جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « مشارکت سیاسی » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

The main goal of the current research is to understand the electoral behavior pattern of Iranians through meta-analysis. The research method is quantitative meta-analysis, using a deliberate-non-probability method with a sample size of 45 scientific-research surveys (published in Nurmagz, Alamnet, MegIran and SID and Humanities database). The results show that social capital factors (0.299); political (0.281); Media (0.279); Ethnicity (0.202) has a moderate effect and variables of justice factors (0.198); economic (0.188); reference pattern (0.167); demographic (0.153); Occupation (0.133) and culture (0.120) had a low effect on electoral behavior. The effect of less developed regions on electoral behavior is equal to 38 percent. By improving the development level of the provinces; The degree of electoral desire also decreases; The reason for this fact is the homogeneous, cohesive fabric, strong kinship relationships in underdeveloped areas and the reduction of traditional collective bonds in developed areas, which has been reduced by social mobility and migration and being in the metropolis and socially alien areas. The willingness to participate in the elections of the Islamic Council of the village with a value of 48 percent and the Islamic Council with a value of 42 percent is the highest.

Women's political participation has different levels.One ofthe most important of them is the participation of elite women in political affairs.In order to understand this participation,one should pay attention to various factors, and also consider its different types in order to provide a more accurate analysis.This participation goes beyond merely participating in elections and voting rights or participating in political activities.Presence in the political elite(in this study,the Islamic Council)is very important for measuring women's political participation.In this research,this type of participation, considering the patriarchal model of the revolution,which is aimed at analyzing the situation of women after the Islamic revolution,has been measured and by using the comparative method,the three important components of this theory,namely"patriarchy","inequality"and"housekeeping"will be adapted to the situation of women's political participation. The findings of the research show that despite the expansion of women's presence in society, especially at the elite level (due to the increase in the level of education and employment), the presence of women at the political elite level and their participation at this level has not expanded much. Therefore, the components of the mentioned theory do not correspond to reality in the general situation of women, but it applies to the level of women's political participation.

Political participation is one of the important concepts in social debates and political sociology. The stronger the political participation, the stronger the political legitimacy. In the Islamic Republic of Iran, political participation has been of great importance as the foundation of political legitimacy. After the victory of the revolution, the necessity of people's participation has not only not decreased, but its importance has increased. In the constitution of our country, there are several principles that specify and emphasize the all-round participation of the people in the political affairs of the Islamic society. In view of this, the main question of the present article has been raised as follows: What were the approaches of the Islamic Republic of Iran to political participation (with emphasis on the role of parties)? that this central hypothesis has been proposed that after the Islamic revolution, the parties acted as intermediaries between the people and the officials, which has become the basis for strengthening the legitimacy in the Islamic Republic of Iran. The system of the Islamic Republic of Iran, with political, social and cultural transformation in the society, has developed the growth and expansion of popular institutions and has provided the grounds for the participation of civil politics in the process of decision-making, policy-making and administration of the society, and the leaders of the system have emphasized it. The type of research method is descriptive-analytical and based on library studies.

Religiosity creates a kind of commitment, responsibility and national pride to the political system by creating religious capital in the society; therefore, political activities and the level of participation in it are strongly influenced by religious beliefs. The main goal of this research is to study the relationship between the level of religiosity and political participation in the I.R.Iran by Using a meta-analysis of researches for 2006-2021. The statistical population of the research was 42 research documents; that 26 documents, were selected in a purposeful way, after methodical control and screening; and, the final effect size of each research and the total final effect have been estimated in the meta-analysis software. The research findings show that there is a significant relationship between religiosity and political participation; and the overall effect of religiosity on political participation is equal to 25 percent. Based on the findings of the research, the impact of religious components including belief dimension (0.241), ritual dimension (0.256), emotional dimension (0.167), consequence dimension (0.198), and experiential dimension (0.200) on political participation is positive and significant. The results of the research show that, religion makes a person give meaning to his life by creating a positive attitude towards the surrounding world. Having meaning and purpose in collective life is one of the signs of social health. And it increases the ability of a person in political affairs and governance.

