government of Reza Shah in Iran.The present study seeks to answer the question of what objective and subjective fields have been formed on the basis of the crisis of the constitutional government and the establishment of the dictatorial government of Reza Shah in Iran. Other major sub-issues are also considered under this main issue; For example, why the efforts of the Iranians to achieve a modern state failed in a democratic framework and on the basis of those efforts an authorized and centralized government emerged; And how the conceptual framework in the developed Western societies emerges in the underdeveloped Iranian society, which had barely taken the first steps towards transition to modern society;However, in other historical periods of Iran, when the objective background of society is far more suitable for the emergence of a democratic state, the constitutional conceptual system does not occur. In this study, so as to answer the questions, Max Weber's point of view on the relationship between thought and society in the formation of social phenomena or the theoretical model of "selective proximity " as well as Isaiah Berlin's outlook on the type and function of intellectuals have been used.

Bielefeld's historians, along with other important historiographical schools, have achieved success in the second half of the 20th century in providing a new approach to studying social phenomena. In this approach, historians, with the emphasis on the theory of social science, believe that the study of structures, generalities, and trends in a particular time period, especially contemporary, should be on the agenda of the historian of society. Consequently, the study of other dimensions of phenomena should be in parentheses. The article claims that the above-mentioned approach can have important implications for the historiography of ideas, in the broad sense of the word, and political thought in Iran: Important epistemic implications, such as linking ideas and society, emphasizing the study of trends shaping ideas, and finally, focusing on the general and collective structures of ideas. But in the ontological notions, the above-mentioned approach does not take precedence over the existence of ideas, and in methodological implications, the use of quantitative methods by this approach can not be a way to understand political ideas in general. Thus, the Bielefeld approach epistemically in some cases can have important implications for the history of political ideas, especially in Iran. But in terms of an ontological and methodological approach, in the context of the historiography of ideas, its implications must be subjected to modest adjustments, in order to provide a sufficient understanding of historical phenomena in Iran.

The mainstream approach in interpreting the Rousseau's political philosophy is one that stipulates the understanding of Rousseau to the understanding of his "essential distinction" from Hobbes and Lock. Therefore in this approach, the understanding of the modern idea of citizenship which underwent a fundamental evolution through Rousseau's philosophy is dependent on the understanding of that "essential distinction". But we should not ignore the tight relationship between the Rousseau's political philosophy and Hobbes's new political design, in spite of its complexity and multilayered character. In fact Rousseau just like his modern predecessors confirms that human being in naturally apolitical and that for analyzing human condition we must begin with the idea of "individual". In this article, our purpose is to show that the understanding of Rousseau's political philosophy and thereby understanding of the idea of citizenship in Rousseau's thought is comprehensible more through the development and the radicalization of Hobbes's idea of the individual than through the "essential distinction". According to our reasoning the idea of "the individual possessed unconditional right in the state of nature" as the foundation of the new approach to politics is just the same idea hinders us to take this "distinction" into account as an "essential" one. Therefore what distinguishes Rousseauian citizenship from Hobbesian citizenship is the development and the radicalization of Hobbesian premises and leading to the conception of citizenship turned into second nature of the modern man.

In recent years, Russian foreign policy has shown the use of various tools to achieve Moscow's goals and objectives. Russian foreign policy is based on pragmatism, economic efficiency and the priority of national goals and the Kremlin leaders have repeatedly pointed to the need to use different sources of power and methods to achieve their goals. Vladimir Putin's independent foreign policies on the one hand greatly have enhanced Russia's position in the international system and on the other hand increased the confrontation between Moscow and the West. However, Russia's return to the international environment after the disordered conditions of the 1990s has also faced threats and restrictions. The results of the assessments of this article show that the persistence of rivalry with the West, the economic weaknesses and the future management of foreign policy after Putin's presence in power are among the issues that could affect Russia's foreign relations in the coming years.

In its analysis of formation of the Republic of Azerbaijan (1918-1920), this article focuses on a process during which three generations of Pan-Turkist intellectuals succeeded in constructing the “notion of nation” among Muslims in Caucasus, thus providing a basis for political efforts in this regard. The article uses the theoretical models of analysts like Benedict Anderson to demonstrate how, through following a specific process, these intellectuals managed to turn the vague idea of nation into a political notion. By outlining a definition of themselves against “others” and, taking advantage of the circumstances surrounding the collapse of the traditional Russian and Ottoman Empires, they eventually formed a political unit. This process of constructing a “notion of nation” has entailed on the one hand highlighting certain identity elements associated with Muslims in Caucasus and, on the other hand, has marginalized and rejected certain other identity elements including Shiite and Iranian elements. The article demonstrates how such identity construction was developed through a political process as well as the considerations arising from this process.

