جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « regional actors » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

The developments in Syria, which began with protests, internal conflicts, and external rivalries, have escalated into a full-blown crisis. Despite a decrease in the intensity of the crisis in recent years, it remains a smoldering fire that could reignite at any moment. One of the contributing factors to the reduction in the scope of the crisis has been the agreements between two influential regional actors Iran and Turkey, despite their initial differences (Problem). This article, using the ZOPA approach, aims to answer the question: What are the reasons and points of agreement for the ZOPA region between Iran and Turkey, as influential actors in the Syrian crisis? (Question).The research findings, based on a descriptive-analytical method and using Deductive reasoning (Method), indicate that the changing situation in Syria has led to Turkey's inclination towards creating a zone of agreement. Within this zone, the two countries have reached agreements on issues such as the preservation of Assad's power, maintaining Syria's territorial integrity, repatriating Syrian refugees, and reconstructing the country (Findings).

The Persian Gulf, with its unique geopolitical, geostrategic and geoeconomic characteristics, has historically been considered by regional and trans-regional countries. For this reason, the conflicting approaches and attitudes of each of the actors in this region have made the Persian Gulf one of the most divergent regions in the world; So that we have witnessed the lack of lasting security in the region. Accordingly, the present study seeks to analyze the obstacles to the formation of a regional security system in the Persian Gulf.

The method used is descriptive-analytical, which uses the theory of constructivism to answer the question of what factors have prevented the formation of a regional security system in the Persian Gulf?

The findings show that self-help and lack of a common security strategy, geopolitical environmental challenges, currency and border disputes, crisis of democracy and internal disputes (ethnic, racial and political), homogeneous and fragile economies, religious disputes and inequalities Cultural and social, the decline of traditional hegemony and the multiplicity of polarity and continuity in the arms race are obstacles that have prevented the formation of a stable security regime in the region.

The complexity and instability of the security regime in the Persian Gulf region, in addition to foreign interference, has been more the result of conflicting approaches and perceptions of regional actors and these problems and obstacles require tolerance for more dialogue and drawing a new model to resolve. The security concerns of all countries in the region are for the formation of lasting security in the Persian Gulf.

