جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « قبیله گرایی » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

 The creation and destruction of "tribal order" in Yemen is a decisive component in the analysis of the development process of this country. In this research, we answer the main question that what role did ethnic and tribal characteristics and components play in the popular uprising and revolutionary changes in Yemen from 2011 to 2022.

 The method of research is descriptive-analytical by using library and internet sources.

 One of the important and fundamental cultural and social features of Yemen, which has been the source of political developments throughout history, is the functioning of ethnic and tribal structures. This component in the Yemen popular uprising in 2011 has also been a vital component in rearranging the political framework of this country and current developments; After a long period of accompanying the tribal leaders in Ali Abdullah Saleh’s government, which led to the strengthening of the wealth and influence of some sheikhs and the weakening of some of their ties with the tribe, at the beginning of the crisis in 2011, we witnessed the multi-faceted performance and rearrangement of tribal forces. As a result, the position of tribes changed.

 The research findings show; during the revolutionary developments in Yemen, the traditional determining position of the tribes has gradually lost its coherence and their role in determining the current developments is decreasing

All the efforts made to put an end to the Libyan crisis have failed and the country is still a scene for conflict among the warlords. This paper is written with the aim to explain the process of conflict in Libya and to depict the outlooks of transition to peace based on the existing trends. The main argument is that the tribal structure of the Libyan society, the policies of the previous government of Muammar Gaddafi in managing the tribes through a divide and rule mechanism together with building a coalition of the tribes loyal to the head of the state as well as the interests of the foreign countries involved in the conflict are the main reasons for continuation of the conflict in Libya. Although diminishing of the rivalries between the regional powers and the European countries readiness to accept collective initiates have weakened some of the barriers to transition to peace, the shattered national institutions and continuation of popular identification based on tribal loyalties point towards continuation of the crisis and demonstrate that the outlooks for peace in the near future are all but gloomy.

Gaddafi gained his government based on a military movement and lost his government after forty years with the beginning of protests and unrest in mid-February 2011. The protest movement of Libyan people started a peaceful protest by the families of 1200 missing prisoners. This peaceful movement was severely suppressed by Gaddafi's security units. Then the waves of this protest movement spread rapidly and with the fall of big and sensitive cities such as Benghazi, Al-Bayda, Misrata Zawiya in the east and west of Libya, it was dragged into civil war. In this research, the sociological issues of Libya will be discussed from the point of view of the role of tribes. The importance of tribes comes from the fact that the country of Libya was still governed by tribes and the tribe is the main factor of social cohesion in this country. The main question of this research is what are the effective factors in Libya's political developments and its downfall with an emphasis on tribalism? The main hypothesis is that the developments and changes that occurred in Libya due to the dictatorship and authoritarian system have caused the Libyan tribes to stop supporting Gaddafi, but due to differences with each other, they cannot form a democratic political system. The method used in this article is descriptive-analytical and compilation with library documents.

The popular uprisings of 2011 in the Arab countries of West Asia and North Africa, which led to political regimes change in Tunisia, Egypt, and then Yemen and Libya, could not be limited to purely political or economic factors in the view of many observers. Therefore, paying attention to the other dimensions and aspects of these developments can lead to results, which may have been less considered so far. In this context, ethnic characteristics and tribal factors are among the issues in the light of which, the 2011 revolutionary developments in some Arab countries can be analyzed from a different perspective.Accordingly, given the importance of ethnic-tribal issues in the political developments on the one hand and the outbreak of the 2011 protest uprisings in Libya as an important country in the Islamic world, the authors seek to analyze the issue of whether ethnic-tribal components played an effective role in the 2011 Libyan revolutionary developments. In other words, can the 2011 revolutionary developments in Libya have ethnic and tribal roots along with other factors and characteristics? In this case, if the answer is positive and the developments in Libya in 2011 can be considered to have sub-national and ethnic roots, the next question should explain why ethnic and tribal roots should essentially be considered as an influential factor along with other existing factors in the developments in Libya in 2011. To answer these questions, the role and function of ethnic-tribal characteristics and components, the context of tribalism, the political and social structure of Libya and its government's approach to tribes and their role in the 2011 popular uprising will be studied. 

The research method of this research is descriptive-analytical. The authors have used library and documentary methods to collect information and data. Descriptive research has considered both applied and basic aspects; in the applied dimension, the results of this research are used in decision-making and policy-making, as well as planning. Knowing the scope of management and the change in variables is essential for decision-making and decision-making and policy-making would be impossible without any knowledge of the society, tendencies, characteristics, quality of variables as well as effective factors in the scope of management. Descriptive research is necessary to make us aware of these affairs. Descriptive research in its basic dimension leads to the discovery of facts and realities. This kind of research in the humanities leads to discovering scientific facts and obtaining a lot of general information by an inductive method.

