جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « نفت » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

Kharg Island was considered an important and very strategic terminal from the point of view of Iran's oil exports during the imposed war in Iraq. Baathist regime of Iraq tried hard to destroy it and make it non-operational. Attacks on Kharg Island's oil export terminals began in October 1980, but all-out attacks to stop oil exports took place in 11985. Since the export terminal of Khark Island was the most important export terminal and source of income for the country and 94% of oil exports were carried out from there, adopting defense-security strategies for the Khark oil industry was vital for the country.This article seeks to answer the question of what were the most important defense-security strategies to maintain the security of foreign oil facilities in the face of the attacks of the Iraqi Baathist regime and the continuation of oil exports?The findings of the research show that a series of strategies and tactics were implemented to defend the security of oil systems and the continuation of exports. First, "Khark Defense Strategic Headquarters" was formed with the presence of political, economic and military institutions. The creation of defense structures, the establishment of the island's air defense, the use of active and passive defenses, the use of floating spheres, the formation of a fire rescue group, the change in the route of oil tankers were among the strategies and tactics used during the war, which made Kharg Island an "island". "Sustainability" continued Iran's transformation and oil export from this island.

Introduction :

 Traditionally, the strategic and tactical communications of the member states of the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC)—both before and after gaining independence in the 1970s—have predominantly adhered to Western approaches and attitudes. Notably, there has been a significant shift in the foreign policy and economic perspectives of the member states. This shift is characterized by an increased focus on fostering economic–political interactions with the Asian super-region, particularly the East Asian subregion (e.g., Japan and China). This shift is evident in collaborative mega-projects such as the Belt and Road Initiative, China’s Arab Policy Paper, and increasing relations in different fields. The new policy reflects a discernible shift in discourse and a departure from purely Western perspectives, heralding a transition to emerging economic and political views within the Asian super-region, while maintaining relations with Western powers, such as the United States. The present study aimed to examine the political–economic factors accelerating the Asianization of the GCC members and steering them towards new Asian partners. The central question is: What political–economic factors have contributed to the Asianization of the Persian Gulf and the shift of focus of GCC members towards Asian partners? The article posits that the shift in the foreign policy of GCC members can be attributed to the influence of various factors associated with individual, societal, and governmental levels, as well as the factors relating to roles and the structure of the international system.

Theoretical Framework:

It seems that a multi-causal explanation of how the GCC countries engage with emerging Asian powers, as well as their gradual foreign policy shift from the Western block towards Eastern powers, necessitates an approach that takes into account both macro and micro perspectives. To conduct a multi-causal explanation of Asianism in foreign policy actions and behaviors of GCC states, the present research integrated macro-level analytical components, such as the influence of the international structure, and the micro-level factors such as the roles played by leaders, governments, and society. Given its inclusivity and theoretical breadth, the theoretical framework could offer more analytical possibilities to address almost every component and factor involved in Asianization of the Persian Gulf.

To address the research question and test the hypothesis, the study relied on the descriptive–analytical method and causal inference, adopting a multi-causal approach at both micro and macro levels.