The purpose of this research is to investigate the level of political participation of the youth of Hamadan province and the factors affecting it. In order to achieve the goal of the research, a descriptive-survey method was used. The statistical population studied in this research was all the youths aged 18 to 34 in Hamadan province, whose total number is 543,486 according to the statistics announced by the Iranian Statistics Center. A stratified-proportional random sampling method was used to select the research sample. The sample size of the research was estimated to be 384 people by using the sample estimation table from the Karajesi Morgan community, but with the aim of increasing reliability and reducing errors, 506 questionnaires were distributed, of which 475 questionnaires were collected. The information was collected by a researcher-made questionnaire. In general, the level of political participation of 232 people (48.4%) from the studied sample is very low, 84 people (17.7%) are low, 98 people (20.6%) are moderate, 35 people (7.4%) are high. And 28 people (5.9%) is too much. The results showed that education does not have much effect on the level of political participation of the youth, and no significant relationship was found between the level of education of the youth, the education of parents and the political participation of the sample. Also, it was found that there is a positive and significant relationship between the religious attitude of the studied sample and their political participation. No significant relationship was observed between the level of political awareness and the level of political participation of the sample. The results showed that there is no significant relationship between the political participation of young people and the amount of use of social networks; However, there is a positive relationship between the political participation of young people and their use of mass media and the use of television and newspapers, and there is a negative relationship with the use of satellite and internet. Also, there is a positive and significant relationship between the economic status of families and the economic status of the studied sample (youths) with political participation.

After the United States and its allies' attack on Afghanistan, the Republic government replaced the Islamic Emirate of the Taliban. One of the gifts of the Democratic Republic to Afghanistan was holding elections with the presence of eligible women and men as voters and election candidates. Based on this, the fourth presidential election in Afghanistan in 2019 was held amidst the confrontation between the central government and the Taliban in peace talks in Doha and war in various parts of the country. Approximately ten million eligible voters had registered to vote. The elections, which had been delayed for several months, were finally held in September 2019. The low voter turnout quickly made headlines. Only about two million six hundred thousand people, or just twenty percent of eligible voters, had turned up to the polls. This lack of enthusiasm signaled a major shift in Afghanistan's political situation. Given that elections are one of the most important symbols of democracy, the behavior of Afghan voters sounded an important alarm for the central government and, consequently, the survival of democracy. An alarm that no one paid attention to, and less than two years later, its result was evident with the fall of the republic and the return of the Taliban.
In this regard, the research question has been raised as to how the grounds for the collapse of the republican system in Afghanistan were formed in the behavior of voters in the 2019 presidential elections? The research method is qualitative with a descriptive-analytical approach. The data has been collected from library and internet sources. The theoretical basis of this research is also based on the views and opinions of Robert Dahl, Inglehart, and Pippa Nouris in the field of voting behavior.
Robert Dahl's theory, based on the principle of cost-benefit calculation, denies the approach of sociability and emphasizes the importance of rational choice. Overall, this approach seeks to demonstrate a direct relationship between citizens' inclination to vote and their benefit from participating in elections.
Inglehart's theory focuses on changing the values of generations. He believes that over time and with changes in the international climate, the desires and thoughts of generations change. These changes are reflected in the social and political behavior of individuals.
Finally, this research has sought the help of the Pippa Nouris views, which has proposed a model for examining political participation and, consequently, voting behavior, which is one of the most comprehensive theoretical models in the field of elections to date. The popularity and acceptance of this model is due to the use of three groups of macro, meso, and micro theories. With such characteristics, it is possible to examine the voting behavior of citizens at different levels.
The research findings indicate that a set of factors has influenced the voting behavior of the people of Afghanistan. These factors not only illustrate the people's disillusionment with the 2019 elections but also reflect a general sense of hopelessness and distance from the republican system among the people. This hopelessness ultimately led to the fall of the republic to the Taliban less than two years later.
 