One of the most important and fundamental social and political features of Libya, which has been historically the source of political developments, which cannot be ignored in the political developments of this country, is the role and function of ethnic and tribal structures. These structures have always deeply affected Libya’s political-social and even economic system throughout history, since the time that this territory was under the control of the Ottoman Empire, and also during the British and Italian colonial period, in the period after independence and the establishment of the monarchy and then since the Gaddafi’s coup and subsequently, its overthrow in 2011. An important aspect of the 2011 Libyan popular protests has been the existence of sub-national and tribal ethnic components and characteristics. This claim is made due to the significant presence of tribal leaders in these developments. The reason for the fact that Libya's revolutionary developments have been affected by ethnic and tribal features is due to two general characteristics of this country. On the one hand, the historical and geographical situation of Libya has been a major factor in the role of ethnic and tribal components in this country. On the other hand, despite its economic and social achievements, the policies and actions of the government during the rule of Colonel Gaddafi have been a factor in the continuation and revival of tribalism in Libya in the two decades leading up to the 2011 revolution.In this study, the authors tried to answer the main question that "what role did ethnic-tribal characteristics and components play in the popular uprising and the revolutionary developments in Libya in 2011?". To answer this question, the nature and characteristics of the Libyan popular uprising, the historical and geographical background of tribalism in the country, the new social structure of Libya, social policies and approaches of the Gaddafi government to tribes and ethnic groups in Libya and the function of Libyan tribes and ethnic groups in the 2011 popular uprising were studied. The findings showed that ethnic-tribal structures played an important role in the 2011 Libyan popular uprisings.

Tribalism is a prominent feature of sociological issues related to Libya. In different periods of Libya's political history, this feature has given a special shape to the developments in this country. Prior to independence, the ruling powers in Libya tried to contain and control this feature in the direction of their goals, even at the time of attaining independence, whether during the Libyan monarchy or under Gaddafi, the issue of tribalism has been always placed in the core of government’s agendas. The reason for the fact that this feature has so far maintained its importance in Libya's sociological issues is related to the country's historical, natural and political background, which was mentioned in this study. But the more important issue is how tribalism acts in Libya's political future, which needs to be addressed. Since this feature has always been a major factor in creating ethnic and social divisions in the country, if future governments in Libya do not pursue effective ethnic policies, given the continuation of old ethnic divisions and the creation of new ones, the country's political scene will be faced with instability and problems due to ethnic divisions as in the past.

The central problem of the empirical demonstration is the weakness of the rule of law as one of the main pillars of democracy and how social and political structures have influenced the rule of law in the courts in Iraqi Kurdistan. To address this issue, tribal peace efforts have been focused on Agha Houses (Diwankhana) and party social offices in Erbil. In the theoretical framework, using social normative concepts and legal rules, it seeks to prove theoretically the influence of tribal norms and rules and its effect on the rule of legal rules. In this research to generating data, using the ground theory in social researches, and using the technique of in-depth interviews with community elites (tribal leaders and political parties, and judges of justice and academic elites), a paradigmatic model of data has been developed. This model consists of three basic points: 1- The effect of causal tribal social structure on political and governmental elites; 2- Field conditions, which include three types of mechanisms (independence of courts, tribal peace, efficiency of executive bodies) that affect the effects of structural-actor conditions; 3- With the activation of these three basic mechanisms, the rule of law in Kurdistan will be limited This political-tribal formation has created institutional inefficiency, the ruling parties ‘renunciation of tribal leaders’ activities, and the restriction of the independence of the courts, which is a clear example of illegal or uncontrolled rule, a sign of the lack of one of the main pillars of democracy.

The aim of the present research is investigating quality of political cooperation, methods and procedures of voting In Ilam province in perspectives of citizens. Conceptual framework of the study is based on reactive procedures in organic and mechanic societies of Durkheim, Shaft and Gilman Shaft, Ferdinando Toni's, pattern variables of Parsons, George Homes theorems and some other rhetoricians. Research field is electing area of northern part in Ilam province that is including 6 cities, and we interviewed 35 cases that had experience of election. Research method was people- based and data were collected by semi- structural interview techniques and field observations. The findings of the present research indicated that regarding too instable conditions of Ilam province, election quality is faced with serious challenges such as: tribe dogmatic, exchanging votes and so on. Finally categories including: tribe challenges, retrieving tribe customs, tribe sediments, election economy, sellers, success and intellectuality of election were derived from this study.

