جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه "participation" در نشریات گروه "علوم سیاسی"

Open local government, emphasizing three fundamental principles of transparency, participation, and accountability, aims to provide local services, develop local markets, enhance the quality of life for residents (citizens), and address environmental issues, among others. It seeks a space for democratic participation, civil dialogue, and building trust between local officials and the public. The goal of this research is to analyze the barriers to open local government in the country using a qualitative approach and thematic analysis, which faces challenges similar to new governance models in third-world countries, particularly in Iran. The study is based on semi-structured interviews and purposive sampling. The research community consists of 11 experts and scholars knowledgeable about this matter. Based on the findings from the interviews, the themes of barriers to open local government include 55 basic themes and 11 organizing themes categorized into three overarching themes: accountability, transparency, and participation. Identifying these barriers and raising awareness among elected local and regional officials, preventing corruption, enhancing the effectiveness of public services, and encouraging citizen participation through access to open data and better decision-making can help empower local government in Iran.

The culture of political participation is the cornerstone of having a dynamic and politically stable society. In societies with an acceptable political participation culture, decision-making will lead to the growth of the society. In this study, an attempt was made to determine the political culture of participation of natives and non-natives of Khuzestan province and the factors affecting it in the first half of 1402. The data collection method was done by survey method to investigate the political participatory culture, through standard questionnaires. In this method, the information and opinions of the citizens of Khuzestan province were collected randomly and through standard questions and analyzed through spss software. The findings of the research showed that being native or not has no effect on people's political participation, which itself shows the effect of other variables such as; Political culture has cultural and especially economic factors on people's political participation. In this regard, the variable effect of people's political attitude on the economic variable was significantly prominent. The results of the study showed that there is no significant difference between natives and non-natives living in Khuzestan province in terms of the culture of political participation as a dependent variable. Also, ethnicity and nativeness in Khuzestan province do not have an obvious effect on the culture of political participation and other variables such as; The variable of intention and political attitude affects the culture of political participation.

  According to many sociologists, the political press is one of the most important indicators of political development and it is mentioned as one of the main pillars in democracy. An active press, while accelerating the improvement of political development, prevents tyranny and political stagnation in a country. The press, as one of the most important tools of mass surveillance, makes the sphere of power more transparent, and those in power will be accountable for their performance. In this regard, the main question of the present article is, by what mechanism do the press and media influence the process of political development? In analyzing and answering this question, first by using the existing theories in the field of political development, the relationship between the press and analysis and evaluation was established. Then, while examining the activity of the press in Kurdistan province after the Islamic revolution, the extent of their effectiveness in the process of political development of this province has been examined. One of the indicators of political development that is discussed in the current research is the level of political participation of citizens in elections. To collect and analyze the data of this issue in Kurdistan province, the statistical research method has been used. The findings of the research show that at any point in the Kurdistan province, during the years after the Islamic revolution, the activities of the press and news media have grown, and the process of upgrading the indicators of political development has also improved. Of course, it should be acknowledged that the mere quantity of the press is not effective in improving the process of political development, but what is important is the degree of freedom of the press and media and the threshold oftolerance of regulatory institutions.

Naeini was able to present a proposal for a democratic system entitled "Constitutional Government" through theoretical elaboration on concepts such as the constitution, the national assembly, councils, the necessity of consulting with the people's representatives, giving meaning and political weight to the principles of enjoining good and forbidding evil, emphasizing participatory democracy, the role of councils in overseeing laws, and ultimately introducing a new theory in Shia political jurisprudence. The theory prioritizes a form of "compromise" and, through this, provides the necessary intellectual groundwork for separating political affairs from religious matters. An examination of this theory within the framework of pioneering theoretical perspectives on political developments worldwide demonstrates the extent to which he was familiar with the foundations of a democratic system in the contemporary world. By incorporating religious and cultural teachings, he was able to design such a system based on the modern needs of Iranian society. This research aims to elaborate on the novel articulation of the principles outlined by contemporary political philosopher Hannah Arendt for a republic and a successful revolution, within Naeini's governance theory. Within this framework, it becomes evident that the founding principle emphasizes positive freedom and the participation of citizens who are equal under the law. The two fundamental principles of "liberty" and "equality" are well articulated within Naeini's legitimate government theory. Therefore, this theory can be considered as pioneering in modernizing the political structure of the country based on fundamental democratic principles. The research methodology employed is descriptive-analytical and relies on library research.

