جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « Syria » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

According to the "doctrine of the responsibility to protect", every government must protect its population against genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity. When a country loses its ability to protect its population against such crimes. This responsibility will be delegated to the international community. Due to the widespread lack of human rights in the Syrian crisis, the international community has considered itself to intervene in this country. However, the international community, especially the United Nations, has not been able to act effectively. Considering the current conditions, this article seeks to answer the question of how the "doctrine of the responsibility to protect" has caused the ineffectiveness of the United Nations in the Syrian crisis. To explain the ineffectiveness of "responsibility to support" in Syria, the deadlock puzzle in game theory has been used. Based on this theory, the interests and political considerations of the great powers in the Security Council as the main mechanism for applying the responsibility of protection have prevented the effective and desirable functioning of the doctrine of the responsibility of protection in the Syrian crisis. The hypothesis of the article is that the lack of specific criteria for the implementation of the responsibility to support on the one hand, and the conflicting and complex interests of the great powers in the Syrian crisis on the other hand have affected the performance of the UN Security Council and it faced inefficiency in the serious test phase in the case of the Syrian crisis.

The significance of regional organizations in restoring regional peace and security is undeniable. The Arab League, as the first regional organization in the Middle East, exhibited diverse reactions to the situation in Syria following the events of the Arab Spring. The primary inquiry of this research focuses on how this organization utilized its capacities to prevent the escalation of the crisis and facilitate the restoration of regional peace and security concerning the situation in Syria. Using a descriptive-analytic approach, this article delves into the underlying causes of the prolonged crisis in Syria and subsequently analyzes the decisions and stances taken by the Arab League, such as the suspension of Syria's membership and the imposition of political and economic sanctions. These analyses are conducted through the lens of constitutional commitments as well as political and legal considerations. The findings indicate that the twelve-year suspension of Syria's membership, despite its status as a founding member of the Arab League, not only underscores the complexity and multifaceted nature of the crisis at regional and international levels but also suggests that, in line with the fundamental objectives and principles of the organization, its approaches largely align with the interests of powerful Western governments and the expansionist policies of the occupying regime in Palestine, while running counter to the interests of the regional Arab and Islamic communities. Presently, the Arab League faces challenges such as dual approaches, decision-making influenced by its anti-Iranian members, issues related to immigration crises, and normalization of relations with Israel. From a regional perspective, the league's track record hardly reflects its role as an effective regional organization capable of resolving domestic crises within its member states or addressing international crises such as the Palestine-Israel conflict in line with the preservation of regional peace and security. Consequently, the Arab and Islamic region may continue to exist in a "region sans regionalism."

Turkey's policies have undergone various ebbs and flows over the past two decades. These policies have been characterized by both friendly relations with neighbors and inference in the internal affairs of certain countries, including Syria. These changes fall under the broader strategic objectives of the Turkish government, which require further examination. This article aims to investigate the reasons behind Turkey's strategic policy shift towards Syria. The significance of Syria's position in Turkey's regional political-security strategy has influenced the Erdogan government's change in strategy. This article addresses the question of the impact of Erdogan's policy shift towards Syria on Turkey's strategic policies in the region. The research findings, based on an explanatory-analytical approach using secondary data, indicate several reasons, including Erdogan's perceptual-psychological nature and personality, his inclination to enhance Turkey's position, the internal political and economic instability, as well as national security concerns, particularly in dealing with Kurdish groups. These factors have constrained the Turkish government to adopt a new policy towards Syria. This shift of policy will change Turkey's strategies in the Middle East and cause it to abandon its neo-Ottomanist policies. The economic instability of Turkey, national security considerations, the long border between the two countries, the issue of the Kurds, terrorism, and the presence of millions of Syrian refugees in Turkey are all significant factors in this strategic shift. Currently, Turkey is more pragmatic in changing its neo-Ottomanist policies.

