جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « regional powers » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

Developments in Iraqi Kurdistan, especially after Saddam, have raised a number of security concerns for Iraq's Kurdish population areas. The leaders of the Iraqi region declared the independence of the region in the media, in the hope of using the role of the Zionist regime to encourage the United States to support the Iraqi Kurdistan region, given the intense conflicts and differences between the countries in the region. The imbalance of power in the region was followed by regional threats to other countries. The declaration of independence turned Iraqi Kurdistan into an arena of rivalry and conflict between regional and supra-regional powers. This article aims to assess the process of independence of Iraqi Kurdistan and the role of regional and supra-regional actors. What are the challenges facing the independence of Iraqi Kurdistan? current study follows the descriptive and analytical method with the hypothesis that the independence of the Iraqi Kurdistan region has faced several challenges at the regional and supra-regional level. The internal situation in Iraq, such as the opposition of the Iraqi government, groups and parties, the conflict between the two major Kurdish parties, and regional conditions, such as the opposition of Iran and Turkey, and trans-regional conditions, such as the lack of serious US and European support, the independence of Iraqi Kurdistan and the formation of an independent government has become impossible.

Introduction and problem statement

One of the regions that is of great importance in the human and natural fields is the region of the Islamic world in general, and the Middle East in particular. This region has always played a decisive role in the structure of the global geopolitical system. The importance of the Middle East and the Islamic world lies in its human and natural contents. Despite the many structural and functional similarities of the common religion and other structural and functional commonalities, the powers have not been able to play an effective role in establishing a cohesive regional organization for hegemonic stability in the Islamic world. This situation shows that if the powers of the Islamic world (Turkey, Pakistan, Iran and Saudi Arabia) do not take effective steps towards cooperation and convergence, the unrest in this region will pave the way for further influence of the supra-regional powers.

Geopolitics

This concept has a special place in theoretical research in the field of power-politics and land. Geopolitics is the study of the competition of powers for domination over the region, and the world based on the facilities that geography provides them with or the facilities that each power has in competition with another from the geographical environment. Geopolitical dependence is a kind of dependence of the interests and goals of a political actor on the geographical values and advantages of countries and other political actors.

Geo-economics

Geo-economics is the study of the political and spatial aspects of economics and resources. Geo-economics is a branch of geopolitics and political geography that examines politics, resources, and economics. The Geo-economics approach is composed of a combination of three factors: geography, power, and economics, and examines the relationship between the three and their interaction in order to gain the power of governments. Geo-economics is nothing but geopolitical or anti-geopolitical is part of the realm of geopolitical knowledge .
Research

 This research has been done with descriptive-analytical method and the study of authoritative library sources. The results show despite religious commonality and human and natural resources, the Islamic world has a lot of potential to become a regional power in the global geopolitical system, but it is not possible due to some factors and areas of conflict and divergence, including rupture. There are some factors to make it impossible including geographical space, religious and ethnic differences, political thought and system, lack of independence and political and economic affiliations, territorial conflicts, internal competition of the superpowers of the Islamic world, existence of political and security alliances with great powers and supra-regional actors, etc. The huge potential has not been used properly. It is worth mentioning that along with divergence factors, there are factors and areas such as religious and civilizational commonalities, structural and functional homogeneity, common interests and needs, common sense of threat, etc., which can play an effective role in the unity and convergence of the Islamic world.The Islamic world suffers from a lack of territorial integrity, which is limited to eleven geographical regions, and the Middle East region, which is mainly referred to as the center of the Islamic world, is also distinct from several geopolitical regions; This geographical disruption has provided the ground for territorial and border disputes, and this provides a good platform for trans-regional interventions. Given the challenges posed in the four political, economic, cultural and geographical sectors, the construction of a new Islamic civilization will face many difficulties. External factors, especially the West, have also confirmed the excessive disintegration within the Islamic world, doubling the problem of divergence and ultimately the construction of Islamic civilization.

Iran's political system was a constitutional one before the revolution; the Iranian constitution was passed in 1979 and was put to a referendum in the same year, with a positive vote. According to the country's constitution, it has three branches: the legislature, the executive and the judiciary.
Saudi Arabia: Saudi Arabia is an absolute kingdom. New Saudi Arabia. was founded by King Abdul Aziz in 1932. The three legislatures, the executive and the judiciary, are distinct, also all matters depend on the king's decision, and strategic decisions in Saudi Arabia are made by the king. The executive branch is chaired by the king. The parliament also has a more advisory aspect, and its removal and election is by the king. In Saudi Arabia, the judiciary, like the other two branches, is directly under the king's supervision.