The victory of the Islamic Revolution in 1979 under the leadership of Imam Khomeini led to the formation of a new value system in Iranian society. Extensive changes were made at the level of political elites, social structures and relations between people in the society and caused the transformation of Iran's political culture. The main question of the article is this: "How has the Islamic Revolution affected the political culture of Iran in the period from 1979 to 1989?". The conformity of the norms and values of the political elites and the people had greatly increased the legitimacy of the political system. Public and political participation of the people in supporting the political system expanded. Participation had a mass form, but from the perspective of political culture, people believed that they had the ability to influence the political process. The emphasis of this article is that the social and political behavior of Iranians after the revolution was influenced by Shia teachings. Shia elements, concepts and symbols were reproduced at the level of the society with the occurrence of the Islamic revolution and caused the expansion of the "meme" of solidarity, cooperation and the rule of "non-monetary relationships" in the network of social relations, and the positive function of religion in the social and political structure of Iran was shown. The current research is from the perspective of political sociology with a descriptive-analytical qualitative method and the collection of materials has been done in the library

Political participation is one of the important concepts in social debates and political sociology. The stronger the political participation, the stronger the political legitimacy. In the Islamic Republic of Iran, political participation has been of great importance as the foundation of political legitimacy. After the victory of the revolution, the necessity of people's participation has not only not decreased, but its importance has increased. In the constitution of our country, there are several principles that specify and emphasize the all-round participation of the people in the political affairs of the Islamic society. In view of this, the main question of the present article has been raised as follows: What were the approaches of the Islamic Republic of Iran to political participation (with emphasis on the role of parties)? that this central hypothesis has been proposed that after the Islamic revolution, the parties acted as intermediaries between the people and the officials, which has become the basis for strengthening the legitimacy in the Islamic Republic of Iran. The system of the Islamic Republic of Iran, with political, social and cultural transformation in the society, has developed the growth and expansion of popular institutions and has provided the grounds for the participation of civil politics in the process of decision-making, policy-making and administration of the society, and the leaders of the system have emphasized it. The type of research method is descriptive-analytical and based on library studies.

With the re-domination of the Taliban over Afghanistan and the fall of the republican system in 2021, this country underwent dramatic changes in various aspects. The changes that went to the core of Afghan society and spread different ideas in the governance system and the public sphere. This research has analyzed the issue of the political culture of this country's society due to the necessity of analyzing the consequences of the re-domination of the Taliban on Afghanistan. The main question of the research is based on what effects the re-establishment of the Taliban has left on the political culture of the Afghan society.To answer this question, Almond and Verba's political culture theory was used and components such as political violence and authoritarianism, xenophobia and xenophobia, ethnic and tribal political culture, dogmatism and absolutism, mistrust of the government and lack of passivity and lack of Participation and evasion were considered.According to the hypothesis of the research, all elements of the political culture of Afghan society have been weakened and regressed during the Taliban period. Also, according to the theory of Almond and Verba, the political culture of the Afghan society during the Taliban period is a combination of limited and subservient political culture, and the citizens do not expect any change from the political system, and the government does not create an opportunity for citizens' participation and freedom.