These factors and backgrounds included the following:First, "political and economic inequalities and imbalances" resulting from the monopolization of power by the Pashtun ethnic group.
Second, "undermining the religious identity of the people" resulting from the Western democratic system's governance, which incited bias and religious sentiment among the people of Afghanistan, ultimately paving the way for the acceptance of the Taliban.
The third factor was the "negative effects of the engineering of the 2014 presidential elections." The engineering of these elections dealt a heavy blow to the framework of democracy imposed on Afghanistan, the consequences and effects of which were evident five years later with the people's lack of enthusiasm for the fourth presidential elections.
In the lead-up to the 2019 elections in Afghanistan, the legitimacy and acceptance of the republican system had reached its lowest point.
Fourth, "the failure to achieve peace and national tranquility" after the US invasion of Afghanistan, which, with the continuation of military confrontation between the US and the Taliban, was never realized, and the security of Afghanistan was severely undermined.
Fifth, "Deepening ethnic divides" as a result of the Pashtun-centric policies of Afghan presidents (Hamid Karzai and Ashraf Ghani) intensified ethnic nationalism and division, impacting societal cohesion and unity. In reality, on the brink of the 2019 elections, democracy in Afghanistan brought about systematic and modern ethnic biases, fostering increased division and significantly diminishing political participation.
Sixth, "Multiplicity and weakness of parties." The emerging parties in Afghanistan were predominantly ethnocentric and focused on individual interests. In the 2019 elections, rather than uniting society to find the best presidential option, parties engaged in political maneuvering, leading to division along ethnic and religious lines.
Seventh, "Exclusion of women from political participation." Despite efforts during the republican system to uphold women's rights, an anti-women culture hindered active female engagement. Women's involvement in political and social spheres was notably low on the eve of the 2019 presidential elections.
Eighth, "Emergence of a new generation." Educated and well-informed, the new generation perceived the current Afghan government as ineffective and untrustworthy, prompting a boycott of electoral participation.

The lack of enthusiasm for the 2019 fourth presidential elections in Afghanistan served as an initial indication, signaling reduced legitimacy and acceptance of the republican system amongst Afghan citizens.
In this regard, the actions of the central government, opposition groups to the republican system, and the interventions of foreign countries were three crucial elements contributing to the diminishing desire for political participation among the Afghan people. Over the past two decades, the central government, through the monopolization of power within a specific ethnic group and the marginalization of other ethnicities, fostered a cold war scenario among various groups, political parties, and ethnic factions both against the central government and the favored ethnic group. Concurrently, the Taliban and ISIS, serving as the primary opposition forces to the central government, gained significant influence and power in Afghanistan.
The shift from military confrontation to soft negotiations with the Taliban, coupled with the government's unaccountable concessions to this group, further demoralized the populace regarding the republic and democracy. This led to political and social distrust towards the democratic system. By the time of the 2019 elections, democracy lacked a solid track record among the citizens. The voting behavior showcased that the downfall of democracy or the republican system in 2021 was not unforeseen. Issues like poverty, corruption, insecurity, and inequality had peaked prior to the 2019 elections. These problems exacerbated post-elections, resulting in the central government losing its primary asset - public trust.
 
The election results and the voting tendencies of the Afghan people underscored that democracy cannot be imposed without substantial foundations in place. There was a disenchantment with Western democracy, with the populace anticipating a new political structure following the elections and the Doha peace accord. However, less than two years after the elections, Afghanistan found itself back under the same autocratic Taliban rule from a quarter of a century ago.

