جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « طبقه متوسط جدید » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

The Approach of Government to New Middle Class in Islamic Republic of Iran (1989-2005)Dr.Hasan majidiMohmmad Rostam PorAbstract:The article deal with relations between the government and middle class in era of post Iran-Iraq war. The main question of the article is: what is the impact of post war government’s policies on the middle class? And what approach has the middle class adopted to post war government?The hypothesis of the article is: the policies of post war governments, personality of Iranian presidents, the impact of deve-lopment plans and globalization would lead to vacillated relations between government and middle class. In Iran, oil revenues, personal characteristics and globalization influence the government’s approach to middle class. Nevertheless, different personality of Iranian presi-dents and global developments encouraged President Hashemi Rafsanjani to revive new middle class and President Khatami to strengthen it.

Regarding the ratio of democracy and the new middle class, there have been many controversies in development theories. Classical theories believed that the new middle class was ideologically dependent on democracy. As a result, with the formation of this class, there will be a lot of pressure on the political system to reform the procedures in favor of democratic features. The result of this equation is the conflict between this class with traditional, semi-modern, or authoritarian systems. Thinkers like Poulanzas and Dalal have spoken about the possibility of this class's existence and cooperation with such systems. The question is how the new middle class has turned to cooperate with the political system in the religious democratic system? This research has been carried out with an analytical approach, using the case study method, and historical sources and socio-economic statistics. The result is that Iran's political system has a native component, namely the institution of religious authority, which, as a balancer, has been able to use both the capacities of the republican resources and the resources of Islam to protect the people, including the supporters of this class.Despite the differences in worldview, values and norms, the new middle class is satisfied with the current capabilities of the Islamic system and tries to pursue its goals within it.

Iran's Islamic revolution, with every analysis that has been presented about its occurrence, caused vast changes in Iranian society. These changes have also been effective in the class structure of the society and brought about changes in it. So that despite the participation of the middle class, both traditional and new, in the victory process of the Islamic Revolution; But gradually, with the passage of time, the traditional middle class strata in competition with the new middle class strata gained more influence on the political decision-making process and control over economic and political funds and resources. In terms of methodology, it is a descriptive-analytical study that has been used to collect information from library and documentary methods. In total, the results of the research show that despite the formation and growth of the traditional and new middle class in the period of construction, but in the period of reforms, we witness the peak of the political action of the new middle class and in the period of fundamentalism, we witness the peak of the political action of the traditional middle class in political competitions.

Examining the role of social forces in political developments is one of the important and basic issues in political sociology. Social classes are among the distinct social forces that play a role in analyzing the performance of socio-political groups. Among the divisions of social classes, the role of the middle class in Iran's political and social developments has always been considered. This article, which is a descriptive-analytical research, has been written with the aim of explaining the role, position, structure and status of the traditional and new middle class in the Islamic Republic of Iran. Why is the middle class heterogeneous in Iran and what is the role, structure and status of the traditional and new middle class in the developments of the Islamic Republic of Iran, especially from 1997 to 2013? It constitutes the most important question of the present research. Overall, the results of the research show that the traditional and new middle class strata are increasing their role and influence on the political and social developments in the Islamic Republic, but it seems that as we move away from the beginning of the revolution, we see an increase in the role of the new middle class and a decrease We are the traditional middle class role.

Among varied factors which through them new middle class could affect democratic action, the cohesion of different parts of new middle class has an important role. The importance of conducting a research on this topic in Iran social-political sphere after revolution is that in spite of the new middle class decrease relative to other classes and in spite of being a direct relationship between new middle class and democratic development based on many theories, the new middle class has not been able to develop democratic process according to its demand. Accordingly, the question of this paper is, which factor has affected the new middle class so as not to satisfying its democratic demand? In response, the hypothesis would be that, among varied factors, the ideological gaps of different parts of new middle class is an important factor by which the new middle class has not been able to satisfy its democratic demand. The findings, which has been conducted through library research and quantitative-descriptive method, shows that in spite of a public conception that new middle class has a cohesive ideology in Iran, reversely, the new middle class has different and conflictive ideological gaps before and even after Islamic revolution. Thereby, the above-mentioned factor has had an expanded effect on new middle class defeat to reach its democratic demand.