One of the most significant, uncommon, and enduring alliances in Middle Eastern politics and security over the last few decades has been that between Iran and Syria. This alliance, which was formed at the beginning of the 1980s and was one of the external effects of the Islamic Revolution's victory, was brought about by changes to other regional alliances and alignments. Despite numerous analyses, it did not collapse quickly; rather, it was strengthened and extended, not only to Syria and Iran but also to Lebanon, Palestine, and other areas of the region, ultimately leading to the formation of the Resistance Axis. This paper aims to address this question: What factors and components influenced the formation and strengthening of the Iranian-Syrian alliance in the 1980s? The paper's hypothesis is that the material and semantic contexts that created the model of friendship and cooperation, as well as close security interaction between Iran and Syria, formed and strengthened their alliance in the 1980s, countering common threats and securing common interests. Examining the issue with the use of regional security complex theory, the analytical-descriptive method, and library and internet sources shows that the most important security considerations (physical and semantic) and the components that shaped and strengthened the alliance between Iran and Syria have consisted of: the existence of common identity, ideological and strategic platforms and fields, and common interests and threats resulting from it at the regional level. As for the regional security complex theory, the analytical-descriptive method, and library and internet sources indicates that the most important security considerations (physical and semantic) and the components that shaped and strengthened the alliance between Iran and Syria have consisted of: the existence of common identity, ideological and strategic platforms and fields, and common interests and threats resulting from it at the regional level, Common perception of the Zionist regime's threat in the region, the existence of revisionist ideologies, and ideological commonalities in opposition to America and conflict with the Zionist regime, Iran and Syria's confrontation with security threat from Iraq and confronting its supremacy, Syria's support of Iran during Iraq's war, the role of ideological religious communities, the efforts of the two countries of Iran and Syria to gain religious legitimacy at the external levels, and to secure the interests of Iran and Syria in the form of unity in the Arab world.

Given the realities of the international system within the current arena of war and its resulting damages, actors persistently focus on each other’s economic advantages. In this context, the West Asia region, characterized by tension and volatility, specifically highlights Syria—a country that has endured a decade of conflict—for its favorable economic traits. These attributes stem from Syria’s access to open waters and its proximity to European and African nations. Notably, Iran has maintained positive relations with Syria for many years, dating back to the era of Hafez Assad. During the eight-year defense against Iraq, Syria supported Iran, fostering strong ties. Considering Iran’s continued presence in Syria, prioritizing economic components to advance national macro strategies becomes a constructive governmental response. Both regional and global powers actively seek to enhance their influence and economic standing in other countries. Since the end of the Cold War, regionalism and power dynamics have gained prominence, prompting large governments across geographical regions to assert their roles in economic and political spheres. Consequently, the power struggle among actors in Syria extends beyond its borders, projecting an external image.
But despite the efforts of some powers to change the power dynamics in Syria, the ISIS caliphate came to an end, and the conflict zone was confined to the north and northwest of Syria. Meanwhile, Bashar al-Assad remained at the helm of power, and relentless attempts were made to overthrow him. This situation opened up opportunities for other governments to establish a presence in Syria, particularly in its economic sector.
Over the past decade, Iran has gained greater importance and status in the eyes of Damascus, especially within the context of the fight against ISIS in Syria. A notable example of Iran’s significance to the Assad government is the administration of the Latakia port, which was granted to the Islamic Republic of Iran. Iran has also engaged in favorable economic activities within Syria.
In light of these developments, the Iranian government has transitioned from military spending and the fight against ISIS to a focus on soft power and economic influence in Syria. It now occupies a unique position in the country’s economic geography.
Based on this fact and Iran’s presence in the Syrian war against opposition forces and ISIS, as well as its support of the central government, this article analyzes the impact of Syria’s geo-economic position on Iran’s strategic situation in the Middle East region between 2018 and 2023. The hypothesis of the article posits that Syria’s geo-economy, following the fall of ISIS, has solidified Iran’s influence within Syria and enhanced its regional role in both political and economic dimensions.
This article has collected data and analyzed it based on geoeconomics theory. According to this theory, controlling and influencing global and regional markets, as well as having access to the economic highways of many countries worldwide, ranks among the most crucial objectives. Achieving these goals necessitates tools such as attractive foreign investments and long-term, low-interest loans.
 
