جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه "india" در نشریات گروه "علوم سیاسی"

Since 1963, India has steadily followed in the footsteps of the world's wealthiest nations by continuously investing in its national space programs, becoming one of the six leading countries in space utilization. Delhi is recognized as the fourth nation to conquer the moon, after the USA, Russia, and China, with extensive explorations beyond Earth's atmosphere. India's space agency plans to send humans into space and establish an independent space station despite significant challenges like providing safe drinking water, road and electricity access, and severe malnutrition for a substantial portion of its population. Therefore, the present paper aims to investigate why India, while facing numerous economic issues and serious resource constraints, has consistently invested in its national space programs since 1963, following the path of the richest countries.

This research analyzes the political economy of the Indian space program using an abductive approach through an integrated framework based on four theories in economics, management, political economy, and international relations. The integrated approach utilizes causal mechanisms embedded in competing theoretical traditions, aiming for sufficient coherence to distinguish the research from conventional studies while maintaining enough flexibility to encompass a wide range of issues, concepts, methods, and causal arguments. Abductive reasoning begins with observations and proposes the simplest and most likely explanation.

Based on the analysis, space is one of the most advantageous areas of investment for a developing country like India. Politically, it enhances prestige and prevents the formation of mutual military dependence on the international stage. Economically, it yields high returns relative to the investment, while also creating a network of influential beneficiaries around the national space program. Regarding the breaking of multilateral monopolies and achieving economic gains, by 2023, the Indian Space Research Organization (ISRO) has launched 430 satellites of various weights for clients from around the world into different orbits. This effort has generated over 290 million euros from launching European satellites and more than 170 million dollars from launching American satellites. ISRO hopes to increase its space budget, boost the number of commercial launches, attract private investors, and foster startups in various space-related industries to earn between 40 to 100 billion dollars from the global market for space-related goods and services, counter the existing monopolies in this technology sector, and become an influential player by 2040.Additionally, ISRO has been designing, constructing, and deploying telecommunications satellites since 1983 to prevent militarized interdependence in space technology. Currently, India not only does not need foreign satellites for broadcasting but is also going to provide access to over 903 satellite channels for its citizens through indigenous satellites by 2024. India earns revenue from broadcasting foreign channels.Regarding prestige, reaching the highly monopolized domains of global space technology requires substantial contributions that other nations and technological companies had not yet achieved. Having sufficient foreign clients for space-related products and services also necessitated attaining enough prestige to be recognized as a space power, rather than a mere follower of past programs. Therefore, space programs have become essential for India's national, regional, and international prestige, with ISRO achieving missions at costs lower than a typical film budget, thus integrating space programs into India's undeniable prestige.Regarding the influential beneficiaries of the Indian space program, it is important to note that the benefits of investment in space research and programs are not limited to space exploration alone. In many cases, the outcomes of space research have ultimately permeated the everyday lives of the general population. One notable example is distance education, from which India has greatly benefited regarding its large rural population.

The analysis suggests that the costs of investment in space programs for a country like India are significantly lower than the costs of lack of investment. Politically and economically, there are no viable alternatives. The experience of India demonstrates that space is one of the most beneficial investment areas for a developing country, now and in the foreseeable future.

The present study aims to examine the political relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and India from a constructivist perspective. The research method is descriptive-explanatory, and it seeks to answer the questions: What perceptions do the foreign policy agents of Iran and India have of each other? And what are the opportunities and challenges in this relationship? The study is based on the hypothesis that the identity structure derived from the Islamic Revolution of Iran, which has extended to a structural-agent order in foreign policy, conflicts with the neoliberalism chosen by India's foreign policymakers and the ruling party. Thus, this difference in identity foundations and the structural-agent relationship in both domestic and international systems has created challenges and opportunities for both countries. Consequently, after the Islamic Revolution and Iran's withdrawal from the CENTO alliance and alignment with the West, and its joining the Non-Aligned Movement, of which India was a founding member, there was significant hope in the Islamic Republic of Iran for improved relations with India due to shared identity stemming from peaceful foreign policy and pacifism (Nehruism), which was based on non-alignment with major powers and solidarity with weaker countries. However, after the end of the Cold War and the paradigm shift in India's foreign policy from Nehruvian idealism to realism, changes in normative-identity foundations, the marginalization of the National Congress Party, the victory of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), and closer ties with the West, the relations cooled. Therefore, it appears that the foreign policymakers of Iran and India may not be able to find intersubjective identity resources and shared values and norms to develop relations at a strategic level, which could be a challenge in the relations between the two countries.