In the field of marketing, the most desirable scenario involves the company maintaining an optimal level of market share with an increasing trend over time, as well as preventing any decline or reduction in the market share. Concerning political marketing and elections, there is even more necessary to have such a favorable scenario. Based on the significance of customer retention, this approach maintains that a party can win if it secures the largest market share while minimizing customer attrition. It seems to be an essential approach given the nature of political marketing characterized by the intense competition among political parties, the unavoidable impact of social media, the uncertainty about fulfilling campaign promises, and the risky nature of political transactions (cash vs. credit imbalance) —all of which can contribute to the vulnerability of political marketing, hence a declining trend in the voter turnout. Relationship marketing, as a modern marketing technique, can help political activists to mitigate these challenges, offering effective solutions to minimize campaign costs and increase the likelihood of success in elections. Political relationship marketing has been the subject of inquiry in several studies (e.g., Afjeh’i & Khademi-Garashi, 2016; Talari & Mousavi-Shafaei, 2015). Rizan et al. (2014) delved into the impact of relationship marketing on customer loyalty.A declining trend in the number of electoral votes is one of the challenges faced by political parties in Iran. The issue appears to be rooted in their marketing strategies. In fact, political marketing strategies can potentially present a persuasively alluring image of the candidate’s integrity and virtue while covering up their flaws. Consequently, the politician who has been getting promoted is often perceived as an ideal figure. In most cases, voters may not understand the techniques used in campaigns, succumbing to the persuasive tactics employed by the candidate and thus increasing the likelihood of making a mistake in their choice and experiencing early regret. In fact, insufficient knowledge about the candidate or party contributes to such mistakes on the part of voters. Moreover, the inability to retain voters, driven by factors such as a loss of trust and unfulfilled promises, can result in costly and sometimes irreparable damages to political parties. Considering the drawbacks of short-term marketing in the political arena for those involved and the political parties’ desire for sustained power, relationship marketing seems to be a suitable approach to address the shortcomings without compromising market share, fulfill political parties’ electoral aspirations (e.g., frequent wins), and to ensure that voters get to know candidates and political parties adequately and accurately. In this line, the present research investigates the influential factors in political relationship marketing, addressing the following questions: Can relationship marketing help overcome the challenges in political elections? And what factors are influential in establishing and maintaining the relationship?

There are numerous factors behind party wins in the electoral market. However, according to the theoretical framework of this research, establishing and maintaining a robust relationship between parties and voters, leading to voter loyalty, plays a pivotal role in the electoral success of political parties. Relying on a multi-stage conceptual model, the present study aimed to investigate the connection between relationship marketing and the success of parties in the political market and electoral contests. The study is located within the intersection of political science and marketing management. As an applied research involving field work, it adopted a descriptive–survey, correlation-based approach to investigate the research questions. First, the analysis focused on the effect of relationship marketing variables (i.e., commitment, fulfillment of promises, communication, competence, and trust) on satisfaction. The second step involved examination of the effect of satisfaction on voter loyalty. Finally, the research explored the correlation between loyalty, recommendations to others, and revoting, as influential factors contributing to the success of political parties. In the data analysis, the Pearson coefficient and the correlation coefficient were used to understand the relationships between the research variables.

The research findings indicated a significantly direct correlation between relationship marketing principles and voter satisfaction. The results of regression analysis demonstrated that these principles can predict satisfaction. There was also a significant relationship between satisfaction and loyalty, as well as between loyalty and both revoting and recommendation to others. Finally, a significant relationship was observed between success and revoting and recommendation to others.

The research results confirm that the success of political parties hinges on both retaining existing voters and attracting new ones. This process involves distinct stages: generating satisfaction by applying relationship marketing principles, enhancing and transforming satisfaction into loyalty and fandom through the practical implementation of the principles, adopting fan-driven marketing as a result of the loyalty cultivated, and finally giving recommendations to others. The first and second stages are executed through strategic planning and initiatives of strategists, along with the genuine and reassuring conduct of candidates and party executive agents. The third and fourth stages, on the other hand, rely on the active participation of party loyalists and supporters. Furthermore, two practical methods can be employed to attract new voters: direct and indirect recruitment. In the direct recruitment, the party itself leverages relationship marketing principles to draw in a collective of voters. In contrast, the indirect recruitment is facilitated by party loyalists and supporters—mostly represented by previous voters—and their efforts to embark on fan-driven marketing and give recommendations to other voters.