In light of this, concepts that hold significance in the economic sector—such as trade, investment, financial policies, economic aid, and sanctions—have gained prominence in the field of geo-economics. These components, once less critical before the collapse of the Soviet Union, now play pivotal roles in the competition among major powers since the 1990s.
 
These economic tools can spark competition between nations across various domains, particularly within different geographical areas. According to the principles proposed by the theory of geo-economics, Syria possesses a favorable economic geography for other states. Given the challenges faced by the Syrian government over the past decade, revitalizing both the political and economic aspects of the country necessitates attracting foreign capital and engaging in trade with other governments while distancing itself from security-related discussions.
 
This article analyzes the data using a documentary and statistical approach, employing the descriptive-analytical method with the assistance of geo-economics theory.
Based on the obtained data, Iran’s presence in Syria stands as one of the most critical levers within the West Asian region. According to available information, Iran has consistently expanded its cultural and economic footprint in Syria, particularly during the presence of ISIS and even more so afterward. This proactive approach by Iran underscores its recognition of Syria’s unique situation, especially following Ebrahim Raisi’s visit, and its strategic intent to enhance its position in West Asia.
 
Investing in Syria promises significant economic success for the country and contributes to bolstering regional prestige. Consequently, Iran’s presence in Syria, coupled with the creation of economic incentives for domestic investors, will further strengthen its influence in the country and facilitate the return of capital to Iran. From a political perspective, this presence aligns Iran more closely with its allies and strategically positions Syria within the depths of West Asia. As a result, Iran finds itself in the closest proximity to other regional competitors, poised to play an even greater role in shaping the future of regional dynamics compared to the past decade.
Therefore, based on the data, the following results have been obtained: 
1- With its presence in Syria, especially after the fall of the self-proclaimed ISIS government, Iran has demonstrated its intention to leverage the country’s economic interests.
2 -Iran has firmly established its presence in areas like Latakia, strategically exploiting Syria’s economic potential.
3 -Following the liberation of Bokmal by Iranian forces and under their directives, the Al-Tanf route—previously controlled by the US—has been significantly neutralized. This has ensured the continuity of an economic route connecting Iran, Iraq, and Syria.
4-By establishing a transit route between the resistance forces and the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, Iran facilitates connections across multiple corridors, including the North-South corridor, the China-Pakistan corridor, the China-Central Asia-Iran corridor, and the West Asia corridor. This network enables seamless access for Iran to the Mediterranean Sea via Latakia.
As a result, Iran’s presence in Syria has deepened the country’s strategic significance within the region and the global context. Syria, particularly Latakia, has emerged as a pivotal gateway to other lands.

The Syrian crisis is considered to be the confrontation between the power of the US and Iran, and the US has tried to overthrow the Syrian government by weakening Iran. However, in the end, Bashar al-Assad not only did not fall, but the level of Iranian influence also increased. Now, in this research, the main question is what are the reasons for the failure of American foreign policy strategies to contain Iran in Syria? The findings show that the failure of the American strategies to contain Iran in Syria is due to four main factors. First, the pattern of interactions in which various actors, including Iran, the United States, and other regional countries, have intricately cooperated or competed with each other. Second, the failure to manage the expulsion of Iran from Syria, which shows the failure of the United States to achieve its goals in this country, especially in reducing Iran's influence. Thirdly, the influence of the subordinate system through which the changes in one point of the regional system by imposing sanctions against Iran could not lead to the developments in Syria. And fourthly, the role of the great power of Russia, which, with its presence and activities in the region, has helped stabilize the Assad regime and increase Iran's influence. Together, these factors indicate the importance and complexity of regional issues in the success or failure of American foreign policy strategies in containing Iran in Syria. The article was compiled using descriptive-analytical methods and library documents.

