جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « سیاست همسایگی » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

Complexity in international relations and regional order have force countries as one of the strategic necessities to Pay attention to active diplomacy and collective neighborhood policy to strengthen and secure national interests. In this context, Iran as a multi-neighborhood country is facing with neighbors with geopolitical characteristics, strategic and geoeconomics dignity as well as security problems. This situation requires Iran to follow multi-neighborhood foreign policy in the form of fractal neighborhood policy and the logic of the multiplex network. Respectively, the fundamental goal of this article is to explain the status of post -revolutionary Iran's neighborhood policy in a new reading. To this end, the central question of this article is how Iran's active neighborhood foreign policy as a multi-neighborhood country can be explained in the context of the international system structure? The paper hypothesis states that the use of strategic and intelligent diplomacy in Iran’s foreign policy along with pursuing, smart synergy and attention to institutional practices lead to the construction of fractal neighborhood policy.

With fifteen neighboring countries on its land and water borders, Iran is the second country with the largest number of neighbors in the world after China. However, when considering a broader neighborhood (including secondary neighbors), an additional ten countries can be included, bringing the total count of bordering and non-bordering neighbors to 25. This extensive neighborhood presents both challenges and opportunities for Iran. While it offers potential avenues for cooperation and growth, it also poses threats that require careful consideration. Paying attention to this issue from the perspective of opportunities or challenges shows the necessity of placing it at the top of the country's foreign policy priorities. However, despite the emphasis in foundational documents on the significance of the neighborhood environment in foreign policy, the absence of a strategic approach in this regard over the past four decades has led to the creation of threats rather than opportunities for the national interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran. In response, the 13th Iranian government has critically assessed the historical neglect of neighboring countries in Iran’s foreign policy. As a result, it has introduced the doctrine of ‘neighborhood and integration’ to capitalize on these opportunities and effectively address the associated threats. Based on this, the paper aims to explore the meaning and application of this doctrine. Specifically, it delves into its principles, goals, and strategic approaches in the context of developing relations with neighboring countries.

This study employs a qualitative research method, specifically the ‘descriptive-analytical’ approach. It draws from documentary sources, official statements by foreign policy officials, library research, and online resources. The analysis of the 13th government’s neighborhood doctrine is presented in six sections: 1) Neighborhood and integration in international relations knowledge; 2) Historical gaps in Iran’s foreign policy neighborhood approach; 3) Neighborhood and integration as a focal point in the 13th government’s foreign policy; 4) Principles of neighborhood and integration policy in the 13th government; 5) Strategy for neighborhood and integration policy by the 13th government; and 6) Implementation of the neighborhood and integration doctrine in practice.

Iran, as the second country with the largest number of neighboring countries in the world, possesses significant potential. This potential can be both an opportunity and a challenge and largely depends on the perception of political governance and its orientation. Unfortunately, in Iran’s contemporary history, the challenging and threatening aspects of the neighborhood environment have often prevailed. While the ever-changing geopolitics and shifting borders of Iran’s neighbors contribute to this situation, other critical factors come into play. Notably, past governments have often overlooked the importance and position of the neighborhood environment in foreign relations. Their minimalistic approach and the absence of a well-defined strategic framework have also exacerbated the situation.
In addressing these issues, the 13th government has anchored its foreign policy on the doctrine of neighborhood and integration. Within this framework, fostering relations with neighboring countries and promoting regional integration serve as crucial components of foreign relations and act as a balancing factor in the country’s overall foreign policy. The government extends the concept beyond mere good neighborhood, taking a comprehensive view that encompasses both immediate neighbors and secondary neighbors. This approach is guided by principles such as respect for territorial integrity, non-interference in internal affairs, nurturing an endogenous regional order, cooperative security, and mutual interaction. These principles are deemed essential for establishing strategic and systematic relations with neighboring nations and are seen as prerequisites for successful regional integration.
The 13th government has characterized neighborhood policy as a stable and enduring strategy, rather than a temporary or fleeting tactic. Consequently, its advancement necessitates a well-defined plan and a specific strategic approach. Within this framework, the government acknowledges the region’s realities, particularly significant challenges such as security issues and the limitations of regional cooperation. It firmly believes that the region cannot swiftly extricate itself from these complexities. Instead, the path forward lies in building mutual trust, fostering regional stability, enhancing economic cooperation, and extending coordinated and collective security efforts.