The Asianization of the Persian Gulf region, influenced by various political–economic requisites, stands out as the most pivotal political and diplomatic shift experienced by the Arab countries in the region. The end of the Cold War in 1991 marked a transition from a bipolar to a multipolar international system. Amid the struggle of the Western bloc for supremacy during the Cold War, Asia embarked on a decisive path of growth and prominence in the 1960s and 1970s, diverging from the prevailing Western current. As an ancillary consequence in the international scene, regionalism has emerged in Asia, with a focus on East Asian actors. With the rise of the emerging pole of power in East Asia over recent decades, the Asian super-region is actively working to shape the new international order and extra-regional agendas, leveraging increased economic power and the ability to shape the discourse at the international level. The economic rise of China, alongside Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, and India, which accounted for a third of the world’s gross domestic product in 2000, heralded the participation of the Asian super-region in the international order. These developments gave rise to Asianism as an alternative to the Western framework as well as a successful model of economic development at both regional and extra-regional levels—which could expand the influence and reach of Asian countries in shaping political agendas and the then new international order. Therefore, Asianization can be viewed as a transitional process that includes the divergence of governments at regional and international levels from the dominant Western current in political, economic, cultural, and military arenas, leading to the increased role and dominance of Asian alternatives over recent decades.The research findings highlight that beyond historical interactions in cultural, energy, commercial, and military areas, several factors have contributed to the Asianization of the GCC members. The factors include a generational shift among the GCC leaders, the necessity of fostering a productive economy to ensure the survival and legitimacy of the Persian Gulf states, and global developments in the international structure such as the acceleration of power shift from the West to the East, the remarkable rise of China, and the need for regional balance. In recent years, these factors have resulted in the stabilization and acceleration of the Asianization among the GCC member states. Notably, the contribution of the international structure is significantly more influential than other variables. The ongoing transition and structural changes within the international system have not only shaped the evolving attitudes of new GCC leaders towards economic functionalism and international cooperation but also imposed certain requirements at the reginal and international levels that could further propel the Asianization process. The latter include alliances and coalitions with Eastern powers while balancing against Iran. The variable of structural changes even becomes more significant when considering its constitutive role in shaping the future of Gulf–Asian relations.

Currently, the process of Asianization in the Persian Gulf is intertwined with the broader global trend of Asianization. Nevertheless, it appears that the GCC countries will continue to consider their relationships with the US and the West as crucial, particularly in military-cum-security domains where they largely rely on the US and Western partners. However, the increasing economic and political dependence on the East is influenced by evolving requirements, suggesting that international–regional connections will ultimately lay the foundation for the all-round dominance of Eastern powers, such as China, over the Western and security configuration of the Persian Gulf.

The accuracy of China's energy situation shows that, on the one hand, the energy demand in this country is increasing strongly due to its economic growth and development, and on the other hand, due to the lack of domestic resources, the country's dependence on international resources. International is increasing. For this reason, the expansion of interaction with energy producing countries such as Saudi Arabia can provide the basis for mutual dependence. In fact, as the first major oil exporter in the world, Saudi Arabia has a high position not only in China's energy diplomacy, but also for all major and developed powers. The current research is trying to analyze and examine the position of Saudi Arabia in China's energy diplomacy. The findings of the research indicate that China attaches special importance to Saudi Arabia for several reasons: First, Saudi Arabia has been a reliable partner for customers. Second, Saudi Arabia is considered the largest exporter of oil.On the other hand, this country has the largest economy in the Arab countries, and finally, it is a very influential member of OPEC.The research method in this research is descriptive-analytical, and library and internet sources were used to collect information, and according to the topic, the official statistics of OPEC, British Petroleum and the Saudi Monetary Fund will be used.

The Islamic Republic of Iran, in the fast-paced process of transformation in the world economic order, needs a fundamental transition from a vulnerable resource-oriented economic structure (oil) to a manufacturing-oriented economic model (industrial production). China, as one of the emerging powers effective in the formation of the new economic order, has an important capacity to create a new role for Iran at the regional and international level, but the bilateral relations between Tehran and Beijing have remained limited to the sale of oil and oil products. The main purpose of this research is to answer the question of how to redefine strategic relations with China according to the characteristics of the new world economic order. The findings of this research show that the most important concern that can cause a strategic link between Iran and China in the future is the overlap between China's need for continued economic growth and forming a new value chain and Iran's vision to become the factory of West Asia. With a new design, Iran can define an important part of its industrial development strategy and technological transformation program in the form of cooperation between Iranian and Chinese companies around the Belt and Road initiative corridor from Iran, and by learning and transferring experience and technology from China in A period of 5 to 10 years to become the main producer of factory industries in the region.