Syria is one of Iran’s strategic partners in the political and security fields and it was one of the first countries that after the Islamic Revolution, recognized the Islamic Republic of Iran, and hence the official relations between the two countries began. Syria, as one of the countries affecting the resistance, has been involved in the internal crisis imposed by the West and its regional allies since late January 2011, causing heavy losses to the country. With the role of Iran and other Syrian allies, the relative security in the country is established and with the start of the reconstruction period, it is necessary to compensate for the damage caused by the crisis by restoring the power of the past and strengthening its important economic and commercial sectors. As a strategic ally of Syria, the Islamic republic of Iran is now able to expand its presence in the west Asia region from the military - security layer to the economic layer with its role in the reconstruction period. The article seeks to show what level Iran is in the political economy over to its regional rivals, and how it is based on its competence to support the Syrian government. using the descriptive-analytical method, this paper studies Syria's civil war and its need for trade and the provision of commercial and business space, owners of capital and business and business owners can invest in this country and provide a good economic benefit to Iranian and Iranian investors .

Despite the passage of more than four decades since the Iraq-Iran war, due to the effects that this war has had on geopolitics and regional order, and specifically on Iran's political-security approach and regional policy and its influence in the West Asian region, it is worthy of paying attention. Therefore, the question that arises is that how did the Iran-Iraq war affect the relations between Iran and Syria and the expansion of the regional influence of the Islamic Republic of Iran? Investigating the issue using the defensive neorealism approach, descriptive-analytical method and using library and documentary sources shows that this war made Iran's strategic loneliness and its unwanted isolation and lack of an ally in the region more obvious and the strategic proximity of Iran and Syria and The expansion of the scope of security cooperation between the two countries from Iraq to Lebanon and Palestine led to confrontation with the Zionist regime and it caused attention to regional influence and strategic deepening and countering security threats with the help of non-governmental allies in Iran's regional political-security approach. This ultimately led to an increase in political-ideological influence and strategic depth and regional deterrence power of Iran in West Asia.

This article, with the aim of enumerating and formulating political strategies and considering the essential role of Syria in strengthening the resistance front, seeks to answer the basic question, what are the political strategies of the Islamic Republic of Iran to deal with Takfiri groups in Syria? In this regard, the type of research in this article is "developmental-applied" and the case-field method has been used. The sample size of the statistical population for qualitative data was determined by the purposeful homogeneous, heterogeneous and snowball methods until saturation, and considering the specialization of the research subject and the limited availability of experts to meet the scientific needs of the research, fifty people were selected. The full form has been determined. To collect information, interview method and researcher-made questionnaires were used, and to check the validity of the questionnaire, the opinions of experts in the field of study were used, and Cronbach's alpha was used to check the reliability of the questionnaire. After obtaining the opinions of the statistical community, data analysis has been done using descriptive and inferential statistical techniques and methods. Finally, with regard to the four categories of strategies counted in the SWOT matrix (WT, WO, ST, SO) and the compilation of propositions for the basis of the elements of strategy formulation, we reached three strategies as the main political strategies of the Islamic Republic of Iran in Syria.

The phenomenon of ISIS is a serious threat not only to the Middle East but to the whole world. The formation of such a force in any geographical area is due to the weakness of the government control system, and the weakening of centralized power in Iraq and subsequently in Syria led to the emergence of this phenomenon, which led to the incomplete and conflicting coalition of anti-ISIL political actors. It was developed. If regional and trans-regional political actors were united and pursued the same strategy to eliminate ISIL, they could eradicate the ISIL threat, but the monopoly of actors with contradictory strategies created opportunities for ISIL to grow and create many problems at the international level. , Established a deadly catastrophe on a large geographical scale and destroyed vast human and financial resources, the effects of which require in-depth study in various dimensions. The theoretical framework of the research is "functionalism", the research method is "qualitative analysis" and the data collection tool is library and documentary. The main question is what were the most important main factors and actors underlying the crises in the region? The purpose of this article is to investigate and explain the factors influencing the formation of ISIL, the political crises in the region, the internationalization of this crisis and the involvement of regional and trans-regional actors. It seeks to escalate ethnic-religious divisions, and it can also be claimed that the United States is the designer and creator of ISIS.