Due to its special geopolitical and geostrategic position, Yemen has always been the subject of interference by regional and extra-regional powers. Bringing Yemen in a crisis, the formation of the Arab uprisings and then the intervention of regional and international powers turned this country into a domestic and foreign battlefield. This article seeks to answer the question of what geopolitical interests four important regional actors, namely the Islamic Republic of Iran, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and the Zionist regime, pursue in the Yemen crisis. The findings of the research show that despite the political and ideological motivations of all these actors, most of their basic goals in this crisis are aimed at the geopolitical and geostrategic advantages of Yemen.
In addition to its ideological goals of helping the oppressed, Iran views this crisis as an arena for expanding the geopolitical depth of the axis of resistance. And, as the most important regional actor involved in the Yemen crisis, Saudi Arabia sees this country essential to advance its regional and international ambitions, as well as to draw a veil over its geopolitical problems. The United Arab Emirates, which has based its foreign policy on sea and strait diplomacy, considers Yemen's geopolitics as the backbone of its policies in order to play a more effective role in the region, and the Zionist regime, which is known as one of the beneficiary political actors in the Red Sea, considers the geopolitical position of Yemen important for providing shipping security and improving its deterrence power against the resistance front.
With the emergence (occurrence) of the Arab uprisings, Yemen, like previous decades, suffered internal crisis and chaos and; as a result, many regional and extra-regional actors entered this crisis in order to benefit from Yemen's geopolitical gifts.
Due to its unique geopolitical and geostrategic position, Yemen is significant for regional and trans-regional actors; therefore, each of the regional powers, especially the four main influential actors in the Yemen crisis, i.e. Iran, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and the Zionist regime, consider some interests for themselves in this country. Despite the political, economic, ideological and military interests, the biggest factor that has drawn these actors towards Yemen crisis is the geopolitical and geostrategic advantages of this country which include political, economic and other advantages.
In addition to political and ideological interests, the Yemen crisis and the promotion of Ansarullah from a sub-national to a national and even regional power have had geopolitical benefits for Tehran.
having not very peaceful relations with Iran during the era of Ali Abdullah Saleh and Mansour Hadi, yemen, with the outbreak of its crisis and the presence of Ansarullah in this country, was added to the circle of Iranian friends in the region and expanded the strategic depth of Iran to the Red Sea and the strategic strait of Bab al-Mandab.
With such an opportunity, in addition to prompting the geopolitical weight of the axis of resistance and itself, Iran can increase its deterrenc power against its most important regional enemy, the Zionist regime, and its most important regional rival, Saudi Arabia.  Iran can also prevent the political, military and economic strategies of the West, especially the United States, to isolate Iran and exclude it from the transit corridors.  The result of such developments can be an increase in Iran's national security factor.
The second and probably the most important foreign actor involved in the Yemen crisis is Saudi Arabia. The Yemen crisis, in general, imposed many political, economic, military and geopolitical costs on Saudi Arabia, because with the occurrence of Islamic awakening and the emergence of such actors as Ansarullah, Riyadh's influence in Sana'a was reduced and this country faced many challenges. However, the geopolitical interests of Saudi Arabia, such as reducing the geopolitical risk of Yemen for Riyadh, the connection with the high seas through the control of Yemen's strategic ports, as well as the stability of the Arabian Peninsula in order to continue its ambitious approaches at the regional and international levels, led Riyadh to maximize its presence in the Yemen crisis.
The third regional actor involved in the Yemen crisis is the United Arab Emirates, whose interests in Yemen can be considered completely geopolitical. With its maritime and strait diplomacy, the UAE seeks to dominate the international waterways and ports and strategic islands of the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden, and by the way, the Yemen crisis made this strategy of the UAE a reality. During the last decade, the UAE has been able to make capital investments in many ports and islands in the south of Yemen and to have a significant military presence there.
Therefore, the interests of the UAE, unlike Saudi Arabia, are the division of Yemen and the support of the Southern Transitional Council in order to guarantee its decisive influence in the south of Yemen and the geostrategic regions of this country and achieve its ambitious goals in order to become the economic and tourism hub of the Middle East.
The fourth influential but shadowy regional actor in the Yemen crisis is the Zionist regime. The regime , which has experienced the loss of access to the Red Sea in the 1973 war (Yom Kippur), knows that the loss of the Red Sea can endanger its foundation.
Therefore, the developments of all the countries of the Red Sea and especially Yemen, which owns the Strait of Bab al-Mandeb in addition to being located in the Red Sea, is important for the Zionist regime.
The Yemen crisis is important for the Zionist regime since it has been  able to bring together reactionary Arab countries and the Jewish state and also to advance the balkanization of the Middle East one step further.
But the most important benefit of the Zionist regime from the crisis in Yemen can be seen in the connection of this regime with the Southern Transitional Council and its hidden presence in the south of Yemen and the strategic islands of this country, creating many opportunities for.
However, the emergence of Ansarullah is the most important challenge for the Zionist regime in the Yemen crisis, which can not only neutralize all these political and geopolitical opportunities resulting from the crisis, but also creates numerous threats to the regime in the Red Sea.

Considering the special and different characteristics of the Middle East countries, the issue of intra-regional security and hegemonic stability in this region can be considered as one of the important concerns in the analysis of the nature of the relations between the countries of the region. The main goal of the current research is intra-regional security and hegemonic stability in this region, which is important for government actors. The main question is how does intra-regional security affect hegemonic stability? The main hypothesis is that; The development and deepening of intra-regional security can lead to hegemonic stability and the development of sustainable security through convergence and de-escalation in the field of relations between governments. In addition to this, the division of power between the powers of the region on the one hand and the all-round growth of economic, political and security relations on the other hand can be a solution to the problems faced by the countries of the region. The research method is a descriptive-analytical qualitative method, and the method of collecting information is library-based and analyzing the collected data using the qualitative analysis method.

Today, the Republic of Georgia has attracted many regional and international actors and has regained its extraordinary historical importance. Georgia, once a haven for Russia and the Soviet Union, has long been a battleground for regional actors. The world seeks to be present, to influence and to secure its own interests as much as possible. In order to better understand the importance of this region for the great powers, especially the United States and Russia, and Georgia's tendencies towards each of these two powers, the goals of these two powers in the South Caucasus region are examined. Leading research raises the question of which East and West power Georgia has been leaning towards since 2008. And the effect of this orientation in relation to Iran will be pointed out. In fact, this descriptive-analytical study examines the hypothesis that Georgia has incentives to cooperate with NATO. The Republic of Georgia seems to see the presence of NATO as a prelude to Europeanization, preferably receiving more funding. As a result, it can be said that among the two trans-regional actors, the role of the United States seems more prominent than the others. The United States has regional interests in Georgia