Energy is a critical requirement for all developed countries in the world today. Emerging powers like India require energy to sustain their development. Therefore, the Persian Gulf region, abundant in oil and gas, has become a global hotspot. The central research question of this proposal is how India, a key player in the energy game, can balance stability and maintain its status quo among its many energy partners in the Persian Gulf. This proposal is grounded in the idea of neorealism and its components. It posits that India, in order to continue and survive as an emerging power, has strategically made economic relations with the Persian Gulf region one of the main principles of its diplomacy. The research method is qualitative-descriptive, and the aim is to delve into how India can balance stability and maintain its current position among the different energy partners in the Persian Gulf. The findings suggest that India is not currently pursuing hegemonic power in the Persian Gulf but is instead looking for a more efficient and cost-effective development trajectory for itself.

This study investigates the role of the Indian Ocean in India's strategic thinking to become a leading sea power and aims to address three fundamental questions: First, what impact does geostrategic position and security environment of the Indian Ocean have on India's sea power? Second, what measures has India taken to become a leading sea power? Third, what obstacles faced India in this relation? The research findings show the geostrategic significance of the Indian Ocean to promote India into a leading sea power, and India has taken some military measures and maritime policies to improve its sea power. The initiatives and strengthening of the Indian naval fleet are among its military actions. India's maritime policies include the neighborhood policy, SAGAR, action in the east, Mausam, cotton route, diamond necklace, Bharatmala and Sagarmala. Also, the obstacles hindering India to become naval power include weak presence in different regions of the Indian Ocean, lack of military and strategic focus on navy and the presence of regional rivals in the Indian Ocean.

This article is based on the premise that the South Caucasus has often been the scene of competition between regional and extra-regional powers. In the distant past, this rivalry was predominantly limited to three major powers: the Ottoman Empire, the Persian Empire and the Russian Empire. After a period of near-total Soviet rule over this region, other contenders (e.g., China, Europe and the United States) were provided with opportunities to get actively involved in the region in the aftermath of the USSR collapse. At the same time, Iran and Turkey also decided to enter the regional competition to benefit from the power void. The military conflicts between Armenia and Azerbaijan which occurred soon after the Soviet government fell, gradually enabled some new rival players (e.g., India and Pakistan) to gain a foothold in the South Caucasus. The main reasons for the involvement of the great powers and the other extra-regional players in the South Caucasus are diverse, ranging from mainly economic ones (as in the case of China) to predominantly political ones (as in the case of Iran, Turkey, the U.S. and Russia). Of course, they are all interested in the economic potential of establishing closer trade and investment ties with the regional states.The primary research question is as follows: Why have India and Pakistan been intervening in the conflict zones in the South Caucasus which is located at a distance from their own territories? In the hypothesis, it is argued that the decisions of Pakistan and India to get involved in the inter-state conflicts of the South Caucasus is a reflection of the protracted conflict between these two countries over Kashmir. The two South Asian rivals appeared on the scene after the war broke out between Azerbaijan and Armenia, and resulted in Pakistan's decision to send military forces and weapons to help the war efforts of Azerbaijan. This in turn led to India’s deep concerns about Islamabad’s adventurous moves to improve its power and influence  abroad. The  victory of Azerbaijan in the war increased  New Delhi’s worry because the victory of Azerbaijan meant the victory of foreign policies of Pakistan and Turkey, which had unfavorable relations with India. This matter was important from the point of view that the adventures of Islamabad and Ankara were not limited to the South Caucasus, and might have been extended to Central Asia and from there to South Asia. The main concern of India’s foreign policymakers was about the expansion of Pakistan’s power and influence among the regional states that might then take side with Pakistan in its Kashmir conflict with New Delhi. Furthermore, the geostrategic location of the South Caucasus has been deemed important as a suitable corridor for creating a north-south transport corridor to connect India to Russia and Europe through Central Asia and Iran. The region has the potential to meet some of India's raw material and energy needs, including oil and gas.Utilizing the method of qualitative thematic analysis for hypothesis-testing, the findings revealed that the rules of a zero-sum game overshadow the bilateral relations of the countries that are engaged in a protracted conflict over their vital national interest. Pakistan's support for Azerbaijan in its conflict with Armenia was aimed at expanding its influence in a strategic region in the hope of ultimately strengthen its position vis-à-vis India in the Kashmir conflict situation. Not surprisingly, India has acted in a reactionary manner to neutralize Pakistan's foreign policy initiatives by taking side with Armenia.