Various theories have been presented about the nature of Pahlavi II's rule, and each of these theories has explained the nature of Pahlavi II's rule from a specific angle. Each author has organized his theory based on his own perception of the main feature of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi's government, some have made economy, some culture, some politics and some social features the criteria of their assessment of the nature of Pahlavi II's government. In this regard, various theories have been proposed to explain the nature of the second Pahlavi government, such as the theory of patrimonialism, oriental tyranny, absolute government, rentier government, Sultanate regime, etc. However, the nature of this government is still disputed by theorists, so the author in this article It seeks to answer the question, which theory has the greatest ability to explain the nature of Mohammad Reza Shah's government between 1342 and 1357? In this regard, the author believes that none of the theories presented about the nature of Pahlavi II's government alone can explain the nature of Mohammad Reza Shah's government. , and the application of each of these theories alone has shortcomings and weaknesses. Therefore, by presenting the theory of patrimonialism, Tahsildar tries to explain what the second Pahlavi government is, which is a combination of patrimonialism and rentier government

Using the descriptive-analytical method, the present article investigated the consequences of the American military campaign on the Iraqi people based on aggressive realism, and raised the question of what economic, political and social consequences this invasion had on the Iraqi people?In response to the question, this hypothesis was raised that it seems that the US has inflicted a lot of economic and social damage on the Iraqi people by attacking Iraq in pursuit of its own interests and by emphasizing the concentration of power and ensuring energy security The findings of the research show that first of all, the fall of the Baath regime not only caused Iraq to enter a new stage of instability and especially the power vacuum situation in the center,yes,different countries tried to expand their influence in this country in pursuit of their regional goals and national security. and prevent the increase of the influence of their competitors in Iraq. Ethnic gaps have widened in levels. Thirdly, the war and internal conflicts in Iraq not only intensified the widespread deprivation of Iraqi women at all levels of public and social life, but also increased poverty, migration of elites, closure of schools and destruction of historical buildings

The purpose of the present study is to review the nature and causes of the failure of economic adjustment policies in Iran from the view of political economics. The research method is descriptive-analytic and it relies on the hypothesis that since development theories are directly related to political economics in every society and its structure should be executed based on economic and strategic planning in the country, the Iranian government’s intervention and its outstanding share as a catalyst in the process of development or underdevelopment have been the main causes of Iran’s failure in its economic adjustment policies during 19089 to 2020. This predicament has gradually led Iran astray in preventing it from the appropriate execution of its development plans which led to the deterioration of economic and social conditions in the country. It not only has removed needed conditions and background for development, but also has had threatening consequences such as economic development crisis and fragile multilateral improvement in the country.

The growth of energy diplomacy and networking has caused more interaction at the international level In a long period of time, the OPEC member countries played a role as the most important decision-making players in the energy market, but over time, players like Russia decided to cooperate and interact more with the energy-owning countries, especially OPEC, in order to have more influence, and formed a coalition in the form of OPEC Plus. Russia and Saudi Arabia are its biggest players. Russia seeks to play a greater role in the energy market and replace itself instead of America in the region, and OPEC members seek to reduce dependence on the West and diversify the sales market and dominate the pricing market. Both sides realized that their proximity leads to market growth and more power. The question of the article is, what approach does Russia follow in OPEC+? What advantages has this alliance had for Russia? In the framework of energy diplomacy, the article has divided the approach of Russia's energy policy into two parts before and after the formation of OPEC Plus. Fields such as shale oil, the price crisis have caused Russia's attitude to change from competition to cooperation. Considering the presence of Russia in this alliance, Russia's emergence as an important player in determining the price of oil market,raising political and economic interests, disrupting the balance between Riyadh and Washington, and greater cooperation between Saudi Arabia and Russia are among the advantages that Russia has in this The coalition has won.

The Study of the relationship between Iran and Azerbaijan; Challenges and Opportunity Dr. Seyyed Asadolah Athary  Abstract: The relations between countries relies on economic, security ,geog raphical and cultural circumstances. Although, the status of these factors undergos a change in the globalization era, it is not true to say these factors have no impact on relations between two countries. Iran and Azerbaijan, as neighbors, have cultural, historical, religious commons. Nevertheless, the relations between two countries have faced certain challenges. These challenges could be evaluated in domestic, regional and global levels. The challenges include mutual mistrust and pessimism, the legal regime of the Caspian Sea, economic predica- ments, the meddling of regional countries especially Turkey, Israel regime, Caucasus issue and the influence of great powers such as the US and Russia. 