Geo-economics competitionIran and Saudi Arabia are the two poles of energy resources and have formed the core of geo-economic competition in the Islamic world. In terms of the composition of oil and natural gas reserves, the situation is almost the same, and Iran has the strategic advantage of being located between the Caspian Sea and the Persian Gulf, and controls the Strait of Hormuz, through which about 40% of the world's oil passes.

Saudi Arabia considers the agreement on permanent nuclear weapons and considers Iran's nuclear goal as a strategic threat. Saudi Arabia and other Arab countries in the Gulf Cooperation Council are concerned about the implementation of the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty in Iran, which will increase Iran's power in the region. In general, in considering Saudi Arabia's behavior toward Iran over the past few years, it is clear that its approach to Iran has become highly competitive and hostile.

Saudi Arabia's reactionary ideology is less attractive to the nations of the region than Iran's original Islamic ideology, which is based on the ideal of Islamic unity. Lebanon's Hezbollah, as a Shiite group, and Hamas, as a Sunni group, are a crystallization of the appeal of genuine Iranian Islamic ideology. Saudi Arabia is controlled by an authoritarian, Wahhabi-dominated kingdom. In contrast, Iran has a genuine Islamic, revolutionary, and anti-Western ideology.
The results show that the Islamic world is one of the most sensitive and geopolitical regions in the world.

It is worth mentioning that along with divergence factors, there are factors and areas such as religious and civilizational commonalities, structural and functional homogeneity, common interests and needs, common sense of threat, etc. that can play an effective role in the unity and convergence of the Islamic world. Slowly The effects of the two major powers of the Islamic world, Iran and Saudi Arabia, on their convergence and divergence in the Islamic world, given their geopolitical weight, are negligible.In general, convergence in the Islamic world goes beyond convergence between Iran and Saudi Arabia, and the two countries should negotiate the cultural, academic, political and social levels on the agenda as soon as possible, with a proper understanding of the global geopolitical structure and system of domination. They should lead the field to greater convergence and cooperation and align other countries with themselves. In case of resolving disputes between the two countries and laying the groundwork for cooperation and convergence of stable regional forces and hegemony, the two powers will be aligned, and foreign powers will not have a justification for presence and domination in the region. Therefore, in the current approach of regional countries, it has benefited from these disputes, and since it procrastinates in resolving these disputes, it threatens the Islamic world like a deadly poison.

This paper aims to analyze the concept of emerging power established to the understanding of international affairs. The work observes that the use of the lexicon emerging – regarding to markets, countries or powers – as qualifer for a range of international relations phenomena became a constituent part of the matter. In spite of that, the empirical denotation of the predicate is ahead of the amount of efforts on its theoretical contextualization. Our methodological hypothesis is that the rational denial of the concepts prevailing connotative spectrum by acknowledging the embedded wisdom about cognate phenomena synthesizes a theoretical framework on its accurate use.

Syrian crisis is considered as one of the important geopolitical and security developments of the current era led to the behavioral and security pattern change in this region. Considering the continuation of the developments started in 2010 in Tunisia with toppling down of Zein al-`Abideen Bin Ali, the president of Tunisia, caused a surge of democratic protest in the Arab world famed as “Arab Risings”. What is significant in measuring the Syrian crisis is the role of the regional powers in converting human insurgency into a pervasive regional and international crisis; in a way it can be stated that the power competition raised by conflicting-geopolitical goals among regional powers in Middle East can be counted as the main factor of the formation of the Syrian crisis. Accordingly, this article aims to assess the role of the regional powers in the formation and continuity of the Syrian crisis. Therefore, the question rises here is that what are the main powers involved in the Syrian crisis and what were their actions in this crisis? In order to answer this question, this research points out the pro-Syrian Government regional powers and anti-Syrian Government regional powers and their actions in formation and continuity of the crisis.

The Middle East region has experienced various patterns and processes of statehood since the formation of national units. The Arab awakening which encompassed the huge part of the Middle East and North Africa since 2011 was promising a fundamental transformation in the statehood patterns following an intermittent period of decline and weakness. However, the mentioned developments have been coupled with political chaos, security crisis and even civil war. Countries such as Iraq, Libya, Syria, and Yemen in which the concepts of state and nation had not been realized and authoritarian regimes had been the main factor of the connection of the state's parts, have experienced a complicated situation regarding the indexes of fragility and vulnerability. This situation in Iraq goes back to the United States invasion of Iraq in 2003 and the fall of Saddam Hossein. However, the Arab spring and the erosion of state in the region have exacerbated the vulnerability and fragility of Iraq in an unprecedented way.