As two neighboring countries, Iran and the UAE have maintained relatively stable relations since the independence of the UAE in 1971. Except for the dispute over the triple Islands in the Persian Gulf and the UAE's pursuit of resolving this through international forums, there has been no significant tension in the relations between the two. The UAE's foreign policy has always been cautiously towards Iran and the country avoided a direct confrontation with its big northern neighbor. A new generation of UAE political leaders in 2011 began charting a more proactive approach to reshaping the Middle East security landscape in the country's favor, often focusing on countering the threat posed by the Muslim Brotherhood and other Sunni Islamist groups. Crown Prince Mohammed bin Zayed al-Nahyan of Abu Dhabi was and continues to be central to this approach. Although he holds no formal position in the UAE federal government, he has consolidated his role as Abu Dhabi’s, and indeed the UAE’s, de facto leader since his 2003 elevation as successor to the role of crown prince of Abu Dhabi. (Crisis Group, 2021) With the geopolitical changes in the Middle East, UAE leaders have seized the opportunity to influence on regional equations. In this regard, the UAE attempt to strengthen national security and enter into regional and extra-regional alliances and coalitions. For instance, it could be mentioned the active presence of the country in Yemen's war. Another important issue that should be noted is the endorsement of Abraham's contract with Israel which has led to the normalizing relations process between them. A significant issue that should be kept in mind is that with the signing of the agreement, Israeli has accessed to the security complex of the Persian Gulf, and this is considered a threat to Iran and its national interests. The purpose of this present research is to investigate the impact of the Abraham Agreement on the neighborly relations between Iran and the UAE. Using descriptive qualitative method and applying the two concepts of balance of power and strategic hedging, this study has analyzed the relations between theU AE and Israeli and also its consequences on the neighboring relations with Iran. The term “hedging” is widely used in the academic and policy literature. However, its casual usage has created conceptual confusion because its meanings is varying greatly. Most of the time, practitioners and policy researchers consider the term (hedging)parallel to “balancing,” remarking it to be an antonym of “engagement,” which recourses to an effort to create a cooperative relationship through political, military, economic, or social means. This “engagement-hedging” insight illustrates one’s political status: engagement emphasizes cooperation as a primary objective, whereas hedging is an insurance policy in the event engagement fails. (Koja,2018:636) Strategic hedging is a relative and incomprehensible concept that is innately difficult to quantify. Tessman and Wolfe have already noted to three primary resources that generate strategic hedging; economic capacity, military power and central government. (Salman& Geeraerts,2014: 3) The other concept is “balancing power”. Schweller offers the following definition of balancing centered on military capabilities “Balancing means the creation or aggregation of military power through either internal mobilization or the forging of alliances to prevent or deter the state occupation and domination by a foreign power or coalition(Schweller,2016:4). The term balance of power adverts to the distribution of power capabilities of rival states or alliance. The balance of power theory holds that when one state or alliance mounts its power or applies it more aggressively; threatened states will increase their own power in response, often by forming a counter-balancing coalition.(legalserviceindia.com). Being aware of its geopolitical position and mentality that there is an objective threat against the country's national security from Iran, the UAE entered into an interaction with the IRI as part of a "hedging strategy" to deal with this threat. In fact, the country considered Iran to be its biggest regional threat, and there were sources of mistrust and tensions between the two sides, including over the triple islands, the nuclear issue, the ballistic missile program, and accusations against Iran of inciting the political sentiments of Shiites in the UAE.In line with its dual policy of strategic hedging and balancing, the UAE has taken many defense and military measures in the past years. The UAE has quietly established its own independent defense force. Over the decades, this country has provided a relatively small but sophisticated military possess such as air force, special forces and offensive and defensive weapons with advanced technology. (El-Dessouki & Rafik Mansour,2020) On August 13, 2020, Israel and the UAE announced the normalization of relations between the two sides and the establishment of a new relationship. Contrary to the normative historical view of the Arab world regarding Israel, the UAE considers the regime neither an enemy nor a threat to the stability of the region. According to the worldview of Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan, the main threats to the UAE and its allies are the expansionist Iran and transnational political Islamists. In return, the UAE considers Israel a strong regional power, which has shared the view and it is willing to work alongside the UAE against regional enemies. Therefore, the official alliance with Israel has the strategic logics. (Rahman, 2021:2) Telaviv and Abu Dhabi consider Iran and Turkey as a threat to national security. These possible threats from Tehran and Ankara are reinforced by Washington's plan to reduce its military presence in the Middle East. The normalization agreement publicly and officially brings Israel and the UAE together, which will bring its own set of complex challenges and potential risks (Guzansky & Heistein, 2020). One of the important components of the Ibrahim agreement, although not specifically explained, is increased security cooperation against regional threats, especially from Iran and its proxies. It is important to mention that Israel and the UAE have had security relations since the past, but this agreement exposes them (COOK, 2020). As mentioned, one of the important articles of the Ibrahim contract is the security cooperation between the two sides that will probably create challenges for Iran in terms of security issues in the future. By having the support from USA, Israel enjoys a relative military superiority in the Middle East. However, drones, missiles and new cyber capabilities and other technologies may reduce this gap in the coming years. (Sachs & Huggard, 2020:12)In this research, we sought to find an answer to this question; what effect will the strengthening of relations between the UAE and Israeli have on the neighboring relations of this country with Iran? And the hypothesis that was raised in relation to the question was that the consolidation of the relations between the UAE and Israeli after the Ibrahim Agreement would cause the influence and indirect presence of Israeli in the vital security environment of Iran and as a result, changing in the balance of threats. It will intensify the skepticism of the neighborly relations of the parties. The findings of the research show that the security aspect of this cooperation is dangerous for Iran's national interests because it opens a foothold for Israel to the Persian Gulf region near the borders of Iran. Besides, the close intelligence and cyber cooperation between Abu Dhabi and Telaviv in the region could endanger the national security of Iran. Cyber-attacks on infrastructure, while being inexpensive, could be very dangerous.