In Iran, since the beginning of oil exploration, the governments have not been able to properly exploit oil. If the oil revenues are not used properly, a rentier government will be formed and the Dutch disease will plague the national economy. The peak of the rentier government can be seen between 1353 and 1356. The Pahlavi government was a rentier state because it regularly received huge amounts of foreign rent. Therefore, Iran's oil revenues have little connection with the domestic economy and the domestic labor force. In fact, with the increase in oil revenues, the Pahlavi regime's independence from the domestic society reached such a degree that the government began to change the social structure and created support groups for itself and created supporting groups for himself and weakened opposing social groups such as marketers and clerics, which was one of the reasons for the formation of the Islamic Revolution in Iran. Therefore, the question of this article is what effect did the structure of the rentier government have on the collapse of the Pahlavi government? And it is also the hypothesis that following the increase of oil revenues of the Pahlavi government by creating an absolute political structure and destroying the capacities and foundations of the production-oriented economy and based on tax revenues, it provided the basis for political, social and economic dissatisfaction and ultimately the collapse of the political system. This article is written in an analytical and descriptive way and its information is collected in a library way. In the end, the conclusion has been reached that the oil-owning countries, especially Iran, have no way to restore their economy except to exit from the single-product economy and increase tax revenues.

Saudi Arabia has witnessed the beginning of a new era since 2014 with the coming to power of King Salman and Mohammed bin Salman. This period is followed by the efforts of Muhammad bin Salman to reach the seat of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the transfer of power from Al Saud to Al Salman. During a period of 8 years, Saudi Arabia witnessed many ups and downs at the triple domestic, regional and international levels. The main question of this article is that according to the actions taken by the Saudi Crown Prince in recent years, what will be the horizon of developments in Saudi Arabia at the three levels with the possible kingdom of Muhammad bin Salman? The author believes that Saudi Arabia is witnessing a transition from traditional society and the formation of coercive authority in the domestic sphere; At the regional level, it will witness a distancing from the claim of Arab godfatherism and the weakening of religious instruments, and at the international level, it will also witness a "polar" confusion between East and West. In this article, the descriptive-analytical research method and the theoretical framework of neoclassical realism were used.

Reciprocal contracts lead to the transfer of technology to developing countries, then to develop oil and gas fields and expand investment in this area, the Ministry of Oil and Gas has no choice but to conclude reciprocal contracts with other governments and foreign private companies. According to Iranian law, because oil and gas resources are part of public wealth, the right to sovereignty over resources is the responsibility of the Iranian government, so it is concluded through the method of reciprocal sale. Therefore, with the analytical-descriptive method and in the form of a library, we try to examine the reciprocal sales contracts related to the oil and gas industry in order to make the necessary structural adjustments and adjustments to achieve optimal conditions and mechanisms. Research shows. Due to the nature of the laws of the Islamic Republic of Iran, reciprocal sale agreements are appropriate and thus neither the oil and gas industry is dominated by foreigners nor the government loses its dominance over oil and gas resources. The interests of both parties to the contract are secured. In the present study, we will explore these contracts and provide solutions for concluding cross-selling agreements as well as possible, including the enactment of new laws in accordance with current conditions and legal-commercial principles.

The Republic of Azerbaijan, in the first wave of the Karabakh war, was defeated due to reasons such as internal instability, weak military forces, and the support of the former Soviet Union and then Russia to Armenia. In the years after the above battle, the Republic of Azerbaijan was able to make a positive change in its political stability as well as its weapons power and achieve victory in the second battle of Karabagh (2020 AD). This process happened simultaneously with the country becoming a major oil exporter and the growth of oil rentierism. This article tries to investigate the impact of political economy and oil rentierism in the Republic of Azerbaijan on the quality of military diplomacy of the political elite and the improvement of its weaponry. The importance of the article is due to the weakness of the research literature related to the relationship of the above variables. The research question is raised as follows: "How can we analyze the impact of oil revenues on the different military results of the Republic of Azerbaijan in the two Karabakh wars?" The hypothesis of the article states: The increase in oil income and the entry of petrodollars into the government budget of the Republic of Azerbaijan after the first Karabakh war caused the political and especially military weaknesses of this country to be equal to Armenia, with the increase in the level of military expenses and the purchase of high weapons. and increase the logistic power and equipment of the army and the bargaining power of the political elites and leaders of this country.Diversification in arms supply partners and the growth of military cooperation (Russia, Israeli regime and Turkey) has meant effective military diplomacy of the Republic of Azerbaijan and has affected the budget of SOFAZ Foundation.

The role of oil, which seems a constant factor in the contemporary Iranian political studies, has been studied in economic, social, and political domains of the country in various ways. However, oil as a strategic natural resource has also influenced regional and national security, particularly in the Persian Gulf countries which are top exporters in the international oil markets. The interdependency of oil exporters and importers has created some kind of mutual vulnerability, and thus the oil trade requires security. Moreover, the countries in the oil-rich Persian Gulf and its vicinity have been experiencing conflicts and wars for decades. The occurrence of wars has often undermined the security of the global oil trade. We try to explain oil market oscillations, considering that the oil market is volatile, and also the supply, demand, and prices of this strategic resource fluctuate. The share of oil-rich regions and countries in the global oil trade also tend to change continually. Because natural resources such as oil are limited, any increase or decrease in oil production and exports in one region affects other oil-rich regions. Since these fluctuations have consequences, it is assumed that these fluctuations affect the occurrence of violence and war in the oil-rich regions. The main research question is: How do the increase or decrease in the share of Persian Gulf oil exports of the world oil exports affect the occurrence of violence and war in this region and its vicinity? To find an appropriate answer to this question, we articulated and tested the "oil deterrence" hypothesis by using mathematical modeling and analyzing the available data.Deterrence theories in international politics are based on military capability as well as other capabilities which can be transformed into military capability. Nevertheless, oil deterrence is based on the strategic attribute of this commodity and its trade. The high level of mutual vulnerability of the exporting and importing countries makes oil a strategic commodity that requires some stability. Given the inherent oscillation of the oil market, one needs to adopt an efficient method to define and calculate its consequences. We recommend the use of dynamical system theory by which both the oscillations over time and the desirable and undesirable consequences can be defined and calculated. The expectation from modeling is to identify the events resulting from the oil exports' extremes and to show the appropriate range of deterrence of the Persian Gulf oil exports. Oil deterrence requires conditions that are defined as mathematical propositions.When we have numerical information about an object and the results of that information are qualitative, one way to increase the accuracy of the relationship between quantities and qualities is to construct a model of the object. The quantitative (numeric) data on the volume of Persian Gulf oil exports and the world's total oil exports in different time periods are available, and fluctuate. However, information on the occurrence of conflicts and wars are not readily obtainable in numerical form. So, we define a positive quantity as a coefficient of deterrence that is a function of time. Furthermore, we consider the quantity of deterrence, which is also a function of time. These time functions are then placed as a state variable and an output variable in a differential equation. The upper and lower bounds indicate the extremes of the share of the region's oil exports. Interestingly, no war has been waged as long as output quantity oscillates within the upper and lower bands. Therefore, it is expected that the same relationship would be observed in the future. This model has been tested once by simulating the desired information, and a second time by using the actual data collected.The proposed model shows the deterrence category well and has acceptable compatibility with the data. We have computed the oil deterrence bandwidth in the Persian Gulf. This model shows that deterrence against violence and war can be an oscillating phenomenon and be affected by macroeconomic variables. Another result is that the outbreak of wars in the Persian Gulf region is the result of bifurcation resulting from crossing the deterrence band. The results of the calculations show why — despite the high tensions in recent years — a war between Iran and the United States has not started, while the United States invaded Iraq under seemingly similar circumstances. Although the region has been the location of various wars for decades, no war has started in the deterrence band. Therefore, the model can help decision-makers in the region to make forward-looking policy decisions to avoid the escalations of crises to devastating wars. This is a step towards calculating quality matters, which can then include other qualities and clarify the decision-making conditions.

The International Maritime Organization (IMO) is considered a specialized agency responsible for regulating various maritime issues, including civil liability for offshore oil pollution. The important point in this regard is to identify and operationalize the process of compensation for damage to people and the marine environment. This descriptive-analytical study hence aims to evaluate the performance of IMO in terms of civil liability for offshore oil pollution. This study also discusses the liabilities of ships carrying oil products and how they compensate for possible damage and loss. The first issue raised after any marine accident causing oil pollution is the liabilities of the shipowner and how they should compensate for the damage and losses. According to the International Convention on Civil Liability for Oil Pollution Damage (CLC), the owners of oil tankers are responsible for adequate compensation for damage and losses caused by oil pollution. In fact, IMO has developed a unique and complete legal system for civil liability for offshore oil pollution. The main objective of this study is to evaluate the scope, characteristics, and legal functions of international conventions in this regard. In fact, the general principles of these conventions are evaluated that and then their features, functions, weaknesses, and strengths will be described.

Examining the issue of the rentier government from different perspectives is necessary to understand the functioning of the Pahlavi rentier government. The innovation of the current research is to examine the impact of the rentier government on the change of the political and social field of the 1950s and the construction of the discourse of the Islamic Revolution centered on Imam Khomeini (RA). Therefore, the purpose of this research is to try to explain the influence of the Pahlavi rentier government in the formation of the discourse of the Islamic Revolution of Iran. The main question of the current research is why the Pahlavi II rentier government in Iran failed to implement its development policy and the Islamic Revolution of Iran emerged? In response to the main question of the current research, after theoretical discussions, the development performance of that government in Iran was examined. The findings of the research show that the performance of the rentier Pahlavi government changed the political and social field of the 1950s and the emergence of new political, social and economic demands in the society. Imam Khomeini's revolutionary speech was one of the most important consequences of the rentier government's performance in this decade. The method of qualitative research is done in the way of historical investigation.

The present article seeks to "examine the place of IPC contracts in the general policies of the resistance economy, the oil law, and the development program laws." From this perspective, after expanding the conceptual space of the issue, it will examine the position of oil contracts, especially IPC. According to the thematic documents presented in this research, the research method is descriptive-analytical and the data collection method in this research is a library. The case of investment in the oil industry has changed so that the law of the Third Development Plan and the law of encouragement and protection of foreign investors and the law of the fourth development plan explicitly allow the use of the method of participation in the oil industry in the form of IPC contracts. Second, special laws, such as the Oil Law of 1336, recognized the production sharing agreement, and the NOC had broad powers in the field of oil operations. This law allowed the conclusion of any contract, but according to other laws, the model of participation in production as an agency was considered by the legislator.

The research deals with why the Zionist regime insists and what its strategy is in the Golan Heights. The purpose of this study is to explain why the Zionist regime is present in the Golan Heights and to describe the approach of the Islamic Awakening towards it, from the perspective of territorial threat and energy security threat. The regime has continued to occupy the Golan Heights, despite the international community's relative consensus that its presence in the region is illegal. The research question is what is the approach of the resistance movement to the Israel strategy in the Golan Heights. (Issue) The method of this research is the use of textual data and its technique is descriptive-analytical. (Method) The current of resistance, as a practical structure arising from the Islamic Awakening, is a major obstacle to events that change the geopolitical, geoeconomic and geostrategic security of the region for the benefit of Israel. Base on it necessity of supporting the Islamic Awakening movements, the presence of the Islamic Republic of Iran's advisor and military support in Syria as the area of action of the resistance movement, staying near the Golan Heights and pursuing a strategy of deterrence and defense of the resistance movement with regard to energy and oil are the strategic Findings of this research. (Findings)

In Iran, oil as a source of energy, life, and economy of the people has influenced the country and it has been recognized as the agent of the national credit and engine of economic growth and the country's largest source of revenue. Oil resources have been an important part of the state revenues. The significant role of oil can be detected clearly by a simple comparison between the revenues from oil export and revenues from non-oil export. It is also highly dependent on oil revenues. This research recognizes the negative effects of oil on the economy and finally shows an appropriate strategy to resolve the current situation. The results of the study suggest the best way to avoid negative impacts of oil on Iran's economy. Considering Norway's experiences in this area, the establishment of the National Wealth Fund is an appropriate way.