Considering the impact of climate change on various aspects of human life, many countries, including India, are trying to deploy the necessary measures to reduce the relevant negative effects. Considering the sensitivity of this issue to the international community, any action in this respect can increase the leverage of countries' soft power. Therefore, the main question of the article is that How has Narendra Modi's government's practices in the field of climate diplomacy have increased the influence and soft power of this country at the international level? We first examined the answer to this question in the domestic dimension of this country and further, at the international level, we evaluated the practices and effects of the Modi’s government performance in instances of soft power, including attracting foreign investment, international branding, and India's powerful presence in international forums. The findings of the research, conducted by using library and online resources and with a descriptive-analytical method, it reveal that with regard to the domestic dimension, this country has reached the acceptable achievements. At the international level, India has been able to increase its soft power by securing rising foreign investment, in the field of clean energy and international branding, in addition to its offering more contribution in various international alliances and forum

This research examines the possibility of developing relations between Turkmenistan and India in the field of gas export. With the increasing desire of countries to use natural gas to meet their energy needs, India has also focused its gas energy policies to increase the use of natural gas. Major limitations appeared with the expansion of coal and oil consumption; as a result, natural gas is at the top of the global energy portfolio. At least, in the medium term, India is heavily dependent on gas to meet its needs. In the most optimistic scenario, in 2025, India will be able to meet about 42% of its gas needs from domestic sources, and as a result, most of the natural gas will be extracted through imports.

Research question: 

The main question is what effects has natural gas had on India-Turkmenistan relations?

Research hypothesis: 

The hypothesis of this research is based on the fact that regardless of the limitations of the pipeline construction, the TAPI can provide the context of mutual dependence and the development of economic relations between the two countries.

Methodology and theoretical framework: 

In this research, the qualitative research method to examine the hypothesis is based on Gavan Duffy’s pragmatic analysis method. Data collection tools are libraries and internet resources. The theoretical framework of the proposed research is Cohen and Nye's theory of interdependence in the complex era of globalization, which is used in this research.