A long time has passed since the forced separation of the neighbors from Iran's civilized territory; This civilizational center, with its position as a crossroads in the geography of West Asia, has always had a legacy of hidden and open threats from its neighbors. Among Iran's 15 neighbors, Afghanistan is the unic among others; Because in the past few decades, Iran has been at the forefront of threats of Afghanistan. With the Rushing out of America from Afghanistan, the balance of power once again changed in favor of the Taliban, and the security puzzle of Afghanistan took on new dimensions. Therefore, the authors were looking for an answer to the question: "What are the ideal strategies of the Islamic Republic of Iran to regulate the neighborhood relations with the Afghanistan?" The research inputs have been collected in the library method and analyzed in the framework of components of security, neighborhood policy and economic diplomacy; The methodology of the text has a descriptive-analytical. The findings of the research show that the Islamic Republic of Iran should adjust its relations with its eastern neighbor with a strategic approach in such a way that through active economic diplomacy and gaining the support of the international community, it can deal with the triple threats reproduced in Turn the Afghanistan field of the Taliban into economic and security opportunities for yourself. The result of the research showed that it is possible to solve the security mystery of Afghanistan with the effectiveness of Iran's economic diplomacy and the cooperation of effective regional and extra-regional actors.

A sound neighborhood policy, followed by regional integration based on local and regional models, has always been of great importance to the Islamic Republic of Iran. Its significance has grown over time, to the point where it has been established as the primary foreign policy strategy of the 13th government. The question remains: What is the indigenous model of neighborhood policy in Iran’s foreign affairs? This research presents a three-dimensional model in the areas of understanding, engagement, and confrontation, based on Iran’s interactions with its neighbors. The study also offers recommendations and solutions to improve relations with neighboring countries at various cultural, economic, political, and security levels. Data was collected through documentary research and in-depth interviews with academic and executive elites in the country’s foreign policy. A descriptive-analytical approach was also employed for data analysis.