The purpose of this article is to examine China-Syria relations and its impact on Turkey's regional power, and it tries to answer the question of how China-Syria relations in the years 2011 to 2021 have affected Turkey's regional power and interests.
To answer the purpose of this research, explanatory-analytical method has been used.
The geopolitical position of Turkey in the region of West Asia, the Black Sea and the Mediterranean has placed this country in the center of an important geopolitical environment in the world. After the instabilities caused by the Arab uprisings in the region in 2011, Turkey took a power-oriented approach to strengthen its regional power to protect its position against threats and challenges. In the meantime, the Syrian crisis has become a conflict between the interests of China and Turkey in the region, and China's support for the Syrian government has affected Turkey's regional power. In response and using the explanatory-analytical research method, the hypothesis of the article is that "China-Syria relations through China's political support to Bashar al-Assad and the establishment of economic and trade relations with this country have affected Turkey's regional power at this point and It has weakened it".
The findings of the research show that the establishment of political-economic relations between China and Syria and this country's support for Bashar al-Assad's government and Beijing's support for anti-terrorist operations in the region are in conflict with the interests of Turkey's regional power and have weakened this country's power-oriented approach in the region.

The purpose of the present research is to study effective criteria on Russia’s policy towards Islamic countries in the Middle East after Arab revolutions. In this regard, the main research question of the current study is: what factors have led Russia to adopt a balanced policy towards Islamic countries in the Middle East during 2011-2020? Moreover, the research relies on the hypothesis that during that the above time period, Russia, on the one hand, assisted Shi’ite groups led by Iran to fight against excommunication (Takfiri) terrorism, and on the other hand, expanded its relations with Sunni Muslim countries in order to prevent stimulation of religious fundamentalism in its Muslim republics. The current study which was conducted by a descriptive analytic method in the theoretical framework of constructivism, presents a rather distinctive analysis of the essence of Russia’s relations with middle eastern Islamic countries after Arab revolutions. The results indicate that since Arabic revolutions in 2011 and formation of new groups in the regional and international level in the Middle East, especially the Syrian crisis that initiated a new stage in Russia’s relations with the Islamic world, Moscow has attempted to adopt a balanced policy towards Islamic countries in the Middle East to remove the danger of Islamic extremism, avoid tension with those countries and reinforce relationship with them. Therefore, it is expected that Russia highlights the role of Islam in its foreign policy and that Russian politicians show more interest in constructive collaboration with middle eastern Islamic countries.

The developments known as the Arab Spring began in 2011 with the popular uprising of Tunisia in the Horn of Africa and quickly spread to other countries in the region and led to dramatic changes in the political and social structures of some countries in the Horn of Africa and the Middle East. In the meantime, in particular, the country of Saudi Arabia, which has a closed system of the royal type, considered its existence to be seriously exposed to the damage caused by this wave of transformation in both domestic and foreign spheres. As Umm al-Qari, the Islamic world has defined the continuity, expansion of its presence and influence in the region, and specifically "Syria and Yemen" in line with the strategic interests of Iran, as a result of which the emotional and non-constructive reaction in It appeared before the This country, which is known for adopting conservative policies in its foreign policy, has tried to protect its interests, expand its influence in the region and maintain its position as the leader of the Islamic world by adopting an aggressive approach. In this article, the author tries to is to compare the foreign policy of Saudi Arabia in the crisis of Yemen and Syria by using the approach of aggressive realism. The findings of the research show that: "The two countries of Syria and Yemen are the focus of strategic competition between the two countries, Saudi Arabia by transferring terrorist groups "Takfiri to Syria and direct attack on Yemen has appeared in the role of an actor in the atmosphere of conflict, and with an aggressive dynamic approach, it is acting in maximum conflict with the strategic interests of J.A. Iran".Middle East developments

The economic diplomacy of China in the Middle East in general, and Syria in particular has entered a new stage. Proposing a new type of international relations and a society with a shared future for mankind, China is strengthening energy and infrastructure cooperation with Syria and expanding cooperation in finance, post-war reconstruction, the sanitation and health industry. Technological innovation and green development have become new motivations for improving cooperation, and a pattern of multi-level and multi-faceted cooperation between China and Syria has been formed.
 This research was conducted with the aim of China's economic diplomacy in post-ISIS Syria and with a descriptive-analytical method. Based on the results which obtained from the research, China adjusts its economic diplomacy in the Middle East in the new era by considering multi-dimensional factors: First, to respond to the new demands of both sides for economic development, looking for solutions to accelerate the growth of the model Economic cooperation with Syria and increasing high-level cooperation and promoting a peaceful and stable regional environment and strengthening diplomatic support. The results of the research show that Beijing's economic diplomacy, despite adhering to the principle of non-intervention, has more flexible and pragmatic approach. China's economic diplomacy is basically in such a way that it uses its diplomatic resources to intervene to protect its investments and assets when is necessary, and uses economic incentives to advance its defined foreign policy goals at critical points and in specific circumstances.