In advanced judicial systems, stakeholder involvement serves as a critical component of operational efficiency, facilitating the resolution of conflicts within judicial institutions. Participation is widely recognized as a fundamental indicator of political and social development, playing an essential role in the advancement of society. Accordingly, the objective of the present research is to identify and categorize strategies aimed at encouraging the participation of both the general public and elites in the judicial system, employing a content analysis methodology. The data collection process was conducted on a cross-sectional basis. Fifteen university professors, researchers, and judiciary staff from various departments were selected through purposive sampling, utilizing the maximum diversity technique. Semi-structured interviews were conducted to gather insights. The resulting data were subjected to thematic analysis, with the process of participant selection, interviewing, and data analysis continuing until theoretical saturation was reached. In the initial phase of analysis, 97 primary codes were identified, which were subsequently condensed into 49 basic themes. These basic themes then gave rise to six organizing themes, which were ultimately grouped into two overarching themes. The findings of the research suggest that strategies for enhancing the participation of both the public and elites within the judicial system can be systematically categorized into six thematic domains: structural, contextual, managerial, individual, cultural-interpersonal, and legal.

Ethnic policy, in countries with multiple ethnicities, has always been a concern of society and government. The nature of these policies and their appropriate model, and in particular the components of this policy, are very important. There are various models for this policy, from "assimilation" which is a model for eliminating ethnic differences to "equal" and "unequal" pluralist models. Meanwhile, for the Iranian society, in which various ethnic groups have lived for centuries and formed a nation called Iran, ethnic policy can be based on the model of "unity in plurality" that is more compatible with the nature of the nation and its government and closer to society and government. Is. In the Islamic Republic of Iran, upstream documents have more or less addressed the issue of ethnicities and its leaders have always paid attention to the rights of ethnic groups and their participation in affairs, and considering these two, the present article seeks to answer the question that components of ethnic policy model in What is the Islamic Republic? In addition, by analyzing the statements of the leadership and upstream documents, seeks to extract these components and considers them as these five cases: 1. Religiosity; 2. National unity; 3. Coexistence of relatives; 4. Existence of diversity as an opportunity; And 5. The rule of law, the main purpose of which is to create a conceptual system for achieving a policy based on the "participation" of ethnic groups in all aspects of the country.

Citizens' participation in legislation is the ideal goal of democracy, which in the past could be achieved through elections and face-to-face meetings. However, with the advent of information and technology, people's participation in legislation took a big leap. Now, distance, the number of audiences, and time no longer have an effect on citizens' participation in legislation. This has even been emphasized in the guideline of the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU). The main question of this is that what are the barriers and facilitators for representatives to use cyberspace, and what are the capacities of citizens' participation in legislation in the Islamic Consultative Assembly? For this research a qualitative method of grounded theory has been used. The participants were parliamentarians, and the sample, according to theoretical saturation, was 45 interviews. These interviews were analyzed using AtlasTI software. The open axes in this study were converted into eight axial codes. These codes were then categorized two main components: facilitators and barriers to the use of cyber space. The axes of network awareness, information recovery, information dissemination, and coordination were identified as facilitators. On the other hand, the axes of infrastructure weakness, inability to use, propaganda attacks, and the one-sided approach were identified as barriers. The results of the study show that in the field of official communication, parliament's website lacks the indicators considered by the World Inter-Parliamentary Union. Additionally, the official interactive facilities connected to organizational communication are not embedded within it. In the public virtual space desired results are still unreachable due to objections from the representatives.

Distribution and redistribution, as one of the specialized functions within the political system, aims to address inequalities and reduce socio-economic disparities. It holds a pivotal role in the systemic approach, as the success or failure of these efforts can significantly influence the level of support for the political system. Following the Revolution, the Islamic Republic embarked on a mission to narrow the class gap across various strata of society by adopting distribution and redistribution policies with the ultimate aim of realizing justice. The Iranian political system thus adopted a proactive stance and function regarding distribution and redistribution, commencing with land reforms at the onset of the Islamic Revolution and progressing through various policy initiatives over the span of four decades. While the impact of the distribution and redistribution policies can be objectively assessed through statistical data and indicators, it is equally crucial to take into account people’s subjective perceptions of such policies. This subjective perception often carries substantial weight, sometimes even outweighing the tangible outcomes of policies, significantly influencing the political behavior of individuals within society. In this respect, the present research tried to address the degree of success of the post-Revolution distribution and redistribution policies, and their impact on people’s political action.