Versailles Peace Conference, which was formed by allies after World War 1, sought to build a postwar world being the harbinger of world peace. Utopian ideas supported by Wilson, President of America, particularly attracted the world public attention and created favorable conditions in the imagination of countries that experienced the unpleasant taste of war. One of these countries that despite neutrality in the war suffered heavy losses was Iran. At that time, Iran wanted to best use this exceptional opportunity to get its rights and real independence. Therefore, it sent representatives to Paris, but failed to achieve its interests. This study investigated the causes of the failure of the Iranian mission to attend the Versailles Peace Conference. Analyzing the factors imposed to the representatives of Iran, we divided them into four categories, and we finally conclude that the paradox between the idealist and realist ideas in the international relations at that time speed up that failure.

Liberalism is one of the most frequent terms of modern political thought. Various words have been used as the equivalent of ‘liberalism’ in Farsi translation, including: Azadehgari, Azadmaneshgari, Azaditalabi, Azadegi, Azadikhahi, Azadigarayi, Azadijuyi, Azadmaneshi, Etedalgeravi, Azadehgeravi and Ebahehgari. The triumph of the Islamic Revolution caused sympathy and empathy towards liberalism. The aim of the article is to show the point that various translations of liberalism in Farsi language represent ideological beliefs and ideological translation is one of manipulated translations.

It seems that all the changes and evolutions in the concept of sovereignty have been occurred in theoretical framework, then in sphere of international relations and international laws and other forms of international affairs. National sovereignty and the concept of “nation- state” came to essence as a normative and legal principle after Westphalian Treaty (1648); but this normative and legal principle has never been absolute. So in the 18th and 19th centuries, and in the course of different approaches, it evolved completely and its normative aspect has been declined. The paper attends to four major controversial trends in political and international sphere, which are: a) contrast between communitarianism and universalism, which emerged from the European enlightenment in 18th and 19th centuries; b) contrast between realism and idealism, which came out after the establishing the discipline of international relations and had lasted till to 1970; c) contrast between neo-realism and liberalism, from 1970 to 1990; and d) contrast between realism and neo-realism in one side and critical post-cold war theories. The main discrepancy of these trends is on extent and limits of the state sovereignty.

Power, based on the nature of international politics, is a concept that a correct understanding of which is necessary for having knowledge of a body of issues in the international system. For this reason, many efforts have been made to understand this concept and its components in the international relations literature. Efforts made by Joseph Nye in developing the theory of soft power are of great importance in this respect. This theory reveals new horizons beyond a uni-dimensional perception of power in understanding the elements involved in the meaning of power. But Nye's theory only explains generalities and does not go further to analyze effective details due to its philosophical poverty. This shortcoming has made the theory of soft power unable to answer questions posed during the research about the operationalization of this aspect of power. We believe that we can take useful steps to remove this shortcoming by using researches carried out on the concept of power in a social perspective. This article tries to introduce some elements to enhance the operationalization of the concept of soft power.

Israeli politicians, in the early years of formation, argued that revolution and dispute in Arab states is in favor of Israel security. They supposed that democratic Arab states will decrease hostility toward Israel. Despite that supposition, since Arab spring, Israel security is confronting a great challenge. Possible spread of Arab spring to Israel, and also increasing fragility of Israel state, is real threats against Israel.

Plato, in his famous political opus, “Republic”, has formalized an Ideal state according to epistemological and ontological bases, which can be mentioned as the first comprehensive and coherent thought about politics. This Ideal state, from years ago, has been construed in different interpretations. The present article seeks to examine the distinctions of Plato’s Ideal state from others by reading this Ideal state on the sociopolitical context of classical Greece on the one hand and Plato’s intellectual and philosophical basics on the other hand. According to this reading, it seems that the sociopolitical characteristics of classical Greece and Plato’s intellectual and philosophical basics have caused that the Ideal (actual) state on Plato’s view be distinguished from any abstract Idealism, on the one hand, and Utopianism and Millenarianism on the other hand.