Always in the formation of the security-defense pact, such as; The structure of the international system, security needs, and political orientations are influential. In this connection, factors such as; Military power, international structures, understanding of the threat, goals of the defense pact, solidarity and cohesion among the members, and finally the common threat are effective in the application of a defense pact. In this regard, one of the most important concerns of the Islamic Republic in the West Asian region has always been the formation of multilateral security agreements based on geopolitical threats and with a focus on hostilities against our country. This concern has been heightened by the Islamic Republic, especially after the 2011 developments and the spread of the Arab uprisings in West Asia and North Africa. In the meantime, several variables have led to the failure to form unilateral security agreements against Iran, which can be referred to the uncertainty, anarchy and instability of space in West Asia, so that to a large extent predict the next move of actors in such circumstances. Has faced minimal flexibility. Therefore, assessing the polarization of the region, the role of regional actors and the involvement of supra-regional powers in explaining the issue is of great importance. The purpose is to examine the inherent capacity of this approach in explaining the security dynamics of the region. The research method is descriptive-analytical and the data collection method is library.

The purpose of this article is to study the context and reasons for the return of the Taliban to political power in Afghanistan and the subsequent change in the fragile political order that prevailed in Afghanistan after 2001. Although military coups, violent riots, foreign intervention, and civil war have been recurring experiences since the 1970s; But the Taliban's dramatic advance and massive takeover of cities, commercial ports and key areas of Afghanistan, the fall of cities and the escalation of the war into cities, and finally the fall of Kabul, a new era of political and security instability and a wave of Concerns about Afghanistan's political future have raised for domestic and foreign actors. In this regard, the main question of this study is focused on why the Taliban returned and regained power in the Afghan political scene, which is studied within the framework of the 3 levels (national, regional and international) analysis approach. Findings show inefficiency, crisis of legitimacy and fragility of the government on the one hand and the internal capacities of the Taliban on the other hand at the national level, change in strategy and practic of neighbors such as Pakistan, India and Iran at the regional level and US, Russia and China, internationally have played a key role in Taliban returning to power in Afghanistan

The Karabakh conflict is one of the old conflicts in the territories under the control of the former Soviet Union and within the territory of the Republic of Azerbaijan, which is of the above importance due to its influence on the stability and security of the Caucasus region and the special position of regional and extra-regional powers in the foreign policy. It has a great reputation and has attracted the attention of the world communityThis conflict has historical roots and contexts that include ethnic, religious and territorial claims and disputes to the extremist policies and goals of nationalist parties and groups, as well as the economic and political interests of regional and extra-regional governments, despite being limited in one circle. The small geographical area has regional and international dimensions and consequences, and it has provided reasons for regional and world governments to take positions.In this article, we discuss the importance and position of the Karabakh conflict in the foreign policies of regional and extra-regional governments, and we try to discuss the goals and interests of the policies and the role of such governments in the aforementioned conflict.

Iraq has been one of the most challenging countries in Southwest Asia (Middle East) since World War II. Undoubtedly, one of the main reasons for these challenges is the important and decisive role of the Iraqi political situation in the geopolitical space of the region. In the current developments in this region, as in the past, Iraq has a key and decisive role, and this role has led to the clash of actions and interests of various regional and supra-regional powers at this point. The main purpose of this article is to study the future of political stability in Iraq by emphasizing the political and security situation in Iraq and its sub-objectives. It introduced Iraq and the feasibility of the disintegration of Iraq. By designing possible scenarios for the disintegration or non-disintegration of Iraq in the next ten years, the future of this country is predicted as follows: 1) Scenario of disintegration of Iraq 2) Scenario of civil war in Iraq 3) Scenario of fair and democratic distribution of power.

The Republics of Georgia and Armenia have today attracted numerous regional and international actors and regained their extraordinary historical significance. Georgia and Armenia, once the backdrop of Russia and the Soviet Union, and which have long been the scene of conflict and rivalry between regional actors, have now become the scene of rivalry between the major powers, each seeking regional presence, influence and provide as many benefits as possible. In order to better understand the importance of this region for the great powers, especially the United States and Russia, and the tendencies of Georgia and Armenia towards each of these two powers, the goals of these two powers in the South Caucasus region are examined. Leading research raises the question of which Eastern and Western powers have Armenia and Georgia turned to since 2008? In fact, this research descriptively-analytically examines the hypothesis that Georgia and Armenia have incentives to cooperate with NATO. In the meantime, it seems that the Republic of Georgia sees the presence of NATO as a prelude to Europeanization, preferably receiving more financial aid, and as a result, it can be said that among the two trans-regional actors, the role of the United States seems more prominent than the others. The United States has regional interests in Georgia and Armenia.