The analyzses carried out in this research show that Turkmenistan is located in the Central Asian region, which has the largest oil and gas reserves. According to British Petroleum Statistics, Turkmenistan’s gas reserves were 13.6 trillion cubic meters in 2020, followed by Russia with 37.4 trillion cubic meters of reserves. Turkmenistan ranks second among Central Asian countries in terms of gas resources. In addition to huge resources and reserves of gas and significant production, the discovery of the Yultan field in the vicinity of Iran’s Dolat Abad field made Turkmenistan the focus of attention of consumer countries, especially India. Since the economy of Turkmenistan’s is dependent on gas and energy revenues, the country’s strategy is to export and reach the market of emerging countries such as India.India has had a historical and cultural connection with Central Asia for more than several centuries. After independence, India’s foreign policy has pursued various objectives. In the 1990s, the Nehruists developed their welfare, security and foreign policy goals. Based on this, the economic and security objectives of India’s foreign policy apparatus in Central Asia have received more attention. In recent decades, with the emergence of emerging powers such as India and China, Central Asia has gained a special position as the key point of this continent. India has tried to reach Central Asia and Turkmenistan through the southern ports of Iran and Iran's communication routes through Afghanistan. India's cooperation in Chabahar port projects and Iran-Afghanistan communication routes is due to the significant competition between China and Pakistan in Central Asia and China-Pakistan Economic Corridor. By building a vast and intertwoven network of roads and energy pipelines, China has gained access to Central Asia and provided itself with extensive political, cultural and economic ties that have provoked India's sense of competition.India’s growing demand as an emerging power has fueled competition in the gas market in Central Asia. Although in 2011, India generated less than 12% of its electricity through natural gas, it has been trying to increase this amount in recent years. Although the TAPI pipeline can work effectively for India and supply the required gas, there are also some problems: One of them is the passage of TAPI pipeline through the rugged mountains of Afghanistan, the lack of infrastructure and the lack of adequate protection of the pipeline against terrorist threats in Afghanistan. Notably, Russia's stance on the TAPI pipeline is a stumbling block for India, as Russia still wants to influence the newly independent countries, in particular Russia wants to dominate the energy policy of Central Asian countries in a massive competition with the United States and the TAPI pipeline is part of this. It is competition. Russia considers the activities of Turkmenistan and TAPI with the purpose of its security. It is possible that in the long run, Turkmenistan's gas will be more prosperous and benefit India, but for now there is India’s presence because China is more present in Central Asia and Turkmenistan.

Three factors have been involved for Turkmenistan to act as a gas exporting country in the international arena and to form mutual dependence with India. First, Turkmenistan has rich gas resources in the Central Asia region. These resources have increased from 1.8 trillion cubic meters in 2000 to 13.6 trillion cubic meters in 2020. Second, Turkmenistan’s natural gas production has increased to 60 billion cubic meters since 2012. Yultan, Bagtiarlek and Barun Energy gas fields have put Turkmenistan the focus of attention of consumer countries, especially India. Third, the increase of pipelines, especially TAPI, is an effective step towards diversifying Turkmenistan’s gas exports to other countries and it continues from Turkmenistan to Fazilka in India and has caused mutual dependence of the parties. Also, the findings of the research show that, India, as an emerging power with increasing economic growth, has a great need for gas imports and Central Asia, especially Turkmenistan, has found a special place for India. Currently, India imports 35.8 billion cubic meters of natural gas per year and Turkmenistan is the priority for India’s gas imports.

The end of the Cold War had a great impact on world politics. The destruction of the bipolar system and the emergence of a new international order affected the foreign policy of all countries in the world. On the other hand, after the collapse of the Soviet Union, a new region called Central Asia emerged, and small and large regional and trans-regional powers defined and redefined their relations with it due to its strategic importance. In this regard, India also made significant changes in its regional and international policies and took a new approach. Central Asia, which is near to the sub-continent, has long had close cultural, social and economic ties with India and renewing old agreements with this region is very important for this country. India's need to secure new energy sources for economic growth and development and access to new markets has made Central Asia an attractive and strategically important region for India. Also, with the spread of religious extremism and terrorism in the region, India is concerned about its spread within its borders. Consequently, India has many reasons to pursue its interests in the region. On the other hand, due to Iran’s geopolitical and geostrategic capabilities and its position in the North-South international transportation corridor and other international routes, this opportunity is available for our country to benefit from the advantages of partnership through economic cooperation with India, especially in the Chabahar project.

Research question: 

This research tries to answer the basic question, what is the situation of Central Asia in India's new foreign policy and what opportunities does India's relationship with the region bring to Iran?Research hypothesis: Central Asia has a strategic position for India due to its geopolitical location and rich hydrocarbon and energy resources, market and access to Europe, and India’s access to Central Asia through Iran provides the common and individual interests for both sides.

Methodology and theoretical framework: 

This research analyzes the subject by using the qualitative method and sample and process research method using the theory of Neo-liberalism. We will show that the developments of the international system after the Cold War, and the change in the strategic goals of India's foreign policy since the 90s, provides new opportunities for Central Asian countries and India for strategic- economic cooperation in which Iran can also play an important role.