The collapse of the bipolar structure of the international system caused imbalance in the international system. In the bipolar structure, the balance of power crisis management was carried out by two blocs, but by the collapse of the system, crisis management especially in areas like the Middle East seems unreachable. Long term regional conflict in Syria is a clear example of such situation. This research, by a descriptive approach, looking for an answer to the question of "Why does the Syrian crisis with its unmanagement in the imbalance of power in international system continues as such?" One of the reasons of the unmanaging the Syrian crisis- by using the library method- is the heterogeneity of behavioral patterns adopted by the regional powers, such as Islamic Republic of Iran, Turkey and Saudi Arabia, to manage the crisis in the unbalanceed structure of the system. Iran by adopting a restrained behavior pattern, Saudi Arabia by an aggressive conduct and Turkey by a reckless conduct, had no congruency to the Syrian crisis. Examining the security and crisis management mechanism and the powers involved in this process is very important. purpose of this article is to explain the behavior of the powers of the region which as a result of their conflict of behavior has made crisis management and peace in the Middle East unusual. The theoretical framework of the research uses the realism paradigm; in this paradigm we have used Benjamin Miller's Multiple Approaches that is a unique method in the compass of crisis management. Peace in the Middle East requires congruent behavioral patterns of the three powers.

The world is divided into various geopolitical regions, one of the most prominent of which is the Persian Gulf and south-western Asia. In recent decades, this geopolitical and strategic region has always been one of the tension regions in the world and has been intensifying in recent years. Although geopolitical events in the Southwest region of Asia have influenced by the global geopolitical structure, its security arrangements and geopolitical structure have depended on largely to Saudi Arabia's and the Islamic Republic's behavior as two superior regional powers and two rival powers. Therefore, the research problem is how the geopolitical relationship between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia and within context what geopolitical discourse can be realized the cooperation and convergence between them and generally in the southwest of Asia. This research is done using descriptive-analytical method and using library data. The results of the research show that the relations between these two regional powers are based on ideological geopolitical indices that have led to militarism, rivalry over domains of influence, ideological rivalries, the division of geopolitical space, increased tensions, and proxy wars in the region. However, if geo-economics strategy and discourse in the region are adopted, regional co-operation and integration and also regional development and sustainable security can be provided.

Science is a global phenomenon which is not confined to geopolitical boundaries. Science acquisition primarily requires motivation, great interest and diligence. Scientists are global citizens. The ability of the scientific societies to go beyond the demarcated boundaries of nations and geography is known to all. The future world empire will be created by those who plan to control science. As an advanced form of knowledge, science has officially recognized the privileges of soft power in the emerging knowledge-based world economy. Applying the capacity of scientific diplomacy in realization of foreign policy objectives is among the acceptable assumptions in this approach. The main question before this paper to respond, is this: Are there certain models in connection with scientific diplomacy? The results, attained through comparative study of scientific diplomacy in regional and transregional countries, suggest that all countries possess a concentrated model of scientific diplomacy, although it is of a concentrated partnership model (role of non-governmental organizations) in the United States. These models vary in terms of objectives. In American model, science and technology are used to boost US power in international arena, while Turkish model pursues science acquisition. In European Union model, science is at the service of EU soft power, and in Indian model science and politics serve each other. In all these models, the states have primarily embarked on inking cooperation agreements. In the next stage, the scientific advisor undertakes the role of making the agreement operational through formation of joint committees. Membership in international scientific bodies is another measure by the states to that end. This paper intends to study various models of scientific diplomacy in regional and transregional powers through a comparative method of research.

Since Iraq became an independent state, the Kurds never played such a significant role in shaping the Iraqi political system as they do today. As a result of its geopolitical and geostrategic location, vulnerable geography, political instability and its neighborhood with the countries that have inhabited the Kurds, the Iraqi Kurdistan has turned into a
strategic sphere for the neighboring nations and other states that have a stake in the aforementioned issues. Considering those factors, the Iraqi Kurdistan has attracted the attention of the regional powers. The most salient issue respecting the Iraqi Kurdistan includes attention to the sources and obstacles of independence as well as questions between the existing groups and parties in the Iraqi Kurdistan region. The article deals with the feasibility of the Iraqi Kurdistan’s aspiration to gain independence, and the obstacles the Kurds are faced with in attaining such a goal.