Literature Review:

Mehrgan and Ezzati (2008) delved into the impact of various factors, including taxes, per capita income, literacy levels, unemployment, and inflation rates, on citizens’ political participation. The findings revealed that inflation and unemployment significantly reduced electoral participation in the provinces. Conversely, higher levels of literacy and per capita income were associated with increased political engagement of citizens. Saboktakin et al. (2015) concluded that a substantial 99% correlation exists between social and political participation, with a 53% correlation observed for political satisfaction and an 18% correlation for social satisfaction. Furthermore, there is a significant relationship between the socio-economic base and political participation. The results of the regression analysis indicated that among these three variables, political satisfaction had the most significant impact on participation, while social satisfaction had the least impact on social and political participation. Analyzing the economic redistribution policies, Hatami (2012) demonstrated that during the 9th and 10th governments of the Islamic Republic of Iran, there existed a set of peripheral economic policies, such as Justice Shares (Saham-e Edalat), Mehr Housing Plan, and targeted subsidies. These policies interacted with the broader social and electoral context, leading to a complex reciprocal relationship. As a result, Hatami identified two distinct syndromes in the redistribution policies of the governments. The first syndrome pertained to how the peripheral policies of the government exacerbated the conflict between the center and periphery and turned invisible economic conflicts into socially determining issues. The second syndrome involved the interplay between class aspects of the government and its political ramifications. Instead of the government acting as a party to these conflicts and as an agent in class conflicts, it should play the role of a neutral arbitrator and mediator in resolving class conflicts. This suggests that the government should work towards enhancing its public image and role in this regard.

The present research adopted a descriptive–analytical approach and a documentary method. The study aimed to propose a theoretical framework by adapting the systems theories of Almond and Powell as well as Robert Merton’s theory.

Both statistical data and public perception of policy outcomes showed that these policies and institutions exhibited relative inefficiency during the period from 2011 to 2020, leading to exacerbating the existing inequalities and fostering a perception of injustice. Additionally, people’s assessment of the economic situation underscores the inefficiency of such policies, particularly evident in the feedback loop within the system. It is worth noting that a key indicator of support for a political system, particularly in electoral systems, is the level of political participation. An increase in political participation signifies the effective functioning of the political system, while a decline serves as a warning to the political system, indicating diminishing support. A comparative analysis of the outcomes of distribution and redistribution policies, coupled with the levels of political apathy and the participation rate from 2011 to 2020, clearly revealed a significant connection between the effectiveness of resource (re)distribution and the electoral participation rate as an indicator of the level of support for the political system. The inefficiency of these policies and institutions has grown increasingly conspicuous, exacerbating economic and social inequalities and fostering a prevailing sense of political apathy and hopelessness among the citizens. This factor can be considered one of the root causes contributing to the declining participation rates in both presidential and parliamentary elections.

Women are always considered to be one of the most important and influential groups in Iranian society, and they have had a significant role and participation in Iran's political and social developments, especially in the constitutional movement, the victory of the Islamic Revolution, and the holy defense. . In this regard, the statements and thoughts of Imam Khomeini (RA) as a first-class Islamic jurist who has a correct understanding of the position of women in Islam, are of great importance in analyzing and better explaining the role and position of women in this field. has Therefore, the following article, by using the descriptive-analytical and documentary method (Imam Khomeini's statements), seeks to answer the question, what are the characteristics of the defense discourse of the Islamic Revolution, emphasizing the participation of women in defense affairs? The results of the research indicate that in the defense discourse of the Islamic Revolution based on the thought of Imam Khomeini (RA), women are one of the most important groups who play a very important role in the victory of the Islamic Revolution and the holy defense as much as men and even more than men. have had The most important roles that exist in the defense discourse of the Islamic Revolution in relation to the role and participation of women in the sacred defense are: the role of relief and treatment, support, the spirit of martyrdom, educational and emotional role, material and financial support, combat role - Operation, and women's sacrifice.