As two emerging Asian powers, India and China, have tried to expand their relations with Arab Countries of the Persian Gulf through public diplomacy which can be a platform for the realization of the foreign policy goals of these two countries. this study tries to address this important question that what are the differences and similarities of public diplomacy between India and China in the Arab countries of the Persian Gulf between 2001and2021? The hypothesis in response to this question is that the importance of the concept and position of public diplomacy in order to acquire foreign policy goals and more influence in the region, as well as the use of language, literature and culture are similarities between the two countries; Methods of conducting public diplomacy including the film industry, the Confucius Institute, diaspora activity and the “Belt Road initiative” are the differences of Indo-Chinese public diplomacy. In this study, a comparative method is used to analyze the differences and similarities of public diplomacy between India and China in the Persian Gulf Arab countries. The finding of the research indicates that public diplomacy as the tool of national interests has been in the focus of India and China and this point is important for Iran based on the principle of neighborhood policy.

The neighborhood policy is one of the programs of the 13th government in the field of foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran, which, if its goals are fulfilled, can create many capacities for the country in political, security, cultural and economic fields. This article seeks to answer the question, what are the capacities of the 13th government's neighborhood policy in reducing the peripheral security challenges of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The findings of this article show that the capacities of this neighborhood policy in solving security challenges are: removing regional actors from the process of reproducing strategic and tense geopolitical competitions for the continuation of interventionism, redefining interests and concepts based on inter-regional realities, preventing the Zionist regime from acting destructively, preventing Reproducing ethnic and religious divisions, helping to reduce weak and bankrupt governments in the region, finding a mechanism to reduce the effects of border and territorial disputes with neighbors, strengthening defense and security cooperation, eliminating the lack and weakness of the absence of regional regimes and institutions. and creating restrictions on the exercise of soft power and public diplomacy by foreign interventionist actors.

The present study seeks to answer the question: what is the role of scientific cooperation in achieving convergence in the Islamic world? To answer this question, relying on the theoretical framework of convergence in the form of neighborhood policy, an attempt has been made to investigate the role of scientific-university cooperation in providing stable grounds for the expansion of convergence in the Islamic world.

The research uses document studies related to the analysis and meta-analysis of documents.

The findings indicate that the establishment of geopolitical and geo-economic ties and the tying of the fate of Islamic countries to each other play the most important role in the expansion of scientific cooperation between these countries.

The study concludes that improving the status of neighboring Islamic countries in scientific cooperation requires planning at three levels: micro (scientists), medium (institution) and macro (government).

Second to China, Iran has the most number of neighboring countries in the world; despite the fact, in the recent years, having the lowest levels of economic interaction with its neighboring countries, Iran has lost this advantage under the heavy shadow and legacy of using a discourse of divergence in its relationships with most of them. The single-dimensional nature of the post-revolution foreign policy of Iran in its neighborhood policy is criticized as resulting in more failures and hopelessness in its cross-border relationships, and, more importantly, making the development of the country out of reach. The main question of the present research is that, “in the sensitive circumstances of today, what a universal approach to Iran´s neighborhood policy can be developed. By assuming that on the geographical levels of foreign policy, it is of necessity to reconstruct foreign policy by choosing from four geographical levels (neighborhood, regional, cross-regional, and international), the present research attempted to recreate the concepts of neighborhood policy. The theoretical framework of the research was developed by the researcher based on the concepts in neighborhood policy including geographical and political concepts.Relying on David's Strategic Management, the present research is based on the method of step by.