The purpose of the research is to design a model for strengthening the political capital of public administrators, which is descriptive-exploratory and mixed research in terms of practical purpose, and in terms of data collection. According to the principle of theoretical adequacy, 11 people were selected for the interview with the non-probability sampling method. In the quantitative part, the questionnaire was distributed among 25 experts. The results showed that the characteristics of managers, including: respect for people's rights, religiosity and religious thought, justice, work health, political attitude, economic management and transparency and accurate information to people have an independent role in the model, and factors Political support of parties and... from the government, acceptability and personality, authority and executive power, political legitimacy, social capital, attention to the development and development of the country, people's trust, cultural capital and general participation of the people in elections, and..... ... had a dependent role in the model.

Some consider political participation to be the conscious acceptance of doing part of the affairs in the form of cooperation out of desire to improve social life. Therefore, encouraging participation and facilitating the process of its realization has always been the focus of social reformers, and they consider it a process that takes place over time and has always been developing, repeating, and continuing, and during that time, the talents of people from Through interaction with others, self-discovery and responsibility is achieved.

It was done using the survey method and using the questionnaire tool. The statistical population under study is Dezful city. A number of 341 young people from the statistical community were selected for the study as a well-known sample using the systematic random method. Face validity was used for validity and Cronbach's alpha for the reliability of the research instrument, and statistical methods of two-way analysis of variance were used to test the hypotheses and path analysis technique was used to measure the research model.

Based on the findings of the research, there is a significant relationship between the interactive effect of the two variables of economic and social base and legal knowledge with the degree of youth's willingness to participate in politics. This means that the higher the economic base of the youth and on the other hand, the higher their legal knowledge, the higher their willingness to political participation will be.

The purpose of this research is to explain and explain the role and place of dialogue and communicative action as a foundation in political participation. Since Nahj al-Balagha in Islamic societies is often considered as a source and reference for the actions and behaviors of people and officials, for this purpose, in this article, the communication actions underlying political participation in the themes of Nahjal-Balagha were studied. Therefore, the main problem of the research is the analysis of the role of rhetoric in the communication action that forms the basis of political participation. To answer this question, the method of qualitative content analysis was used. Considering that communicative action can play an important role in creating a correct view of interaction and participation in societies, the hypothesis of the authors is that Nahjalbalagha has constructive communicative action in political participation due to the comprehensiveness of its content. Finally, the results of the surveys show that Nahjal Balagha refers to the acceptance of two or more parties; The principle of knowledge and science, the necessity of accepting the differences of peoples, nations and languages, the possibility of achieving understanding and unity and freedom of thought and thought, observing the criteria of right and wrong, choosing the right path as the conditions for a favorable conversation, and also considering trust-building and competence of speech as the most important elements and Communication factors provide a very suitable capacity for the realization of desired political participation.

This study aims to provide an appropriate strategy for cyberspace management with a political participation approach using the SWOT technique. The research method was mixed and exploratory (qualitative-quantitative) that in the qualitative part, the phenomenological method and in the quantitative part, the descriptive-survey method was used. The statistical population of the qualitative section includes all political science and cyberspace experts in Tabriz and purposeful sampling method was used to select the sample. The sample size of 64 people was a semi-structured interview data collection tool and in the analysis of qualitative information, open coding, axial coding and selective coding were used manually. The statistical population of the quantitative section included 7000 experts and executive and political actors and cyberspace specialists of Tabriz in 1400, based on Morgan's table, 364 people were selected by purposive sampling method. Quantitative data collection tools included researcher-made questionnaires of 158 to assess SWOT. Descriptive and inferential statistics with SPSS software were used to analyze quantitative data. The results showed that there are 51 strengths, 34 weaknesses, 43 opportunities and 22 threats in the field of cyberspace with a political participation approach. Based on these strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats, four strategies including conservative, offensive, defensive and competitive strategies for managing cyberspace with a political participation approach are defined; The results of swot matrix analysis showed that aggressive strategy and competitive strategy are the best strategies for managing cyberspace with a political participation approach.