One of the most important challenges in the field of defense policies, which has caused the objectives set in the plans and macro policies to not be fully realized, is the lack of clear limits of the duties and authorities of the employees, parallel work and redundancies, and the lack of participation of the employees in the defense policies. Currently, there is no native model in this field; Therefore, designing this model is essential. This research was carried out with the aim of designing a model for promoting employee participation in defense policies. The research method was applied in terms of purpose and data was collected in a mixed (qualitative-quantitative) manner with a sequential exploratory approach. In the qualitative section, based on the theme analysis method, the required data were collected and analyzed by conducting 30 semi-structured interviews (including 12 academic experts and 18 commanders) using theoretical sampling and snowball methods; And in the quantitative part, the data was collected in the field, where 384 people were selected from the commanders, managers and experts of the Islamic Republic of Iran Army first by stratified random and then by Cochran's formula. Then, the data was analyzed with the help of SPSS software and Amos structural equations. The findings of the research showed that the model for promoting employee participation in defense policies has 40 basic themes, 16 organizing themes and 6 comprehensive themes, which can be used as a basic and scientific theoretical framework for promoting employee participation in defense policies.

The purpose of this research is to investigate the relationship between women's political indifference (as a dependent variable) and background variables (age, education, marriage, employment, religion, ethnicity, income, language or dialect, and place of residence) which is addressed in this article. and it was assumed that there is a significant relationship between all these background variables and political indifference (as a dependent variable) among Shahin Shahr women.Based on the method of data collection, it is a survey-causal research from the branch of field research, and the statistical population consists of 388 women over the age of 18 in Shahin Shahr city, through random sampling, using a questionnaire tool consisting of 91 questions, which data analysis, It has been calculated using SPSS software.According to the results obtained from the simultaneous multiple regression analysis method, it was found that there are political differences between the background variables (age, education, marriage, employment, religion, ethnicity, income, language or dialect, and place of residence) among the women of Shahin Shahr. No significant relationship was found.

The purpose of this study is to investigate the relation of safety-culture indices and the participation of employees of in for establishing a safe military community. To accomplish the task, the descriptive research was conducted by a geodesic approach. The study population are full-time employees of the MSU who have at least 5 years’ experience without taking into account their training course. The sample method applied here is a classified-randomization divided into three categories of commissioned officers, enlisted officer and noncommissioned employees. Robins and Hofstede’s model, Denison’s model and Quinn’s model and the opinion of university experts by Delphi’s approach, have been used to determine university culture indices. Using existing theories and expert’s opinions made 11 safety culture indexes and the participation of employees were identified for the purpose of researching a safe military society, which were tested by AMOS software in the form of assumptions using the path analysis method. Moreover, all indicators except the participation of employees in order to control affect the establishment of a safe military community. using Friedman’s test In rating military safety indexes at Military University, shows that training, safety instructions, discipline and reward system ranked 1,2,3 respectively. leadership and guidance, management support and systematic and non-systematic control of the category of safety culture gained the next ranks. Also, the results of the research show the indicators of the safety culture from the viewpoint of the commanders and staff of the University are effective in institutionalizing the participation of employees in reducing incidents.