After the Cold War, One of the most important developments in China's foreign policy was Beijing's understanding to maintain friendly relations with neighboring countries. Good relations with neighbors have been established in order to provide a more favorable environment for domestic economic development and then increase the country's wealth and power in world affairs. so China has developed an integrated regional policy called peripheral policy or neighborhood policy. The question is, what strategies has China adopted in its neighborhood policy, and what challenges does it face? it should be said that China's Neighborhood politics include good neighborly policy during the Deng Xiaoping era, neighbor policy as a partner during the Jiang Zemin era, good, secure and prosperous neighborhood policy during the Hu Jintao era and common society policy with common destiny during the Xi Jinping era. In fact, China is not the only rising power trying to shape its periphery through Ambitious foreign policy initiatives, but the European Union has done this before. The purpose of the article is to show China's leaders with the right understanding of the international system and changing their strategic thinking have adopted appropriate foreign policy and consequently good neighborly diplomacy, and have been able to provide a safe environment for their development Which leads to a new regional order.

The South Caucasus refers to the region south of the Great Caucasus Mountains and includes the three countries of Georgia, Armenia and the Republic of Azerbaijan. The region is considered by foreign actors, including the European Union, as a single subgroup of regions. International interventions in the South Caucasus began after the collapse of the Soviet Union. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the European Union paid attention to the surviving countries of the Soviet Union in the Baltic region immediately after independence, but ignored Georgia, Armenia, and the Republic of Azerbaijan, which survived the collapse of the Soviet Union in the South Caucasus A few years after the collapse of the Soviet Union, the European Union has gradually shifted its role from one observer to the South Caucasus to an actor with well-defined interests in the region. The reason for this change of approach was the increasing importance of the South Caucasus region for the European Union. The South Caucasus is important to the EU in several ways: the geopolitical position of the region, the existence of energy resources including oil and gas that the EU needs to diversify its energy sources, and the transit position of the region to connect north, south and east and the West that is important to the European Union. The Caucasus region is also important for the EU in terms of security. The European Union is particularly concerned about stability in the South Caucasus due to the geographical proximity of the Caucasus to its borders. With the accession of Bulgaria and Romania to the European Union, the EU is bordered by the North and South Caucasus by sea. Also, in case of Turkey's membership in the European Union, this union will be the immediate neighbor of the South Caucasus. Accordingly, security in the South Caucasus has become increasingly important in the overall security of the European Union. Stability in the South Caucasus region, which borders the European Union, also has positive benefits for the EU, as it provides access to the Caspian Sea and beyond, including its energy resources. The existence of unresolved conflicts in the South Caucasus region is another factor in the region's importance to the EU. The EU is interested in managing and assisting in resolving security issues in the Caucasus, as crises in the region could have different consequences for Europe. For example, one of the immediate consequences of insecurity in the Caucasus will be the humanitarian crisis and the influx of refugees from the resurgence of conflict in the region towards Europe.Research Question: This paper examines the question of what regulatory mechanisms the European Union has used in regulating its relations with the countries of the South Caucasus, and how these mechanisms have evolved.Research Hypothesis: The hypothesis of this paper was that the European Union has regulated its relations with the countries of the Caucasus on the basis of the requirements of normative power and, in parallel, has designed and implemented regulatory mechanisms.

The theoretical framework of this paper is normative power theory. Europe has longer-term concerns about instability in the Caucasus, such as the rise of extremism and the spread of organized crime. In such a situation, the European Union has also adopted a normative approach in relations with the countries of the South Caucasus, given that it has established normative power as its international hallmark and based it on its foreign policy. The EU's reliance on normative power has set it apart from other actors in the South Caucasus. In fact, pursuing a normative approach to a kind of foreign Europeanization policy means extending the norms, standards and values of the European Union beyond its political borders. Through a normative approach, the European Union pursues goals such as strengthening human rights, democratization, the rule of law and strengthening good governance within the framework of its normative power in the target countries. The instruments of this policy are support for institutionalization, trade liberalization, economic reform, cohesion in legislation, and assistance in resolving disputes. The bilateral Partnership and Cooperation Agreement, the European Neighborhood Policy, the Eastern Partnership, and other special cooperation and assistance programs have been concluded within this framework.