Issue:

 Considering that the Islamic Republic is considered a religious democratic system and all the senior officials of the system are elected through direct or indirect vote of the people, therefore elections are of special importance in it. For this reason, from the beginning of the Islamic Revolution So far, 40 elections have been held, and people's participation has stabilized security, and participation in elections in the past fourteen decades has been influential in the continuation of the Islamic revolution.

Necessity and importance: 

health and security in elections are very important and important, he added that the existence of these two components is essential for "sovereignty" and a safe and healthy environment for holding elections should be provided with the help of executive and security agents.

The main question:

 How does the relationship between elections and the national security of the Islamic Republic affect the authority and continuity of the Islamic Revolution? Findings From the processing of the hypothesis that was formulated in response to the mentioned question and analyzed based on the SWAT strategic model, it indicates that the Islamic Republic has outstanding strengths and limited weaknesses in the domestic environment due to holding elections. Elections are based on the strength-opportunity strategy. transforms and strengthens the national security and continuity of the Islamic Republic. The hypothesis of this article is processed with a descriptive-analytical method.

The victory of the Islamic Revolution in Iran manifests the will of the people and political participation. Active political participation has always been emphasized by Imam (RA), the Supreme Leader, and state officials in the post-revolution Iran. However, during the four decades since the victory of the revolution, we have witnessed many ups and downs in this regards. This study aimed at a comparative study between the presidential elections of 2013 and 2021 in Iran. In fact, we sought to investigate the effect of political participation on the international position of the Islamic Republic of Iran and how these effects can be explained in the context of presidential elections of 2013 and 2021. This study was conducted with a descriptive-analytical method. The general conclusion indicated that the higher the political participation, the stronger the international position of the Islamic Republic of Iran, which was illustrated in the position of Iran in the case of JCPOA in the wake of the presidential election of 2013, and that the lower the political participation, the weaker the international position of the Islamic Republic of Iran, which was more the case in the presidential election of 2021.

The historical change of the governance method after the Islamic revolution and the prominence of the democratic approach increased the importance of people's role in socio-political decision-making to the extent that it has always been considered in the concept of socio-political participation. This social participation has always been in line with the social decisions of the statesmen and in support of them, but in some cases it has taken the form of social protest and imposed costs on the country.Due to this importance, examining social protests and responding appropriately to them after taking into consideration the needs and expectations of the public in the initial social decisions can be considered one of the special tasks of the governments of the Islamic Republic. In the future, with proper planning, they can be prevented from changing their path towards violent events and increasing the country's political-security costs, and preventing the wastage of the country's main capital (youth).With this assumption, the present research is based on the data-based method and within the framework of Max Weber's theory of social micro-action, the opinions of 323 young people who have a history of university education and use social networks are snowballed until reaching theoretical saturation about how to protest. Government decisions have been questioned in the current media environment. The data obtained from semi-structured interviews were analyzed in five steps, and as a result, about 600 primary codes were calculated in 19 concepts and 6 categories in 4 structured categories and the model of social protest of educated youth

The concept of development in the Islamic Republic of Iran is institutionalized based on competition and partnerships, and paying attention to the future of these two factors indicates the strength or weakness of the Islamic Republic system. Increasing participation, as a multidimensional process, affects or is influenced by many components; In such a way that its realization requires teamwork, intellectual-procedural stability of the system's agents, in relation to positive trends and optimal synergy of potential and actual capacities and infrastructures. Therefore, the question of the present article is, what are the future-oriented guidelines for increasing competition and political participation in Iran? The current research is analytical-descriptive with a future research approach, using the scenario method. The findings indicate a scenario development for a favorable future for civil society in relation to political participation; which includes the possible scenario; possible scenario; He pointed out the favorable future scenario.