According to Huntington, quantitative growth and qualitative change of a new middle class lead to the development of civil institutions and the decline of authoritarian symbols, and majority for political changes are supported. The question is that why the process of political changes has not been materialized in spite of this class increase in Saudi Arabia and Iraq? Based on the theory of transition to democracy and the comparative method, findings show that both countries are similar in increasing symbolic features of emerged middle classes, such as the development of higher education, bureaucracy and per capita income. However, due to cultural barriers, the rentier nature of the government, the patronage relationship, and the negative role of the external factor, any role in advancing democratization is excluded from this class, and tactical liberalization from above may lead to revolutionary change if democratic demands are not met, and may cause a general uprising. Political instability and structures imposed by American after the collapse of the Baathist regime are also responsible for dysfunction of this classes in Iraq in the establishment of democracy while Iraq has passed the first process of democratization by the collapse regime of Saddam and entered the second phase of democratic institutional consolidation, yet Saudi Arabia has faced serious barriers in her first phase.

Addressing the issue of the new middle class as one of the main influential groups in the contemporary period of Iranian history, especially in the last four decades, is of various dimensions. One of these dimensions, which has had and will have a great impact on the recognition of the Islamic Revolution, is the developments, characteristics and political challenges of the new middle class in the Islamic Republic. What are the political developments and challenges facing the emergence and existence of a new middle class in the Islamic Republic of Iran and what challenges does it pose to the system of the Islamic Republic of Iran? The main question is the present article. Methodologically, it is a descriptive-analytical study that uses library methods to gather information. The results show that the emergence of a new middle class in Iran and its developments have challenged the Islamic Republic's system with challenges such as the fluidity of political demands, a discourse conflict with the traditional middle class, multiple political demands, and good governance.

The purpose of the present study is to explain the role of new middle class in the process of transition to democracy after Islamic revolution in Iran. In this regard, the main research question of the study is what effect the spread of new middle class has had on the process of transition to democracy in Iran. The method of the study was descriptive analysis and the results showed that vast economic and social modernization after the war between Iran and Iraq increased the youth population, the number of academically educated people, and the spread of new middle class in Iran that had an important role in paving the way for transition to democracy. The political and economic demands of this class reacted to the establishment that was not capable to meet their needs and it led to some sort of instability within the recent decades. Seeking development by the new middle class has brought about challenges for the political system of the country that is making transition to democracy more likely.

The concept of the new middle class in Iran as a result of its connection with the West, that is, the result of the modernization and modernization of this class in various political, social fields, to the extent that most thinkers in various fields form the basis of the formation of new societies and one of the elements. And the basic prerequisites for a democratic democracy know that the whole new middle class is formed with an intellectual focus, because the discourse of the intellectuals is the discourse of democracy. Undoubtedly, the realization of democracy has been one of the main features of the new middle class in the Second Pahlavi era. On the other hand, the neo-patrimonial structure of government, due to its conflict with political development, has had characteristics that have not only challenged but also failed these efforts, and we seek to answer the question of what role does the new middle class play in Did political development in the second Pahlavi era? Based on the assumption that the strategic errors of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi in ​​quantitative growth of the new middle class and failure to meet their basic and qualitative demand and the coalition of the new middle class with the traditional led to shakiness in political development and the research method in this descriptive study. - It is analytical.

The purpose of the present study was to analyze the role of the modernization process in the collapse of the Pahlavi dynasty from a cultural-religious perspective. The process of modernization and cultural-religious discourse in the Second Pahlavi era, the revolutionary religious movement against modernization of the state, the controversy over religious aspects, and its relation to the Pahlavi regime's ideological power and actions. The results of the descriptive-analytical study showed that the reason for the collapse of the Pahlavi dynasty was the religious and ethnic roots of the community, the clergymen's ignorance of the clergy, and the cultural influence of the clergy, which the government's modernization programs could not find support for. Overall, modernization and modernization influenced by Western models and based on the Shah Pahlavi's imperialist policies from the 40s onwards, aroused increasing concern amongst groups defending Islamic culture and tradition and triggered a revolution.