The findings show that the regulatory mechanisms of EU-South Caucasus relations are influenced by the complexities of regional relations and different strategic approaches of the countries of the region for relations with the EU, as well as the acceptance of the principle of differentiation and principled pragmatism in EU foreign policy and moved from holistic multilateralism based on the normative approach towards differentiated bilateralism based on realism. Within this framework, the mechanism includes concluding partnership and bilateral cooperation agreements, establishing a neighborhood policy, appointing an EU Special Representative for the South Caucasus, the Black Sea Cooperation Initiative, the Eastern Partnership program and new bilateral agreements over a period of about 30 years.

The evolution of the EU's approach to the South Caucasus shows that Brussels is gradually has withdrawn form its normative ambitions in its relations with the countries of this region and with taking into account the objective facts, has taken a flexible approach to examining the various interests and aspirations of the South Caucasus countries. As a result, the process of regulating the mechanisms governing the EU's relations with the countries of the South Caucasus has shifted from pervasive multilateralism to differentiated bilateralism.

At present, Iran’s neighbourhood policy toward  the Central Asian region has been preserved based on Iran’s geographical potentials. Turkmenistan is one of the countries in this region being of importance to the foreign policy apparatus by virtue of the neighbourhood policy and sharing a border. Hence, the question raised is what are the capacities and requirements of the Islamic Republic of Iran’s Neighbourhood Policy concerning Turkmenistan? The presumption of the research is that situation  of  Iran and Turkmenistan on each other’s borders and existence of economic, political and cultural potentials create a ground for integration and cooperation between the two countries, and this can help ease Iran’s political and economic bottlenecks. The results of the research show that historically and economically , Turkmenistan has had many cultural commonalities with Iran. In addition, this country enjoys gas resources and various economic grounds. With regard to rivalries among the hostile regional and extra-regional powers  like the US and Israel in this country, on one side, and the existence of wide trade and economic sanctions of the west, Turkmenistan can be a fertile ground for offsetting pressures exerted on Iran and reducing them. The method of the research is qualitative of the descriptive-analytical type, and the data have been collected using the library method and through cataloguing.

Due to the multifaceted Arab, Islamic and African identity, geographical proximity, nature and diversity of its threats, NA region has great importance for the EU. In this connection, the socio-political developments of this region during the last decade have brought different levels of threats and security challenges to the EU. As a result of these threats, the Eu's security model for the NA region become complicated and seemingly contradictory. In this regard, the current research seeks to find an answer to this question that the EU acts based on which theoretical foundations and security model in order to provide its all-round security against threats arising from the NA region? In response to this question, the authors' hypothesis is that In order to provide comprehensive security against threats from the North Africa region, EU while emphasizing the principle of its "European identity" against the three-faceted identity of "Arab, Islamic and African" of NA region behaves based on the logic of "proportion of threats with European values" and in the form of one of the models of "regional fortress", "ambivalent" or "convergent". In this research, the authors are trying to understand and discover the security model of the EU around the NA region by applying the descriptive-analytical method along with the logic of inference, so that through the lens of this model, the political tools of the Mediterranean Union and the neighborhood policy of the EU can be understandable.

Geoeconomic Order Making as one of the main foundations of strategic Order Making in West Asia as well as playing the role of economic stabilization in the periphery areas have become some of the main directions of regional foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Neighborhood policy based on economic diplomacy in the geo-economic cluster of Central Asia and the Caucasus has provided a favorable business environment in the form of membership in the Eurasian Economic Union. Selling of consumer goods and services to the region in order to boost exports and enhance the value of national currency are among the main goals of joining the union. The question of the present study is that “what are the opportunities and challenges of advancing Iran's membership in the Eurasian Economic Union regarding geoeconomic participation in Central Asia and the Caucasus? In response to the above question, it is hypothesized that the expanding export markets and strengthen the convergence of geoenergy with union members are the most important opportunities and incompatibility of the economies of the member states along with their competition in energy exports are among the challenges facing the Islamic Republic of Iran in the markets of Eurasian Economic union. The research method in this article is descriptiveexplanatory

The present article seeks to explain and evaluate the strategic relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Pakistan. Based on its neighborhood policy and economic diplomacy strategy, the Islamic Republic of Iran has defined a special importance and position for the development of relations with countries in its periphery. Pakistan also has a strong interest in reducing disputes on the western border with Iran to focus on managing the eastern border with India and meeting its economic needs from Iran. In this regard, the main question of the present article is, considering the various levels and dimensions of the Islamic Republic of Iran's relations with Pakistan, to what extent is it possible to form a strategic alliance in the relations between the two sides? In response, the hypothesis is tested that cultural and security commonalities, along with geographical, historical, and economic proximity, also complement convergence factors in Tehran-Islamabad bilateral relations, while variables such as US strategy toward Iran, Saudi Arabia, and UAE anti-Iranian foreign policy. Arab and border disputes, along with the re-emergence of the Taliban in Afghanistan, have paved the way for divergence in bilateral relations.

The resurgence of interest in regionalism dates back to the 1990s, and the interest generated by regional convergence processes in Asia, Africa and the United States shows that this phenomenon is not limited to the European Union. Iran, China, Brazil and Russia are among the most neighboring countries in the world. In an active and dynamic foreign policy, correct knowledge based on scientific approaches is an indisputable element, therefore, the issues of the neighborhood policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in an environment with unique geostrategic, geo-economics and geo-cultural features will not be outside this framework .Iran's neighbors include 15 countries with an area of 27,409 square kilometers, a population of 707 million and a GDP of $ 3,238 billion, which shows a tremendous capacity in recognizing strategic requirements based on positioning. In the periphery of Iran, Russia in the north, Turkey in the west, Saudi Arabia in the south and Pakistan in the east have more potential to influence the interactions and coordinates of regional relations. Therefore, it is necessary to examine Iran's position on the basis of strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats in accordance with each of the actors.

The method of this research is descriptive-analytical which was done based on strategic studies and in terms of purpose, it is an applied study. The statistical community consists of researchers and analysts specializing in each field by snowball method. The total number of the statistical population is 16 people. To collect data, library resources, documents, backgrounds and surveys were used. Data collection tool was a researcher-made questionnaire whose validity was confirmed by several experts and reliability using Cronbach's alpha method (0.89). The questionnaire included 48 questions for Russia, 40 questions for Turkey, 82 questions for Saudi Arabia and 47 questions for Pakistan, regarding the strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats of Iran and each of the countries mentioned in the bilateral relations. Likert was prepared in six options. In this article, one of the most important weaknesses of the SOWT technique was considered by researchers. The high or low of threats and weaknesses was less calculated, so in this study, by correcting this shortcoming and considering the negative score for weakness and threat, and the degree of severity and weakness in the range of 0 and 4 were considered negative.

Based on the calculations, the score of Iran's internal factors in relation to Russia is equal to -0.91405 and the total score of Iran's external factors in relation to Russia is equal to -1.47627, which indicates that it is in the range of defensive strategies. Based on the calculations, the score of Iran's internal factors relative to Turkey is equal to -1.17748 and the total score of Iran's external factors relative to Turkey is equal to -0.4771, which indicates that it is in the range of defensive strategies. Based on the calculations, the score of Iran's internal factors in relation to Saudi Arabia is equal to -0.91078 and the total score of Iran's external factors in relation to Saudi Arabia is equal to -0.70421, which indicates that it is in the range of defensive strategies. Based on the calculations, the score of Iran's internal factors relative to Pakistan is equal to -0.63056 and the total score of Iran's external factors relative to Pakistan is equal to 0.120456, which indicates that it is in the range of conservative strategies. Based on the calculations, the score of Iran's internal factors in relation to the four selected neighbors is equal to -0.90822 and the total of Iran's external scores in relation to the four selected neighbors is equal to -0.63428, which indicates the position of Iran in the range of defensive strategies.