Relations between Iran and Russia have been complicated and ups and downs in different historical periods. With the end of the Cold War, the bipolar system also ended and the unilateralist behavior and policies of the United States of America began. With the Islamic revolution, Iran also adopted a foreign policy independent of the two power blocs of the East and the West. On the other hand, in the years after the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russia put the policy of convergence with the West on the agenda, and this caused Tehran's relations with Moscow not to be at the elementary level. But the situation did not remain like this and the two countries examined the expansion of relations in various economic, political and technical-military fields. The main question is, what are the main axes and fields in the regional and international relations and cooperation between Iran and Russia in the new era?In response to this question, the hypothesis is raised that Iran and Russia in the present era, on the one hand, have high relations in the economic and nuclear fields, and on the other hand, this remains only at the level of the relations between the two countries and they are in regional issues such as Syria and They also cooperate in ending the civil war in Tajikistan and in other countries. Iran's location in a region makes the relations between these two countries important in various regional and international issues. Because on the one hand Iran is a regional power and on the other hand Russia is an actor at the international level and the relations of this country can be analyzed at both levels.

The Syrian crisis has been one of the most complex international issues in the last decade, which has become a source of competition between regional and global powers due to the length of time and the number of effective actors. This country has been one of the strategic goals of foreign policy, on the one hand, as the most focal country of the axis of resistance for Iran, and on the other hand, as a strategic depth in Turkey's Ottomanism policy. In this article, within the framework of the theory of soft power, with a comparative approach, we want to answer the question that what are the commonalities and differences between the two countries of Iran and Turkey in the application of soft power to the Syrian crisis? In response to this hypothesis, the foundation of the soft power of the two countries based on different historical, religious and political values has caused similarities and contradictions in the use of soft power of the two countries after the Syrian crisis. Data from library and documentary sources have been collected and the challenges and opportunities of the two countries' soft power in relation to the Syrian crisis have been compared descriptively and analytically.
The emergence of a process called globalization has led to the emergence of new forms of power and, accordingly, new forms of security interactions. Investigating the nature of power in today's global politics has given birth to a concept called soft power and creating a place for it in international politics. Sources of soft power, unlike hard power which has a military and economic basis, are based on culture and thought. Of course, according to Joseph Nye, soft power is more than cultural power. Soft power relies on both the policy agenda setting method and the power of absorption (Nye, 2008: 151). The Islamic Revolution of Iran has been an effective phenomenon in the Middle East region due to its appeal in its slogans, goals, methods, content and common religious, historical, and regional and international conditions. This revolution caused a kind of Islamic awakening and revival based on the return to the ideology and school of Islam, and especially in the young generation, it created a kind of fascination and return to Islamic thoughts and ideas. An idea that believes that Islam has all human affairs to manage human affairs (Blanks, 1999: 88. Considering that culture is considered one of the most important sources of soft power and religion as the main manifestation of culture is one of the main foundations of the Islamic revolution, the republican system According to its ideological background and geopolitical and geostrategic position, Islamic Iran has huge aspects of soft power.
In Iran's neighborhood, the entry of Islamists into Turkey's political scene turned the country's politicians' eyes from Europe to the Middle East. Turkey correctly realized that decades of looking to the West and over-emphasis on Europe and America have led to a one-sided and unbalanced foreign policy for this country. For this reason, Turkey looked at Islamic countries and the West at the same time (Öztürk and Baser, 2022: 714). Due to Turkey's history, culture and many commonalities with Middle East countries, this country quickly became an active player in the regional arena, and Turkish politicians, by introducing themselves as a successful model of combining religion and democracy in the governance arena, put their efforts in increasing soft power and Its acceptability among the educated youth and the middle class in the Arab countries of the Middle East (Ismaili et al., 2016: 181).
Following the Arab Spring and the instability of the Arab governments, Takfiri groups such as Jabhat al-Nusra and ISIS, by occupying a large part of the Syrian territory and the severe weakness of the government of this country, brought Syria into a crisis that has continued to this day, and at the same time, most of the country's infrastructure has been destroyed. became. This crisis turned Syria into a field of conflict between big and regional powers, including Turkey and Iran, to gain regional influence and hegemony. This question is raised, what are the commonalities and differences between the two countries of Iran and Turkey in the use of soft power in the wake of the Syrian crisis? In response to this hypothesis, the foundation of the soft power of the two countries based on different historical, religious and political values has caused similarities and contradictions in the use of soft power of the two countries after the Syrian crisis. By comparing the opportunities and challenges of using soft power in combination with the hard power of two countries, we try to show which country's strategy in Syria was accompanied by relative success or failure.
 
