جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « Political Islam » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

There have been longstanding theoretical differences among Iranian thinkers regarding the relationship between Islam and democracy or republicanism and Islamism. Given Imam Khomeini’s pivotal role in the dominant discourse, this research is an attempt to study the reading and narratives of Iranian researchers of Imam Khomeini’s thought.  In the first place, this will help us find out what narratives are there about the relationship between republicanism and Islamism in Imam Khomeini’s thought; and, secondly it will be useful in finding out the weight of these narratives, which will show which narrative is the dominant one. Employing documental method in studying the findings of the works of Persian researchers inside Iran, attempts have been made to provide answer to the research questions. The findings of this research indicate that there are four narratives about this relationship: The researches arguing that Imam Khomeini had an instrumental approach to republicanism; the researches arguing that Imam’s approach to republicanism was an important and original part of his thought; the researches arguing that Imam’s approach to republicanism was based on the imperatives of time and was an inevitable principle; and the researches that lay emphasis on the legality of the idea of republicanism in Imam’s thought. However, the second approach is the dominant one. Hence, it seems that the understanding of the academic community of Imam’s thought is that of originality of the idea of republicanism in Imam’s thought. Moreover, according to this, there is no essential contradiction between republicanism and Islamism, rather each should take its proper place and analyzed from the same perspective.

The purpose of this essay is to compare the different readings on the Islam Rahmani through the discovering and formulation of Islam Rahmani themes in the thought of the intellectuals and politicians after Islamic Revolution . In this study the speeches of 6 intellectuals and politicians ( Dr. Hassan Rouhani, Hojatolislam Hashemi Rafsanjani, Hojatolislam Sayyed Mohammad Khatami, Dr. Mohsen Kadivar, Ayatollah Javadi Amoli and Iran’s supreme leader ; Ayatollah Khamenei ) on Islam Rahmani, studied and analyzed by thematic analysis method and finally the central themes of these speeches have been found and compared to each other . The study of these readings indicates that , while there is a similarity in a quasi-critical approach towards the West, we confront to two readings and interpretations of political Islam; one highlights liberal aspects and makes it possible to reconcile Islam with Western concepts and the other emphasizes the rational and intelligent confrontation with the enemies, considering the inherent and essential differences between Islamic concepts and modern concepts and the originality of the true teachings of Islam . What is mainly proposed in the proposal of commitment to political Islam is a kind of dualism by the supporters of Islam Rahmani, one side of which is Islam Rahmani and the opposite side is takfiri and violent readings of Islam . However, Ayatollah Khamenei and Ayatollah Javadi Amoli advance a third approach, which, like Imam Khomeini's reading of political Islam, looks at modernity from the tradition, and while emphasizing rationality and negation of any kind of violence, emphasizes on the monotheism foundations of this approach against the humanistic and liberal foundations of Islam Rahmani .

Why and how the rise and rise of political Islam in Iran, the establishment of the first Islamic government and its continuation after about five decades, are still considered by many researchers and political enthusiasts. Considering this issue, the aim of the research is to identify the events and trends affecting the formation of political Islam in the first and second Pahlavi period. The research seeks to answer the question of how Islam was able to achieve political power despite severe repression during the Pahlavi period and what were the causes and effective factors in the victory of the Islamic Revolution. In this article, the most important trends leading to the victory of the Islamic Revolution of 1357 were extracted by using the trend research method and by exploring the events.The findings showed "the hostility of the Pahlavis with religion and religious rituals", "American intervention and Shah's dependence", "demographic changes from rural to urban", "developments in communication technology and lifestyle", "the victory of religiosity over royalist archaic nationalism, western liberalism and Eastern Communism", and finally "the people's support with the alternative option of Velayat al-Faqih", were the trends that led to the Islamic Revolution.

The purpose of the current research is to investigate the what, dimensions and requirements as the cause for an advanced political system to be achieved. The problem of this research is the investigation of the what and types of goals for an advanced political system. The method used here is a descriptive-analytical one, and the results of the research show that, unlike developed political systems that only focus on and follow material and medium goals, the goals of an advanced political system are of two types: final goals and intermediate goals. The ultimate goal of this system is nearness to God and the intermediate goals are the five normal human needs, which are the five institutions of government, economy, family, education and religion or rights. This research, using the documentary method at the analytical level, identifies the ultimate cause of an advanced Islamic political system and differentiates it from the ultimate goal of the developed western political systems and mentions some of the levels and requirements for achieving the goal in an advanced Islamic political system

AbstractThe growth of the discourse of neo-Ottomanism can be seen from the Ozal period,when the Justice and Development Party(AKP)came to power in 2002,this discourse reached its peak with the nodal point of liberal Islam.After the developments of the Islamic awakening in 2011,Turkey's neo-Ottomanist policy faced serious ups and downs regarding the Syrian crisis and the Islamic resistance formed against terrorists such as ISIS.The question of the research is,what are the reasons for the conflict between the current of Ottomanism and the Islamic resistance with an emphasis on ISIS?The current research is based on the theoretical framework of the discourse and the application of the qualitative method of the descriptive-analytical type.The writers consider Ottomanism as a movement opposed to the assumed Islamic resistance and believe that the Ottomanists of AKP,while adhering to liberal Islam as the nodal point of Ottomanism,at different times and crises,highlight one of the floating signifiers of this discourse such as secularism,nationalism,pragmatism,and the balance between East and West.Theoretically,the discourse of Ottomanism with the nodal point of liberal Islam can be considered as the discourse of Islamic resistance against political Islam.During the Syrian crisis,the Ottomanists,by supporting the opposing groups of the Islamic resistance,including ISIS,tried to expand their discourse in the Islamic world by alienating and opposing the discourse of the Islamic resistance,which is based on political Islam.

The problem of the modern state has occupied the mind and conscience of many contemporary Iranian thinkers, including the seminary neo-thinkers. Meanwhile, due to the wide range and diversity of his works and the wide influence of his words, Davood Feirahi is the most famous seminarian thinker who has pondered in this field and has created valid and worthy works. With a glance at Feirahi's works, it can be seen that the modern state and its challenges in Iran are among his main concerns throughout his research life, and in a way, all the works of him were written in this direction. The main issue of this article is what kind of idea Feirahi had of the modern state and what model of it he considered feasible for Iran. In response to this question, the article comes to the conclusion that despite serious reflections on the concept of the modern state and the examination of its challenges in Iran, Feirahi lacked a coherent and independent theory in this matter and did not provide a detailed explanation of his desired model in Iran.

The purpose of the present study is to review the discourse of political Islam and genealogy of Islamism. The research method is descriptive-analytic and Laclau and Mouffe’s discourse theory has been used. The results indicate that political Islam is a discourse among Muslims which represents a special formulation of society and politics focusing on the signifier of Islam and it attempts to emphasize on Islam from a political perspective, not within a merely religious hemisphere. It also seeks to turn Islam into the best signifier for Islamic community discourse. Determination of signifiers of Islamic discourse is a battlefield between western modernity and Islamism. For determination of the signifiers of political Islam, intellectual, social, and movement approaches have been used; however, the discourse approach has a more extensive and flexible potential to explain movements in Islamic communities. Among formulations in this discourse, democratic political Islam versus some new categories such as democracy, election, government, and policy-making has attempted to redefine various signs in traditional political Islam including the role of council, consultation, enjoining good and forbidding evil, Jihad, economic justice, the status of non-Muslims and women in Islamic society.

Review:olitical Islam is a conceptual model that is formed with the social view of Islam and in the deep connection between religion and politics, and it does not have a one-dimensional view of the issue of religion, but it is also used as a criterion for worldly affairs. The model of political Islam is used for governments that seek to establish a government based on Islamic principles. The necessity and purpose of this article is to introduce the conceptual model and to know the coordinates of political Islam according to the political thoughts of Ayatollah Khamenei. The existing research extracts the necessary data through library study and analysis of Ayatollah Khamenei's statements and writings. In this research, he studied the texts from a theoretical method with the nature of qualitative data and summarized the contents by selecting different propositions. The findings of the research indicate that political Islam seeks to give identity to concepts such as freedom, equality, religious democracy, justice, unity, security, prosperity and spirituality, and believes in the formation of a modern state based on Islam, which provides a model for development. Pays stable and comprehensive.

Although the occurrence of the Islamic Revolution in Iran with the participation of diverse individuals, organizations, groups and spectra included Islamic, political, nationalist, leftist (communist-Marxist) and eclectic thoughts, but with the overthrow of the Pahlavi regime, differences of opinion The ideals and the ideals of each of these dime Under the leadership of Imam Khomeini, we were of the Mujahedin-e Khalq Organization (organizational Islam), which ultimately led to the consolidation of the idea of ​​Imam Khomeini in the Islamic Republic. In this paper, using the qualitative analysis method, we sought to answer the question of how the clashes and reciprocity of the government of Islam and the MKO from 1357 to 1360 led to the supremacy of the identity of government Islam in the new system. In this regard, the Mojahedin-e Khalq Organization from the beginning of the revolution tried to consider itself consistent with the flow of the identity of political Islam in order to obtain power and even affect it, but for reasons such as the denial of Marxism by the people, the decisive leadership of Imam Khomeini ), The people's enthusiasm for Imam and the Shiite religion, the imposition of imposed war and the need to defend the country and the superiority of the Islamist culture on the armed activity of the Mujahedin-e Khalq, the organization failed to establish its identity politics in Iranian society.