 Findings show that in the current situation, Iran is in a maximum defensive position in its neighborhood and especially in relation to the main countries of the region. The findings of this article in the form of a limited study show that affected by various internal and external conditions and far from any fantasies, the current situation of Iran in its neighborhood and especially in relation to the main countries in the region is in a maximum defensive position and on the horizon. In the short term, if national strategies are adopted commensurate with the sources of domestic and foreign power of the country, one can hope to be in a conservative position. Adopting aggressive approaches in the current situation (December 2021), especially in neighborly relations with selected countries, will not involve much geopolitics to strengthen national interests. It should be noted that the current world is an intertwined network based on participatory and competitive currents with a focus on geo-economics’. If we understand the roots of the formation of the situation, we can hope to find real solutions.

Introduction

Countries do not have the right to choose their neighbors because geography has already made it necessary for them.The emergence of geographical, political, and conceptual boundaries between neighboring countries has provided a platform for extensive cross-border cooperation between neighbors. Countries develop frameworks known as "neighborhood policies" to manage their various political, security, economic, and cultural relations with their neighbors. European Neighborhood Policy is not about relations between a country and its neighbors, but about the relations of a political-economic union consisting of 27 countries that have tried to achieve common policies by uniting sovereignty and powers in different areas and organizing relations with their neighbors. The European Union, through the European Neighborhood Policy, as a common policy has tried to regulate the relations of the European Union with the countries with which it has an immediate geographical border.

Methodology

Different patterns of neighborhood policy can be identified in the world and due to their similarities and differences, it can be used in designing and promoting Iran's neighborhood policy. One of these patterns is Europe's neighborhood policy. Accordingly, this article seeks to answer the question that what lessons can be learned from the principles, goals and functions of the European Neighborhood Policy for the design and implementation of Iran's neighborhood policy? In this context, the article first looks at the history of the formation and evolution of the European Neighborhood Policy, then will explain the foundations of the formation of this policy. In addition, the goals and drivers of the European Neighborhood Policy will be analyzed and the European Neighborhood Policy will be evaluated and critiqued. Finally, the lessons that the European Neighborhood Policy can offer to the designers, policy makers and implementers of Iran's neighborhood policy will be expressed in the framework of policy recommendations.

Result and discussion

 The European Neighborhood Policy was established in 2004 with the aim of preventing the emergence of new dividing lines between the enlarged European Union and its neighbors, and in order to strengthen the prosperity, stability and security of Europe and its neighbors.The review of this article showed that the European Union has developed a European Neighborhood Policy in response to the challenges posed by geographical proximity and the existence of historical and cultural ties between the Union and its neighbors. The European Neighborhood Policy is an EU foreign policy instrument that seeks to establish relations with neighboring countries in south and east of the EU's borders through largely bilateral policies or regional and multilateral cooperation initiatives. The European Union, through the European Neighborhood Policy, as a common policy between the member states, has tried to regulate the relations of the European Union with the countries with which it has a direct geographical border, within the framework of the principles and goals of the European Union and through the defined mechanisms. The European Union has used a variety of tools to advance its neighborhood policy, such as the European Neighborhood and Partnership Instrument and the European Neighborhood Instrument.

Conclusion

The findings of this paper show that the European Neighborhood Policy is a very complex policy that addresses the heterogeneous group of EU neighbors in the East and South. Despite the fact that neighborhood policy is presented in a broad and uniform framework, this heterogeneity of neighboring countries has led the EU to resort to the "principle of differentiation" in practice; That is, to implement practical neighborhood policy plans for each neighboring country based on the specific circumstances of that country. Also in this framework, the two principles of conditioning relations with neighbors in relation to positive Conditionalization and negative positive Conditionalization have been considered. Examining the European Neighborhood Policy as a powerful tool of the European Union to advance the Union's relations with neighboring countries and secure its various benefits through it,has lessons that can be learned  by policy makers in the field of formulating and implementing Iran's neighborhood policy. Some of these lessons are listed in the Policy Recommendations section of the paper for Iran's neighborhood policy makers