Extremism is a kind of violent fundamentalism, which has become one of the most important issues in Pakistani religious studies and has found security dimensions at national, regional and international levels. This issue has been examined with various epistemological-ideological or socio-political approaches. In this article, with simultaneous attention to these two approaches, factors are being investigated witch cause Islamic groups in Pakistan to find an extremist fundamentalist identity. The theoretical framework in this study is a constructivist theory that has particular attention to identity factors with a social approach. The factors influencing identity from the viewpoint of the constructivists are: culture and values, norms and rules of behavior, opinions and beliefs, interactive interaction of symbols (symbolic). In fundamentalist analysis in Pakistan, each of these factors is involved. Tribal culture is one of the most important cultural elements of Pakistan in terms of extremist fundamentalism. The past ideology and the establishment of the caliphate is one of the most important thoughts and ideologies of extremist fundamentalists in Pakistan. The weakness of reconciliation capacity, violence, lack of dialogue culture and lack of tolerance in engaging with others exist in extremist fundamentalists in Pakistan. In the end, in the examination of the symbolic interaction, based on the structure-activist relationship, the interaction of fundamentalist forces with the military, the state, and foreign powers is also addressed. This interaction is analyzed in the form of hardware and software security.

Although the geopolitical and security concerns have a great importance to diplomatic action and strategic decision making, the Saudi politicians have recently acted in a way that mare than these concerns, it is their cultural norms and identity that affects those decisions and this shapes their strategic culture. Given the importance of the said fact, the paper attempts to provide a clear picture of the Saudis strategic culture and in this way the main question is that what those elements and their influences are in this strategic culture. To answer these questions first a theoretical framework is offered to explain the strategic culture and then the elements and foundation of the Saudi strategic culture are identified and finally their influence on this culture will be discussed.

The aim of the present paper is to examin the features and characteristics of a failed state with emphasis on the failed state in Libya. The paper seeks to answer the following questions: "Under what conditions does a state end in failure? And what are the criteria of a failed state?" With regard to the situation in Libya after Gaddafi and the Libyan scene involved in multiple matters, the country can be regarded as a failed state.
With the beginning of the Islamic awakening in Tunisia, crisis-prone countries such as Libya faced the awakening of the Muslims. In Libya, after 9 months of conflict between Gaddafi forces and the revolutionaries, the anti-government forces finally gained victory in August of 2011. Following the victory of the Libyan revolutionaries, a new stage began in the socio-political life of the country.
At first, it seemed that the process of nation-state building in the country would be taken slowly and with slight ups and downs. However, despite such hope and earlier efforts, after the collapse of the Gaddafi government, not only a powerful state did not take the stage in Libya, two governments, two parliaments, two prime ministers and two ministers entered the scence. During these years, Libya has been torn in fighting between two groups, one of which claimed that they are the genuine revolutionary forces and the other claimed that they have been trying to restore the country to the path of revolution.
In the true sense of the word, there is still no government in Libya, and the governments established after the revolution in this country have inherited the inefficiency of Gaddafi's failed state, and are now proceeding along the path of state failure. Considering the situation in post-Gaddafi Libya and many other factors, this country could be regarded as a failed state. Libya is now a country with a government so weak that is unable to provide even its own security.
Design/Methodology/Approach: This paper is formed and based on the failed states theory, using the destructive method for exploring failed state indexes in order to examine the failed state in Libya in the post-Gaddafi era.
Findings: The new achievement of this paper lies within the situation that when there is no ability to perform functions such as security, welfare, civil society, democracy and legitimacy, the government is in a state of bankruptcy and one is faced with a phenomenon known as a failed state. The situation in Libya is an example of such a state. Tribal tendencies, regionalism, weakness of state institutions, and insufficiencies in various areas such as proper military structure, consensus among the elites and the state, democratic culture and civil society, elites, religious scholars and leaders, control over lands, infrastructure for economic, and foreign intervention are all signs of a failed state in the country.
Originality/Value: The failed state is a political body that has disintegrated to a point where basic conditions and responsibilities of a sovereign government no longer function properly. Loss of control, instability, inability to provide public services and interact with other states are the main characteristics of a failed state which is the case of Libya.

Provincial Councils Elections on January 31, 2009 heralded an important stage in Iraq's political life after Saddam Hussein. The elections although were held freely and democratically, votes were cast according to traditional patterns and ethnic-tribal and religious considerations. This very fact reveals the paradox of democracy in today's Iraq, because most of violent actions in recent years were undertaken based on such traditional patterns and ethnic-tribal and religious factors. According to the author, from the time when the issue of tribe's shares in power came up, the phase of politicking has replaced the phase of insurgence, which should be regarded as a positive development.

With the emergence of Islam, Arabic language form the official and religious language turned into the scientific language and that of Islamic civilization. The conquer of Iran by the Muslims encouraged most of the Iranians to accept Islam and Arabic language as the language of their religion and a part of their new identity and therefore played a significant role in the spread of Arabic language and religion of Islam. The Iranian Muslims who had just embraced Islam established a good relationship between their Islamic and Iranian identities and tried to write their history in an international language which was the language of the Islamic civilization as well. The Iranian writers had to write in Arabic in order to transfer the characteristics of the Iranian identity. This subject is what we are going to discuss in the present paper.