Political systems always need the issue of legitimacy in order to establish a link between them and social systems. This important issue has paved the way for the emergence of various theories of legitimacy from the past to the present. The channels for the emergence of this legitimacy are sometimes based on religious and divine standards, sometimes on philosophical and social achievements, and sometimes on political views. The religious aspect of legitimacy in Shiite Islam shows that it has been the main factor in justifying and legitimizing the structure of the rule of the holy shari'a and the doctrine of revelation. However, due to the acute and serious circumstances of this matter and the vital importance of the issue of political community, the religion of Islam has taken the utmost caution and attention in the form of recommendations and the establishment of specific conditions. The concept of guardianship, which in addition to the source of the Qur'an and the Sunnah and narrations of the Imams, also has the necessary authority and sound argument in terms of obedience and intellect, shows the extent to which in the absence of the Infallible Imam Be. Accordingly, the preconditions for guardianship and jurisprudence are the same axis and focus that is seen in the term "Wali Faqih". It is on this basis that the Islamic system under the tutelage and leadership of such a person can have the necessary legitimacy and legitimacy in accordance with the standards of Shiite Islam.

One of the fruits of Ayatollah Khamenei's jurisprudential and theological thoughts is the revolutionary seminary, which believes in political Islam and is based on the absolute authority of the jurist. This article aims to answer the question of what are the indicators of the revolutionary seminary from the point of view of His Holiness and what is the view of the Holy Quran on these indicators. The method of this research is qualitative and documentary method was used in data collection and thematic analysis method was used in data analysis. To answer this question, his words about this issue were examined. The resulting categories were compared with the desired categories in the Holy Quran in order to determine the extent of its conformity. The obtained indicators are: self-improvement, responding to the issues of society, collaborating and supporting the government, independent from the government in the livelihood of students, producing and explaining thoughts in the society, influencing the hearts of the people, being a scholar, taking into account the capacities of the revolution. In the analysis, the user of the capacities of the revolution in the propagation of religion. Based on the findings of the research, most of the categories extracted in the analysis of the Supreme Leader's statements have been mentioned in the verses of the Quran.

Islam as a political ideology was realized for the first time with the victory of the Islamic Revolution; But what is of less interest in this is the explanation of why and how the thought of political Islam was formed and developed. The discourse of political Islam, based on the thoughts of Imam Khomeini (RA), emphasizes the authority of jurisprudence, jurisprudence and clergy as the main interpreters of Sharia. Jurisprudential political Islam also emerged as the most powerful discourse after the Islamic Revolution with the support of Imam Khomeini and the clergy. This discourse slowly established its signs and concepts in a tough discourse debate and in confrontation with other discourses. On the one hand, many attempts have been made to solve the challenge between tradition and modernity. The main question that comes to mind in this research is what is the difference between the traditional Islam that Nasr insists on and the political Islam of Imam Khomeini (RA), which is the correct standard of understanding religious education? It is that the traditional Islam and in general the traditionalism that Nasr insists on and the political Islam of Imam Khomeini (RA), which is the standard of correct understanding of religious teachings, are in conflict with each other in various issues. And another question in this regard is that the political Islam of Imam Khomeini Emphasizing the immortality and comprehensiveness of religion as well as the dynamics of Shiite jurisprudence,

The region of West Asia and the Middle East has witnessed scores of unrest and political protests in recent years. These turmoil and conflicts have increased in the second decade of the third millennium with the occurrence of Arab Spring, which denoted the widespread citizen revolts in the Arab World in 2011-2012. These chains of political events were also called the Islamic Awakening. Regarding the lack of meaningful integration in the Middle East, researchers have considered various factors, including regional competition, foreign intervention and the legacy of colonialism. Nevertheless, an examination of recent events reveals a key point—The rivalry between Iran, Saudi Arabia and Turkey which advocate three different views of Islam (i.e., Shiite, Salafi-Takfiri, and the Sunni Islamist Moslem Brotherhood) have led them to vie for power and spiritual influence in the region. We argue that this competition is one of the main factors of crisis escalation in the Middle East. The efforts of the three rivals to increase the size of the advocates of their preferred attitudes towards Islam in order to form a stronger coalition to weaken their opponents have added to the complexity of the problem of seemingly constant turmoil and political crisis in this strategic region.The three main objectives of the present study are: a) to explain how these three views of Islam were formed; b) to analyze the reasons for the competition between the advocates of these points of view; and c) to describe the consequences of the continued rivalry between Iran, Saudi Arabia and Turkey over this issue from the perspective of regional stability and prosperity. Therefore, the authors try to succinctly answer the following research questions: 1. What factors have led to the political changes in the attitudes of the proponents of these views of Islam towards the Middle East developments? 2. To what extent have the formation, growth, and increasing competition of these three views of Islam contributed to the occurrence of conflicts in the Middle East? In the research hypothesis, it is stated that the competition between the proponents of the three different conceptions of political Islam (i.e., Shia Islam, Salafi-Takfiri, and Ikhwani) has increased unrest and violence in the Middle East. Using a qualitative-analytical approach, we collected data on  the Arab Spring events and information about the official statements of the political leaders and decision-makers in Iran, Saudi Arabia and Turkey regarding the regional uprising and crises, particularly as related to the Syrian civil war, the rise of ISIS, and the inter-Arab crisis over Qatar. The findings of the research show that the rotational changes in the attitudes of the advocates of different brands of political Islam on a continuum from cooperation to confrontation have had an impact on the crisis escalation and unrest in the region.The 2011 Arab pro-democracy movements initially encouraged the proponents of the three views of political Islam  to come closer to these movements. For example, Saudi Arabia and Turkey as the supporters of Salafi-Takfiri and Akhwani views formed a coalition against the Shiite-backed Iran. Incidentally, Qatar also supported the Brotherhood's viewpoints. The most significant policy of the Salafi-Takfiri camp’s coalition against the Shiite camp was to support the Syrian opposition in a bid to overthrow Bashar al-Assad regime. They even provided assistance to those who established and operated ISIS, and created an economic, military, and ideological challenge for the Iraqi Shiite government. However, the cooperation among the members of this coalition did not last long because of disagreement over key issues such as the future of the Egyptian regime after Muslim Brotherhood-backed Morsi came into power, the future of the Assad regime in Syria, and the crisis in Qatar-Saudi relations. The consequence of these developments was that the supporters of the Brotherhood moved away from the Salafi-Takfiri proponents in order to counter the Saudi threats against Qatar. Turkey started moving closer to Iran and Russia to secure its interests in the post-war Syria; and this resulted in a temporary reduction in Saudi influence in the region. But this does not mean the end of competition over political clout and influence in the region by smart coalition-building. Therefore, the most crucial strategy of the IRI should be to strengthen its coalition-building strategy and use the vacuum created in the Salafi-Takfiri and Brotherhood camps, along with continuing cooperation with Qatar, tension-reduction with Ankara as well as expanding economic relations with Turkey for the purpose of intensifying the isolation of the Salafi-Takfiri camp.

Religious democracy is a new model of religious government that was proposed by some modernist religious thinkers and emerged after the victory of the Islamic revolution. In spite of the modernity of this theory, it has not yet been able to show the degree of Islam; And not much research has been done on why. (Background) In this regard, we are faced with the question of what effect the Salafist and fundamentalist ideas branched off from Sayyid Qutb's thoughts have had on the non-expansion of religious democracy in Islamic societies. The challenge facing the expansion of religious democracy in the Islamic world is, in addition to liberalist ideas, Salafist ideas based on the opposite. The thought based on appearanceism, anti-rationalism and fatalism of Seyyed Qutb, which is mixed with concepts such as ignorance, elementary jihad and caliphate, has had a direct role in creating and expanding this challenge. ) while criticizing Seyed Qutb's political thought and the influence of his political thought in Salafi-Takfiri groups and currents, show that one of the challenges facing the expansion of religious democracy is Salafi and fundamentalist ideas. And it is possible to overcome the challenge of expanding this modern religious model by relying on political Islam based on rationality and ijtihad and synergy with the balanced groups of the Islamic world.

Target:

 If we analyze the impact of theoretical-practical discourses on the occurrence of the 1979 revolution in Iran with the logic of discourse analysis, we will find several discourses, some of which are influenced by Western traditions and some of which are more influenced by Islamic tradition. In this article, by drawing the discourse conflicts between the two discourses of Iranian Marxism-Communism (centered on the People's Mojahedin Organization) and the discourse of political Islam (centered on the thoughts of Imam Khomeini), we show how in one historical course, the discourse of political Islam has overcome another.