Governance, as a process in which activities related to public authority are carried out, enjoys the nature of the people if in that process, the people are considered to have rights. In the Fiqh (Islamic jurisprudence) literature, despite the wide coverage of governance, the concept of governance in general and popular governance in particular has been less dealt with. However, it seems that Mohaghegh Naeini has paid due attention to popular governance in his precious book Tanbih al-Umah va Tanzih al-Millah. The present paper is an exploration of Naeini's contribution in the production of jurisprudential literature about popular governance. According to the author, in this book, Naeini has recognized at least the right of the people in the governance process in the four stages of establishment of governance, participation in governance, supervision of governance and transformation in governance. In this regard, relying on Naeini's jurisprudential efforts, we can talk about the capacity of Fiqh to present a jurisprudential model of popular governance and argue about the popular nature of governance.

Some argue that Iran Petroleum Contracts (IPC) are buy-back (bai' motaqabel) agreements. However, considering the basic criteria of such agreements—including the absence of a concrete object, subject of the contract, and design/development at the time of contract conclusion—IPCs cannot be regarded as buy-back contracts. The main research questions are why IPCs cannot be categorized as one of the common legal contracts such as sale, barter, and reward (Ji’ala) and whether they must be defined within the scope of Iranian or international law.  The findings of this analytical and comparative study outlined three different views concerning the nature of IPCs: (1) administrative contracts governed by domestic laws of the employer, i.e., the government, (2) private contracts governed by Article 10 of the Iranian Civil Code, and finally, (3) contracts with international and transnational features. There are arguments made in favor of each view. In terms of Iranian laws, IPCs are marked with special features with similarities and differences in comparison to other contract types specified in the Iranian Civil Code such as sale, barter, reward, and lease, while they cannot be classified as either one of these.

Among the important components in today's world, which has a great role and importance in strengthening and improving social power and maintaining the cohesion and solidarity of societies, is social capital. In such a way that a society that lacks enough social capital, its other capitals are wasted. However, today, various factors play a role in the development or weakening of social capital. One of these factors is related to social networks. In fact, social networks play an important role in the field of social developments in today's era due to easy access to contacts. One of the dimensions in which these social networks can be effective is the topic of social capital and how to weaken or grow it. The topic that is going to be explored in this research.Therefore, the role of social networks in weakening social capital is the main question of this research, which tries to address this issue using reliable scientific sources. But the initial findings of the research indicate that social networks, considering their position among users and facilitating communication among them, can be a factor for social capital development in addition to having capacities for Weakening of social capital.

The present study, entitled The Role of Citizenship Diplomacy on Women's Political Participation (a case study of Tehran's women in 1997-96), was conducted to investigate the impact of citizenship diplomacy on women's political participation.Among the variables of the concept of citizenship diplomacy are considered the most important and influential ones, which include a favorable and positive image of the country, a good understanding and attainment of common views and values, participation in peaceful activities and conflict resolution, exchange And sharing information.The statistical population of the study consisted of 385 individuals who were selected by multistage cluster sampling method and a questionnaire was used for data collection. Statistical methods including descriptive and inferential statistics were used by Pearson correlation coefficient and multivariate regression. The results showed a significant relationship between the variables.The research method in this study is a survey and a theoretical framework based on the theories of Samuel Huntington, Melbourne and Goel, Robert Dale, Perry on the concept of political participation and the theories of John Mellesin, Joseph Montville, Diana Chiagas, and Ana Maysondo in Dipole.

The research attempts to answer the question that how the media, such as television, satellite, and radio, affects the level of participation in elections? The statistical population of the present study consisted of all Tehran citizens who were at least 18 years of age. Sampling method in this research was multi-stage cluster sampling. In this research, 700 questionnaires were evaluated and analyzed. A questionnaire tool was also used to collect information. Research findings show that the impact of television (0.336) on electoral participation is greater than the impact of radio (0.157) on electoral participation. Satellite impact on electoral participation is at its lowest (0.154) compared to television and radio. It should be noted that the impact of the above media on electoral participation is positive. Satellite impact on electoral participation is at its lowest (0.154) compared to television and radio. It should be noted that the impact of the above media on electoral participation is positive.