The structure of the international system has faced geopolitical changes in the years after the Cold War. The signs of such a transformation can be seen in the regional domain of Southwest Asia. The realities of regional development show that the concentration of power-building, riot-making and conflict-causing forces has been created in this geographical area. In the process of forming a new regional order in Southwest Asia, there are signs of crisis and threat. In this process, regional actors and great powers are trying to organize a new form of power equation. The formation of "proxy wars" and the spread of "asymmetrical conflicts" can be considered among the factors and signs of the regional crisis in Southwest Asia. Such a process has led to the reproduction of security competitions in the relations of the main actors of the regional domain such as Iran, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, the Zionist regime and Egypt. Explaining the role of regional actors in the space of geopolitical developments in Southwest Asia requires knowing the goals, tools and patterns of action of regional actors. In order to achieve such goals, the question can be raised: "What tactical and operational action patterns do regional actors in Southwest Asia have?" In response to this question, it is necessary to propose the hypothesis that: "Regional actors use mechanisms such as organizing proxy wars and asymmetric conflicts to influence the geopolitical developments of West Asia." In the explanation of this article, the "identity-structure approach" is used.

The Central Asian region is of great importance to Iran because of its religious, ethnic, cultural, historical and civilizations shares with I. R. Iran have. the following article seeks to answer the question, "What are the factors affecting the future developments in the Central Asian region and what kind of relationship do they have with I. R. Iran?” The approach of the present study is “mixed” and based on purpose; it is an “applied- developmental” research. The target population consisted of 32 experts and experts in the area. In order to collect the required information for compiling research literature, "library studies" using "catch-up" tools, and "field studies", using "semi-structured interviews" and "closed questionnaires", were used to collect the actual data.. Interview questions and questionnaires were confirmed by experts in both aspect and content validity. The reliability coefficient (Cronbach's alpha) was calculated 0.906 using SPSS software, indicating high reliability of the questionnaire. "Shannon entropy method" was used to analyze the quantitative data collected by "descriptive statistics or parameters" and also to rank the importance of questionnaire propositions. Thus, all influential actors in the three groups; local actors (ethnicities, religions, movements and other local actors), regional and international, mentioning the type of relationship each had with I. R. Iran, as well as the extent of its impact on the future of regional developments, are identified and ranked, and finally, strategies to provide grounds for the expansion of presence and influence I. R. Iran has been suggested in this area.

The role of regional actors in the process of state-building in Afghanistan during the Taliban era and after his fall can be in terms of influencing the three key players, including Iran, Pakistan and Russiaand actors on the periphery of Europe, Japan and semi-peripheral players include America, Saudi Arabia, India and China split.Political, geographical, economic, social and ethnic Afghanistan has made this country has always been under the influence of regional and trans-regional powers.Pakistan is one of the most influential countries in developments in Afghanistan so that in the period of Taliban rule, the relations between the two countries wasvery good but after the fall of the Taliban, relations between the two countries were severely strained.During the five years of Taliban rule led to many difficulties for the Government of Indiaand in fact, unprecedented expansion of terrorist infiltration and destabilization in Kashmir Valley yieldedbut relations between the two countries improved after the fall of the Taliban.Eradication of the Taliban regime fall under major threat from Iran's eastern bordersand groups close to Iran gained the power in Afghanistan and promotes ties with Iran. This paper explores and analyzes the role of regional and sub-regional actors in the three countries, Pakistan, India and Iranand their influence in the process of state-building in Afghanistan during after the fall of the Taliban.Significant topic in this article, so as to Iran and Pakistan have already cast their Afghan crisisthe semi-peripheral status have found that Pakistan's role was overshadowed by the role of America. Iran also has the potential to influence Afghanistanbut seriously hinder America from using this feature.

In this paper, the Regional building process of economic and political dimensions of Central Asia in light of various factors checked, some of the factors include: Mutual cooperation, Border disputes, Geographic, Hydro politics, Disputes relating to energy and the difference between the heads of states and non-identical influence each of them in a single region. In the economic sector article, on bilateral relations Including Cross-border trade and non-systematic subdivision of the property, is mentioned. Also in Content analysis of external actors pictures and Europe Union programs, America, Turkey, China and Russia have been analyzed and Concluded, Although Regional building in Central Asia Provide adequate facilities for developing countries, But it seems that this process is not available in a short time.
The Hypothesis is That Why has so far not been successful regional Building in Central Asia? In response to the question paper, it is hypothesized that it seams inter-regional political, security, economic and cultural Factors and barriers ant also Trans-regional actors Interference, led to the failure of regionalism in Central Asian. Article descriptive - analytic method was carried out.

Russian Federation is recognized as the main inheritor of Soviet Union on December 31, 1991 which was able to collect eleven newly independent Republics in the post-Soviet. Russian policy toward Central Eurasian region indicates that, the country is trying to preserve surrounding area at the same time to be effective in the process and policies of these countries. Therefore multilateral approach, formation and strengthening of regional organization are important approaches of Russia for aligning of central Eurasian countries with its goals, interests and policies
In this study, based on the importance of multilateralism and integration of views on Russia's foreign policy, the collect efforts by Russian to create integration in the central Eurasia will be discussed in the three sets: integration of politics, security and economics and more important than, that success or failure of Russia in this field will be evaluated. Thus the main question of this research is "What are the challenges and limitation of Russian Federation in creating regional integration in central Eurasian?"And the finding of this research shows that economic restrictions in Russia in responding to material and technological needs of the region, some important challenges facing the central Eurasian region and barriers to trans-regional, such as the presence and intervention of trans-regional actor are the most important Russian challenges to create integration in central Eurasia.

Social Development on accordance with Saul Cohen theory is considered as main factor in social, political and strategic changes in the area known as "Fragile Belt Zone" located in the Persian Gulf, Southeast Asia, East Mediterranean and North Africa. Social changes in these geographic regions have led to progression of crisis and displacement of power and provided the ground for political competition, social conflict and civil wars. The conversion of geopolitical competition to contrast of identity is the main reason for the extension of the crisis in the Middle East. The emergence of political and ideological identity affected the Political developments in the Middle East during the Cold War. The old conflicts among the Middle East countries were once again exposed them with security threats. This paper attempts to study the identity and ideological rivalries role in the radicalization of political and security developments in the Middle East. Generally, the radicalization of the Middle East is considered as a function of the role of identity, political and security groups. The competition of Iran, Turkey and Saudi Arabia can be considered as identity contrast and ideological rivalries in Middle East Identity contrast can also be reflected in Yemen, Egypt, Iraq and Syria crisis and disturbed the balance of regional security. Each of the regional actors and the major powers follows the geopolitical competitions through reconstruction of concepts and mobility of the ideological groups. Daesh as emerging security subject in Middle East has geopolitical nature and ideological function. Regional actors and the major powers paved the way for enhancing of competition and geopolitical contrasts through the use of identifying mechanisms.

The Collapse of the Soviet Union caused a very important change in the security environment of the areas that were separated، including the South Caucasus. The emergence of three states of Azerbaijan، Armenia and Georgia in the South Caucasus led to changes in the regional security equations and interaction patterns، which were influenced by the presence and number of actors، and the complexity and variety of regional issues، including the issues of ethnicity، political and territorial disputes and economic problems. The presence of numerous external actors، including governments and various alliances are amongst the most important security and economical developments in the countries of the South Caucasus. This paper seeks to answer the question، why after gaining their independence the South Caucasian countries have started to follow the model of alliances and coalitions in their foreign policy and have employed this strategy in their agenda? The hypothesis here is that security and political challenges in the region، being surrounded by large regional states and the economic weakness of the South Caucasian countries، are at the root of the tendency to adopt a pattern of establishing alliances with regional and extra-regional actors.

The role of Social forces in the Middle East has increased since the end of the cold war and they have played geopolitical roles in the region. These social movements are idealist in many countries and affect strategic realities of the region. Regional actors such as Iran، Saudi Arabia، Turkey and Israel have competitive roles in the Middle East. Meanwhile، global powers especially the United have intensified the regional competitions and it seems that regional actors have organized their competitions via proxy wars. Some regional actors such as Israel and Saudi Arabia are radicalizing social forces aimed to change the balance of power in the Middle East. In this process، the effectiveness of regional actors will be increased. In fact، this process is a part of asymmetric action of social forces which is based on interference and influence of regional and international forces.

Various factors and variables, in internal and international levels have been effective on the emergence of the crisis in Karabakh, which happened between Armenia and Azerbaijan. One of the determinant factors in this issue has been the interventions and strains of international factors. It will be difficult understanding the real nature of Karabakh crisis without knowing these international factors. The international factors that are relevant to Karabakh crisis are divided into two categories; One of them is the rivalry between regional and trans-regional actors and also political and security issues; and the other one is the coherence of global energy economy, international organizations and globalization. This article tries to scrutinize how international factors can effect on the continuation of Karabakh crisis. In other words, the authors try to find a respond to this question that "What has been the impact of international factors on the crisis in Karabakh?" The hypothesis of the article is that irrespective of some intent to settle ceasefire, international factors have prolonged the crisis.