Discourse analysis with Laclau and Mouffe's approach is significantly relevant to the subject of this article and has been used.

Following the discourse of Iranian Marxism-Communism, three periods of 1344-1350 (Islam and armed struggle), 1350-1354 (ideological battle and failure in revolutionary action) and 1354-1357 (disconnection of reality with the outside world) and in the discourse of political Islam The three periods of 1342-1349 (shiite authority), 1349-1356 (Velayat-e Faqih) and 1356-1357 (victory of the Islamic revolution) have been identified.

The study of the above discourse conflicts shows that although the first discourse took revolutionary and militant action earlier, but due to the lack of deep connection with the historical and intellectual contexts of Iranian society, on the eve of the Revolution, it did not establish a close connection with the reality of that; in contrast, it was the discourse of political Islam that, in a historical course, was able to achieve its dominant discourse and, therefore, formulate the discourse of the Islamic Revolution in Iran.

Political Islam is a phenomenon which influences the global politics, security and culture. Whatever the fate of the political Islam is, it will affect politics, security and culture in the international arena, especially in the Islamic countries of West Asia and North Africa, including Saudi Arabia. Considering this issue, the aim of the present research is to identify the events, trends and drivers affecting Salafi-Wahhabi Islam and draw a perspective of its possible futures. The research seeks to find an answer to the question how the future of political Islam will be in Saudi Arabia in the horizon of 2030. With the use of the methods of trend analysis, two-stage Delphi and expert panel, the most important trends governing Salafi-Wahhabi political Islam in Saudi Arabia were identified and the key driving forces were determined. The findings of the research shows that the four drivers of "social and identity crises", "intensification of the dependence of the political environment and openness of the social cultural environment", "relationship with America", and "the end of internal conflicts in favor of Muhammad bin Salman", are among the highest consensus and importance among experts and they determine the future of Salafi-Wahhabi political Islam in Saudi Arabia. It seems that in the future, with the divergence between the House of Saud and the House of Sheikhs, there will be a need for a diverse economy, including religious and non-religious tourism and advances in communication technologies, the concentration of Sharia in the political sphere of Saudi Arabia, the reduction, the increase in the demand for democracy, the increase and the status of Salafi Islam, Wahhabi and Takfiri will be marginalized further.

In the first decade after the Islamic Revolution, the term School is very frequent and important in the atmosphere of Iranian society and in the discourse of the Islamic Republic Party. In this article, we have investigated the meaning and place of the School. For this purpose, assuming the theory of conceptual metaphor and using the method of critical metaphor analysis, we are looking for an answer to the question, "What is the meaning and place of School in the discourse of the Islamic Republic Party?" The research is qualitative and does not test a hypothesis. The authors have come to the conclusion that the Shool in the discourse of the Islamic Republic Party refers to an understanding of Islam that emphasizes being pure, up-to-date and revolutionary, paying attention to social and political issues, the need to implement jurisprudence and the rule of jurisprudence in society. It is a fundamental metaphor that forms the underlying logic of the party's discourse. Its place is understood with the spheres of origin of guide, criterion, support, warrior, weapon and infrastructure and it provides a source of knowledge for thinking and action on which all personal, social and political relations should be regulated.

Analyzing the position of the clergy in politics and, consequently, the relationship between religion and politics, is one of the recurring issues in the field of Islamic and even secular humanities. It seems that the analysis of the views of the founders of the Islamic Revolution will help to better understand the angles and secrets of the three categories of religion, politics and clergy, and therefore in this study, we will try to do from the perspective of Ayatollah Mahdavi He was one of the students of Imam Khomeini (RA) and a revolutionary pioneer fighter, and in addition to his scientific and jurisprudential weight and his seminary position, he also had first-level political and governmental responsibilities. Let us investigate the subject of research. The main question of the research is what is the position of the clergy in politics from the perspective of Ayatollah Mahdavi Kani? To reach the answer, the method of content analysis has been used and the result of this study shows that Ayatollah Mahdavi Kani believes in the role of religion in the type of political system, legitimacy of the political system, determining the ruler of the political system, citizenship rights and duties, selection of agents It is political and the style of politics. Accordingly, regarding the politics of the clergy, they have pointed out the five dimensions of basis, necessity, permissible and unauthorized areas, and finally the tools of the clergy.