One crucial aspect of political development is social participation, particularly the involvement of women in politics. The objective of this research is to address the following fundamental question: What are the indicators and roles of identity-related actions in women's political engagement? The research is based on the hypothesis that women's participation in elections is significantly linked to the structural and identity frameworks of Iranian women. To investigate this, a mixed-method approach was utilized, and the findings were analyzed using regression analysis and step-by-step processes involving individual, identity, and structural v  ariables. The results reveal that women's political engagement has increased following the Islamic Revolution. Political participation during this period indicates a significant correlation between female identity frameworks and their involvement in politics. Out of the 14 variables examined, the most influential factors on political identity, and subsequently political engagement, were individual identity, gender identity, future orientation, and age.

Throughout history, the Islamic world has witnessed various approaches to women's issues. Although the religion of Islam presented a new and progressive attitude towards women and their rights, during the period of the Islamic caliphate and the spread of Sunni jurisprudence, Muslim women in Islamic societies deviated from the original teachings of Islam. Most of these views were formed under the influence of the cultural atmosphere of Islamic societies in the era after the Prophet and during the middle centuries. However, the attitude of Sunni scholars and elders, along with their interpretation of religious sources, confirmed that practice. In the last hundred years, there has been an evolution of socio-political jurisprudence in women's issues by religious scholars, according to the neo-Salafi attitudes in Islamic matters. The turning point in the new approaches of Sunni scholars in the field of women is the opinion of Yusuf Qaradawi, who explains contemporary issues in the Islamic world from a new perspective by emphasizing al-Maqasidi jurisprudence. In this article, we will examine Qaradawi's contributions to women's social and political engagement, specifically exploring his views on hijab, social involvement(education and employment), and political participation. We will compare his jurisprudential perspectives with those of Salaf scholars. The main question is how the jurisprudence of Al-Maqasid has influenced the approach of Sunni religious scholars to women's issues. Through analytical-descriptive methods and the utilization of library resources, we demonstrate that Qaradawi employed a strategy  to emancipatewomen from entrenched traditions and integrate them into the socio-political sphere. This approach considers both the objectives of Sharia and the safeguarding of public interests.

This article examines the political participation of women in the countries of Iran and Saudi Arabia (between 2000 and 2020) in the theoretical framework of power circuits and with a comparative approach and with a descriptive-analytical method. The hypothesis of the research is that from the perspective of the meta-theory of the circuits of power, the ruling social forces in the country of Saudi Arabia through the channel of legislative institutions and the determination of rules and regulations, as well as through the mechanism of the current political culture in their society and involved organizations such as parties. In political socialization, they have tried to limit the desire of women to participate more in their societies, but in Iran, with the emphasis of upper-level documents and legal procedures, there is more tolerance towards the expansion of women's participation. The results indicate that women's efforts against the restrictions have led to movements and rules and procedures that have achieved minimum participation for women in these two countries. Of course, women's political participation in Iran has had a different form and has been wider due to more progressive interpretations and ijtihads than in Saudi Arabia.

The objective of this research is to examine the political implications of human development in the context of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Utilizing the descriptive and analytical method, this article explores the definition of human development and proposes a specific formulation that highlights the connection between human development and political concepts within secondary characteristics. Following a conceptual analysis of human development, the article delves into its secondary characteristics to demonstrate how it ensues political implications. The study also includes an exploration of the relationship between human development, governance, and human security. Through a case study of the Islamic Republic of Iran, which stands out as a unique government in West Asia in terms of human development indexes, the research findings reveal that the evolution of the concept of human development has led to significant advancements across various fields