The new middle class has been recognized by many analysts and sociologists as the most important class in social change. The new middle class in Iran after the revolution has expanded from a quantitative and qualitative perspective with respect to policies adopted by post-war governments. The following article focuses on the question of what has changed from the position of the new middle class between 2005 and 2016  and How has this development affected the political behavior of this class? The hypothesis is that in the years under review, the new middle class has changed .However, these changes appear to have been inconsistent. Over the past 14 years, the status of this class has weakened in terms of economic capital and strengthened in terms of cultural capital  .his hypothesis was emphasized in the theoretical framework that Bourdieu's theory, ie the method of construction, was tested And the role of the agents (the new middle class) on the one hand and the role of the structures (social, economic and cultural) on the other hand were considered. The research method is qualitative and the data collection method is utilization of library-cyberspace resources. The findings show that continuing this trend has led to a conflict between the new middle class base And the decline in the cultural consumption of this class, which is the cause of its class distinction from the lower class of society, has ultimately led to the radicalization of the socio-political action of this class.

The new middle class is a city-oriented, academic, and participatory social force that has become the center of gravity of socio-political developments in a process of formation, within or outside the body of government. The research question is, how has the mobilization of new middle class voting resources for electoral participation (1-3) in Iran?
The hypothesis and findings of the study will show that the group claims to have the political power and challenge to access sovereignty resources through tools and practices such as mass media, political parties and political leaders' speeches. The new middle class, in the context of collective action with its intellectual allies, mobilizes its resources to infiltrate government and sovereignty. This paper attempts to answer the research question by using Charles Taleil's theory of resource mobilization and by historical method within a given time and by secondary findings.

Characteristics of state in Iran has attracted some of political scientists’ attraction since past times; therefore, various theories, including Patrimonial, Neo-Patrimonial, Sultanism, Absolutism, Rentier, Quasi-Modernity, Eastern Despotism, etc., have been proposed to examine the characteristics and features of contemporary states in Iran. Most of the theories about the features of the state in contemporary Iran are mainly general, theoretical and qualitative, each dealing with the characteristics of the state in contemporary Iran from a particular angle or point of view. Contrary to other theories and works, which are largely general and based on the levels of theoretical analysis, the present paper seeks to begin with the question of what constituted the structural features of government after the Islamic Revolution (until the early 1990s). In this regard, this paper attempts to respond to this by proposing a case study of the relationship between the growth of the new middle class and the process of democracy development in Iran after the Islamic Revolution, on one hand, and the role of the state in influencing this relationship on the other hand. The process and findings of this survey, which are mainly exploratory and structured, show that the government in Iran after the Islamic Revolution has both rentier and ideological features.

The purpose of the present article is to investigate the effectiveness of the new middle class on the realization of electoral participation in Iran in the last two decades (96-76(.The findings of the study show that the new middle class in an active and participatory atmosphere with dignity and orientation. Specific politics is the most important social force focusing on components such as political development, civil society, democracy, participatory competition and justice, the main social base of activists and advocates of political-electoral participation with specific demands and demands, and their impact on The realization of electoral participation has shown. The theoretical framework chosen for the analysis of the subject is modernization theories with a descriptive-analytical approach and a historical-adaptive approach, in which the new middle class, in line with political-electoral partnerships, develops and manages different political orientations. And has been leading the collective action and civil movement.