Today, the geo-strategic prominence of Central Asia is emphasized by two main factors. First, Central Asia has gained importance due to the discovery of hydrogen resources and second, the region is a major transportation hub for gas and oil pipelines and multifaceted communication corridors connecting China, Russia, Europe, the Caucasus, the Trans-Caspian region and the Indian Ocean. India pursues numerous interests in Central Asia, but due to the lack of borders with the region and neighboring Afghanistan, India has to explore another way to connect with central Asia. “Connecting to Central Asia” policy focuses on broader aspects of India's cooperation with Central Asia in various issues such as strengthening bilateral and multilateral political relations, achieving strategic and security cooperation through military training, cooperation to counter terrorism and close consultation with Afghanistan. The policy also considers the region as a long-term partner in energy and natural resource issues. It is obvious that due to serious problems between India and Pakistan, the latter will not allow India to pass through its territory and reach Afghanistan and thus access to the Central Asia. The re-emergence of the Taliban in Afghanistan is another problem that has brought serious security and political issues for India. With its capabilities, including the existence of the geopolitical port of Chabahar and being located in the North-South International Corridor, Iran can act as a bridge between India and Central Asia. The North-South International Corridor (NSIC) connects the Caspian Sea to the Indian Ocean through Bandar Abbas and Chabahar in Iran. Full utilization of NSIC will reduce the cost of transportation as well as the time of moving goods from India to Europe, Russia, and Central Asia. Another important point is that Iran's request for full membership in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) was accepted. SCO provides a platform for Tehran to come out of isolation and introduce itself as a bridge to the landlocked countries of Central Asia.  

Central Asia is a region of geopolitical and economic importance to India. The cooperation between India and Central Asian countries in various economic, military and security fields continue with the policies that India pursues in the region. However, Central Asia’s neighborhood with Afghanistan, which has once again been under the control of the Taliban, is considered a threat to India's security due to the influence of extremist religious groups, and on the other hand, it poses problems for India's projects with Central Asia. In the meantime, Iran with its capabilities, including the existence of the geopolitical port of Chabahar and its placement in the NSIC, can fill this gap and act as a bridge between India and Central Asia. However, due to their different political positions on regional and international issues, Iran and India have not been able to properly use the existing capacities to promote cooperation between the two sides in various fields. It is time for both sides to put aside their differences and focus on their strengths and common strategic interests. Therefore, Iran's efforts should be to activate the North-South International Corridor project as well as the development of Chabahar international port, and likewise, with the Indians taking more serious measures to access Central Asia, both countries could make the most of the situation.

There are many critical and controversial geographic regions in the Asian, some of which are the legacy of British colonialism. Each of these areas has the capacity to turn into a full-scale conflict region. Kashmir is one of the regions that has been the place of conflict between the governments of the South Asian region (India-Pakistan and China) for more than seventy years, and the dispute between India and Pakistan over the Kashmir region has caused three wars in 1948, 1965, and1971. The current research seeks to answer the question; what scenarios can be drawn for the future of the Kashmir crisis? This article has answered this question by using the method of actor interest analysis (beneficiary) - which is one of the relatively new methods in the science of future research. The findings of the research show that based on the interests of the main actors and participants in the crisis, the scenarios of referendum for Kashmir independence, maintaining the status quo, joining India, joining Pakistan, the possibility of an all-out war between India and Pakistan and the outbreak of civil war in Kashmir was drawn. The most possible realistic situation that can be imagined for the future of the Kashmir region is the continuation of the status quo (uncertainty of the Kashmir region) or the increase of tensions between the two countries of India and Pakistan and, accordingly, Radical movements will be taken by popular and Muslim movements and movements inside Kashmir.

The power cycle demonstrates the rise and fall of major powers, and consequently, the desired world order weakens with the decline of the power cycle. The purpose of this article is to explore the relationship between the power cycle and the American world order. The issue at hand is what impact the power cycle of the US has on the world order, and the question raised is how the US power cycle has influenced the American world order on the international stage. Based on the hypothesis that if the power of the US declines, the world order will also decline with it. The relative decline of the US in the power cycle and the relative decline of the new global order indicate that the international system is moving towards multipolar dynamism. The results also indicate that as the US goes through the decline phase of the power cycle, the new global order is also weakened on the scale of the power cycle. Factors such as the 2008 financial crisis, the US presence in high-cost wars after September 11, as well as the relative share of power in the global system with the rise of global powers such as India, China, and Japan, and the emergence of regional and trans-regional powers such as Iran and Russia in the international system have confronted America with relative decline in the power cycle, which has also confronted the new global order with relative decline. The research method used in this study is the correlation method, based on a descriptive-analytical approach, and the data collection method is library-based and documentary.

In recent decades, India has become one of the emerging powers or rising powers in the international system. Because of India's rapid economic growth and the country's ever-increasing need for energy the Persian Gulf—as one of the top energy resource-rich regions in the world—have become attractive for the Indian politicians. The expansion of India's strategic interests in the Persian Gulf region (PGR), combined with the need to ensure the country's energy security has led New Delhi to explore the opportunity and possibility of military and security presence in the PGR. In recent years, India has consequently entered into a "strategic partnership" with several Persian Gulf countries and has started extensive defense-security cooperation with these states. The objectives of the present study are as follows: a) to explain the dimensions and components of India's defense diplomacy in the Persian Gulf region; and b) to examine the policy instruments which are used by India to secure its national interests and to protect its national security based on defense diplomacy.In the research hypothesis, it is assumed that there is a significant relationship between India's defense diplomacy in the Persian Gulf and its national security. India has explored the opportunities of defense cooperation with PG states in various fields, including cooperation in military training, joint military exercises and provision of resources, research and development (R& D), production and marketing of defense equipment in the PG countries in order to prevent the encirclement of India by China or Pakistan. The Indian policymakers want to expand their country’s relations with the US as the major provider of foreign aid for safeguarding national security interests of New Delhi. The theoretical framework of Anton de Plessis’s theory of military diplomacy is used. This political scientist defines this military type of diplomacy broadly as "the use of military personnel, including service dependents, to support conflict prevention and resolution”. Among a wide range of activities, military diplomacy includes providing foreign aid for the purpose of developing liable democratic armed forces. Du Plessis also provided a broader definition of military diplomacy as "the use of armed forces in operations other than war, relying on their expertise and trained discipline to achieve national and foreign goals abroad."For hypothesis testing, one-way analysis of variance (F test) has been used. The research findings show that the relationship between India's defense diplomacy in the Persian Gulf and its national security is significant at the confidence level of 0.99. Moreover, Pearson's correlation coefficient was used to estimate the strength and direction of the relationship between India's defense diplomacy in the Persian Gulf and the its national security. The Pearson correlation coefficient between two variables indicates that the intensity of the relationship between them is moderate and its direction is positive. In other words, India's defense diplomacy in the Persian Gulf moderately plays a role in protecting Indian national security.

In recent years, India has tried to introduce itself as a world power and therefore has made various efforts to accept its position under this title to other actors. From the perspective of the theory of regional security complex, whenever a regional power projects its power to another security complex, it is actually trying to act as a great power. India, as a country that is part of the security complex of South Asia, has tried to project its power to the security complex of the Persian Gulf and therefore applies its own strategy in communicating with the countries of this region. According to the theory of regional security complex, In this situation and by merging two security sets, a super set is created. The main question of this research was, what effect will India's presence in the Persian Gulf have on the regional security complex of the Persian Gulf? Based on this question, the research hypothesis states that India's presence in the Persian Gulf leads to the creation of a super-complex due to the integration of the two security complexes of the Persian Gulf and South Asia. This research, using the content analysis method, examined the documents and statements contained in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of India and analyzed them based on the theory of the regional security complex. The findings of the research showed that India's presence in the security complex of the Persian Gulf is a result of the change in the paradigm of India's foreign policy during the Modi era and has led to the creation of a super-complex.

Success in the rapid advancement of development along with economic pragmatism has caused India to become one of the most dynamic countries in the world economy and secondly to be considered as an emerging center of wealth and power in the world. On the one hand, the economic development requirement of this country and extensive transformations in the international system have imposed a new direction on the foreign policy of this country in the Middle East and towards Israel and Iran. In this article, we focus on the reasons for changing India's Middle East policy from a policy that was defined in the light of the principle of non-alignment in the Cold War era to a policy that was redefined based on the new needs of India's national interests. Therefore, according to the above premises, the main question of the article is raised as follows: What changes have been made in India's foreign policy towards Israel and Iran, considering the options facing India? The hypothesis of the article, using the theory of balance of interests, is that the foreign policy of India in the Middle East has changed from an ideological and third-world policy based on the principles of non-commitment to a policy of multiple and multilateral commitments based on the necessity of access to oil and energy resources. And gas, markets, and military weapons.  This article is written based on the descriptive-analytical method and uses virtual sources, specialized publications, and in terms of the subject area of this article, it examines India's policy towards the countries of Iran and Israel until 2023

India is an emerging power and introduces itself to the world in terms of soft and hard power. This coincided with the change of power from unilateralism to multilateralism under the name of the new international order. On the other hand, the dimensions of this contemporaneity as well as the development-oriented foreign policy and the membership of this country in a new group called BRICS have created different analyzes in the minds of international analysts of the world regarding BRICS in the new international order. Now, considering the mentioned cases, we are faced with this main question, what are the effects and consequences of India's membership in the BRICS group in the era of the new international order from the perspective of this country's foreign policy? This research is applied from the point of view of the cognitive goal, and is a qualitative research method with a descriptive-analytical approach, using library tools, internet and articles, and using content analysis to reveal the effects of the behaviors and positions of the main players in the BRICS space, especially India. , has been used and an attempt has been made to study these behaviors, positions and interests, relying on the theory of neoliberal institutionalism, and explore its effects on India's foreign policy. Finally, based on the findings of the article, it has been concluded that India's membership in the BRICS group has had an impact on the country's foreign policy in various dimensions in the form of positive effects and negative consequences.

The people of Makran have been connected with India through ports and land and sea routes since ancient times. On the one hand, this connection is due to economic necessities and needs, and on the other hand, due to cultural and historical commonalities. India's trade relations with Iran, both by land and sea, were important because they connected India to Iran. Due to the insecurity of land routes, trade relations expanded through sea routes. This question is raised, what was the role of the coast of Makran in the trade relations between Iran and India from the time of Safavid to the end of Zandiyeh? The Makran area was considered one of the busiest sea trade areas for two reasons: first, due to the traffic of commercial ships that took the goods of India and China to the western areas and the ports of Siraf and Basra; Second, the ships and merchants who came from Yemen, the Red Sea, and the eastern coast of Africa to exchange goods and trade to the east and these areas. Despite the long relationship between Iran and India, the emergence of the Safavid government and the arrival of colonists to the southern coast of Iran affected the trade of this region and lost its past prosperity. The purpose of this article is to investigate and explain the role of the Makran coast in the trade relations between Iran and India during the Safavid period. The intended research has been carried out in a descriptive-analytical way using library resources.

Success in the rapid advancement of development along with economic pragmatism has caused India to become one of the most dynamic countries in the world economy and secondly to be considered as an emerging center of wealth and power in the world. On the one hand, the economic development requirement of this country and extensive transformations in the international system have imposed a new direction on the foreign policy of this country in the Middle East and towards Israel and Iran. In this article, we focus on the reasons for changing India's Middle East policy from a policy that was defined in the light of the principle of non-alignment in the Cold War era to a policy that was redefined based on the new needs of India's national interests. Therefore, according to the above premises, the main question of the article is raised as follows: What changes have been made in India's foreign policy towards Israel and Iran, considering the options facing India? The hypothesis of the article, using the theory of balance of interests, is that the foreign policy of India in the Middle East has changed from an ideological and third-world policy based on the principles of non-commitment to a policy of multiple and multilateral commitments based on the necessity of access to oil and energy resources. And gas, markets, and military weapons.  This article is written based on the descriptive-analytical method and uses virtual sources, specialized publications, and in terms of the subject area of this article, it examines India's policy towards the countries of Iran and Israel until 2023.

Economic and political convergence at the level of the region and neighbors can be seen as a new nature of relations between countries after the Cold War. This is because some countries no longer have the desire to continue being dependent on the Western or Eastern bloc and were looking for a new experience in cooperation and closeness with each other. Iran and India were not exempt from this view. India's geopolitical position and the lack of political and economic convergence with some of its close neighbors can be seen as a suitable situation for other countries such as Iran. Therefore, this research with a descriptive analytical method and using reliable library and internet sources seeks to answer the question, what role can India play in economic convergence with Iran from a geopolitical perspective? The results of the research indicate that three factors have caused the economic convergence of Iran and India, which are: India's divergence with China (border disputes and access to nuclear weapons), India's divergence with Pakistan (Kashmir conflict, river water issue, conflict Kargil and the conflict in Siyajn) and the special situation of Iran and Chabahar port and the non-intervention of the United States of America.

The Indian economy is in dire need of investment in infrastructure and manufacturing. However, Dehli has declined to join the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), citing concerns that the project may escalate regional rivalry and conflict, violate national sovereignty, and accord with Beijing's ambitious policies. Some suspect that the establishment of naval installations in the Indian Ocean and the fortification of the China-Pakistan land route are parts of a larger plan by Beijing to encircle India. This article provides an analytic review of the BRI, examining its economic, military, and geopolitical implications. It also delves into India's perspective on the matter, exploring why the country views Beijing's institutional arrangements, including the BRI, as a major threat to its national interests. Using the descriptive-explanatory approach and basing our reasoning on structural realism's first and foremost tenet—that capabilities, not objectives, shape the international system—we have put the following hypothesis to the test: The significant economic success of this project is a logical assumption; however, this initiative may also serve as a guarantee for China's regional influence and military or security presence in the Indian Ocean, shifting the relative balance of power in Beijing's favor. Findings indicate that Dehli's opposition to the initiative stems from its sovereignty and territorial integrity concerns.

With the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Eastern Bloc, the United States gained global supremacy as a great power. But the developments in the international arena, especially the rise of emerging powers such as China, caused America to face serious challenges in the distribution of its power in the Eastern Hemisphere. China has become an influential actor in the international system and is seeking to expand its political and security influence in the world, especially in the Indo-Pacific area, by using its economic power. This issue is not acceptable for the Washington government, which has many strategic interests in this region. Therefore, the strategy of the United States to restrain China's power has appeared in the form of buck passing strategy in the Indo-Pacific region and India, among America's allies, has been able to play a role as one of Washington's main allies due to its special position in this region. This research seeks to answer the question of how India plays a role in America's buck passing strategy in the Indo-Pacific region? In response to this question that has been investigated with an explanatory-formative method and library research tools; the hypothesis and findings of the research show that the United States in order to strengthen the American buck passing was trying to build multilateral alliances with India through investment, bilateral trade, bilateral and multilateral alliances, signing military-security agreements, etc.

As two emerging Asian powers, India and China, have tried to expand their relations with Arab Countries of the Persian Gulf through public diplomacy which can be a platform for the realization of the foreign policy goals of these two countries. this study tries to address this important question that what are the differences and similarities of public diplomacy between India and China in the Arab countries of the Persian Gulf between 2001and2021? The hypothesis in response to this question is that the importance of the concept and position of public diplomacy in order to acquire foreign policy goals and more influence in the region, as well as the use of language, literature and culture are similarities between the two countries; Methods of conducting public diplomacy including the film industry, the Confucius Institute, diaspora activity and the “Belt Road initiative” are the differences of Indo-Chinese public diplomacy. In this study, a comparative method is used to analyze the differences and similarities of public diplomacy between India and China in the Persian Gulf Arab countries. The finding of the research indicates that public diplomacy as the tool of national interests has been in the focus of India and China and this point is important for Iran based on the principle of neighborhood policy.