The transition to democracy or even the beginning of the democratization process is affected by various factors that researchers have pointed out based on their theoretical tendencies: modernization, economic situation, external pressure, integration of trust networks in public policy, trust in the government. Institutions have been introduced as effective factors in the transition. Political culture, which is generally based on the link between politics, culture, and especially the influence of culture, beliefs and values in the cultural structure of political societies, is included in this matter. The participation of citizens in political issues and government affairs is very important in the establishment of the system and it requires the active participation of people in their destiny and their society with rational judgment for intervention and be effective in making decisions to achieve national goals and at the same time in determining public policies and how to govern the country. In the last hundred years, Afghanistan has gone through many periods to achieve the rule of law, the right to vote, the enjoyment of civil rights and liberties and the limitation of the powers of rulers and politicians to enact laws and constitutions.Research Question: This research seeks to answer the question that according to the political and cultural conditions of Afghanistan, what factors have hindered the transition to a democratic and participatory political culture?Research Hypothesis: Due to the structural weaknesses and widespread administrative corruption of Afghanistan's previous political system, democracy has had less opportunity to grow and spread in this country.

In this research, due to the researcher's inability to travel to Afghanistan after the Taliban took control of this country, it was not possible to identify a statistically significant population for the survey. Therefore, interviews were conducted with selected individuals by asking a series of questions. The interview consisted of 17 questions and a personal information table. Factors that were important for the interviews included indicators such as gender, religion, ethnicity, literacy level and residence in Afghanistan. Therefore, people were identified who were either living in Afghanistan or recently immigrated from Afghanistan or came to Iran for a trip. After providing necessary infrastructure for conducting the interviews and identifying the selected individuals, the data for this study were collected through semi-structured interviews, the sample size of this study.In this study, through open coding, more than 120 concepts were extracted from meaningful sentences. These concepts were combined in 22 subcategories and 13 main categories and a final core category, "Obstacles to Participatory and Democratic Political Culture in Afghanistan," was extracted from all the main categories.

In this research, the central and fundamental issue that always emerges from the data and to which all other main issues are related is "obstacles to a participatory and democratic political culture in Afghanistan". The central phenomenon of this study explains what obstacles prevent the establishment of a democratic and participatory political culture in Afghanistan. Additionally, because the central phenomenon is constructed from key concepts such as "inefficiency of the national government in the context of historical developments", "weakness of national and local political institutions", "marginalization and elimination of women and political elites in society", "political passivity and disillusionment of people in the shadow of a rent-seeking and independent government", and "lack of political outlook growth and structural and administrative corruption as barriers to democracy", it is called "obstacles to a participatory and democratic political culture in Afghanistan."

The main concern of this research is to identify the structural and mental obstacles that have prevented the democratization of the political system in Afghanistan for years. According to Huntington's action-oriented approach, which focuses on the analysis of factors preventing the transition to democracy, the structure of the non-democratic political system of Afghanistan from 2001 to 2021, with fewer opportunities for political expansion and development within the framework of democracy, can be viewed from the perspective of nationalism. He has analyzed monopolization, administrative corruption and rent-seeking, suppression of political parties and organizations, lack of rule of law, unhealthy and non-transparent elections, and factors of this kind, all of which contribute to the failure to transition to a democratic and participatory political culture in the country. An important point that is constantly visible under the comments of the participants and has been mentioned in the main and sub-categories, is the strong demand of the people to hold safe and transparent elections and of course to emphasize the constructive and effective activities of political institutions. Although the level of political participation in Afghanistan is low due to the above-mentioned reasons, the result of this research points to the lack of development of the desired political attitude of democracy in this country, therefore this does not mean that people feel the need for constructive and decisive participation in their political destiny. They don't have it, except that the maximum demand is to hold safe elections with the presence of candidates from various ethnic and religious spectrums, which will be postponed for the time being when the Taliban comes back to power. Successful democratization in Afghanistan depends on the existence of developed socio-economic structures with the condition of the presence of civil society, the positive role of foreign and international factors and the appropriate democratic model among political elites, which increases the possibility of achieving it. Without any of these elements, democratization will not take place.