The collapse of the second Pahlavi regime has been examined from various outlooks and within the framework of various theories. Among the approaches in this regard, is the relationship between the development process in this period and the collapse of this government. Renovation and modernization influenced by western patterns and its reliance on Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi's policy of the 1960s and later, raised the increasing concern of groups and strata of the defender of Islamic culture and tradition. Iran, as a developing country, was considered a Rentier state with a single-product economy, especially after the coup of August 19, 1953. This has led the collector state to pay attention to unrealistic mechanisms, regardless of the interests of the other classes stayed above them. Along with the introduction of oil and oil management, the collector state in Iran, for getting the needed support and functional legitimacy, begun to classify, especially the middle class, from It has not been financially independent. This process has prevented the classes from having right and could not challenge the state. Therefore, the present paper's question is: What role has the rentier state played in the emergence, expansion and construction of the new middle class? The nature of the collector state is such that does not count on the society as a significant weight because the government by getting rents from abroad, does not feel any need to other sources (taxes, duties, etc.). This will give the government a monopoly power and do not sense the requirement to the participations of various groups and classes in power.

The Islamic Revolution of Iran can be considered one of the most important phenomena of the twentieth century. In the socio-political relations of modern societies, the role of the new middle class in the political, cultural and cultural contributions of the community can be undone. This class is the focus of political and cultural activities within the new urban community, while the new middle class is not, in terms of its intermediate social and economic status, to sustain the unlimited wealth accumulation and accumulation, and because of its position The job of the revolution itself is the main burden of its revolution, its changes and reforms. The Pahlavi regime's attempt to maintain its new patriarchal political system, which practically contradicted the participation of the social classes, and the arrival of most of the world's countries in the area of development and modernization that sparked the collective sense of the new middle class in Iran, brought the regime into conflict with certain problems and, in effect, It was necessary to adopt a dual policy in dealing with social classes and to control and control the social classes. In this regard, the process of modernization that intensified during the Second Pahlavi era, not giving notice to the new middle class in the process of functioning of the Rastakhiz Party in the alien The more this class of government and the new patriarchal structure of power It is opposed to the emergence and empowerment of the new middle class,

The present article deals with the concept of the new middle class and how it develops and functions at the time of the second Pahlavi years. It can be said that the new middle class, in parallel with its growth, could not find a very high status in political and social participation, and therefore, contrary to what the government had before, became a government against it. In this regard, different perspectives on the concept of the middle class and the new middle class are presented, and then its historical expansion process is explained in the period under discussion of this paper. The research method used in this article is descriptive-analytic and has been discussed from the angles of this issue. This article attempts to use the concepts and topics in sociology and political sciences about social classes to explain the historical changes of the period under discussion. Accordingly, the fundamental question of the present research is how does the new middle class play a role in the political development of Iran during the Pahlavi era Second has Based on this hypothesis, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi's strategic mistakes led to a decline in political development in the growth of the new middle class and the failure to meet their basic qualitative and traditional demands and the new middle class coalition.

All of the authorities believe that the incomplete process of forming a new social middle class is one of the reasons that prevent the growth of democracy in developing countries. On the other hand, many experts in political science and some Iranian sociologists believe that Iranian middle class have not passed the historical and economic development as European middle class that came out of bourgeois class so we don’t have a social middle class in Iran. On the other hand, one can ask that how we can name the social class that have immigrated from rural areas and small cities into large cities and have worked in bureaucratic systems and have changed their consuming habits, lifestyles and social and political concerns since Reza Pahlavi. Can we name them a kind of social middle class that are different from new social classes because the modernization process in Iran was obligatory, so their practice as a critic and a dynamic social class in social and political development is not similar to that of new middle class? Another question is that whether the existence of this social group can form dignity and some demands for them? Can these demands affect social and political events? This article tries to study the identity of this new middle class in Iran in last three decades and their role in Iran`s political development.

In 1376 Iran witnessed a new chapter of life and social life, the political and economic. Wave necessary initiatives to strengthen civil society discourse became widely that also had its effects for years after. This discourse in print media and digital various circles, hangouts and university centers spread and range of daily life spared either. Groups such discourse agreement creates an atmosphere that we can claim that resulted in the growth and development of the public sphere is between 1376 to 1384.pointed society.involved.