It seems that Turkish politicians consider the developments in Syria as an opportunity to expand their influence, increase their role and ultimately, regional hegemony, but not using a principled approach in facing the Syrian crisis, incurring high costs and eroding the political and security crises in Syria, causes disruption of soft power. And the regional position of the Turkish government in the region has been degraded. On the other hand, field realities such as the stability and relative stability of the Syrian government after the country's crisis and the defeat of Takfiri groups show that Iran's approach to regional influence and maintaining strategic depth in Syria has strengthened Iran's position and increased its soft power.

The developments in West Asia and the spread of popular uprisings in the region have quickly led to different decisions by actors in their foreign policy. Iran's geopolitical capacities and its national security have been strongly influenced by the regional environment of the Middle East. After the Islamic Revolution of Iran, the formation of a coalition of Arab countries living on the periphery of the Persian Gulf under the leadership of Saudi Arabia forced Iran to adopt a deterrence strategy through the creation of a regional coalition within the framework of the axis of resistance. One of the most important applications of any military is the use of appropriate methods to maintain regional security for it, and the theoretical basis is based on the theory that just as specific internal strategies are considered to maintain the country's security, overseas strategies are also used. The present research, with descriptive and analytical method, specifically seeks to answer the question, what is the position of Syria in the deterrence strategy of the Islamic Republic of Iran against regional and international threats? The findings of the research indicate that Iran has defense layers in Syria, Iraq, Lebanon and Yemen, that Syria has not taken an aggressive side, but its basic goal is to create a deterrent and defensive system to deal with threatening sources in the region.Keywords: strategy, regional security, Syria, Islamic Republic of Iran, deterrence

The purpose of this research is to achieve a correct understanding of the defensive realism approach of the Islamic Republic of Iran in line with the national interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran in Syria. What is 2010-2022 AD? To answer this question, this hypothesis is presented that: the national interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran in Syria are to support, protect and strengthen the axis of resistance, and help the security and stability of Syria. Due to Syria being in the first line of resistance against the Zionist regime and the presence of Iran's line of support for Lebanon's Hezbollah in Syria, it enjoys Iran's support. The research method is descriptive-analytical method and it was done using library and documentary sources (method) research findings show. that J.A. Iran considers himself the leader of the resistance front against America and the Zionist Army. Is. The national interests of the Republic of Iran in Syria are defined in the framework of ideological, strategic, economic and geopolitical interests. The Republic of Iran is trying to gain more influence in the region and take advantage of the policy of alliance with Syria, first of all, its national security. and after that, secure his national interests. (Findings).

The purpose of the present study is to review challenges and conflicts related to the Syrian crisis on the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The research method was descriptive-analytic and it was conducted using library sources and inferential and documentary approaches. The results convey that challenges and disputes related to the Syrian crisis have aspects more than just political disagreements or ethnic, identity, and religious challenges. They are rooted in the negative interference and competition of regional and super-regional powers to gain more penetration in the Middle East. The consequences of this process on the Islamic Republic of Iran include: threatening military, political, social, and economic security which creates serious challenges for the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran.