جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « neoliberalism » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

Although the declarative approach about separating sports from ideology is expressed and promoted by many related organizations, but the analysis of the experiences of countries indicates the connection between them. In this article, the consequences of the presence of neoliberalism in the field of sports in Islamic Republic of Iran are expressed using the method of thematic analysis. The results indicate that in the past two decades, Iran's development policies have more or less followed the neoliberalism, and this has affected Iran's sports and had important consequences which are: effort to hosting various sports events at the international level, creating different professional leagues in sports as a result of commercial approach to sports, spending huge expenses on management of sport clubs by government, developing sport companies active in various fields of commercial sport, commercializing sport education, products and services, handling sport for all by the private sector through local and regional sports clubs, and managing major part of educational sport under the title of non-governmental schools.

The information revolution is an epoch-making event that has transformed social life in the past few decades. Considering the organic conection between social life and political situation, the modern state cannot be dismissed from the effects and consequences of such an epoch-making event. This paper tries to answer this question: What changes has the virtual space caused in the structure of the nation-state? Explaining such changes, while creating awareness about the structure and functions of the nation-state in the era of the information revolution, is of decisive importance in order to adopt the correct model of governance and effective policies in various political, social, economic and cultural fields. In this paper, the problem of the impact of virtual space on the structural transformation of the modern state, has been examination using the critical theory of technology. In this framework, it is explained that virtual space, while intensifying the process of globalization, has caused the establishment of network state, media state, virtual state and transnational state.

Throughout history, justice has had different meanings in the thought of various schools and philosophers. This research, by applying two concepts of justice, i.e. Rawls's social justice and Friedman's and Hayek's neoliberal justice, with the slogans and performance of the Ahmadi government, wants to answer this question with an analytical and descriptive method. The 9th and 10th governments that came to work with the slogan of providing social justice, were they able to finally achieve their goals and establish social justice? The hypothesis of this research is that in the end, despite the slogan of social justice, Ahmadinejad, like his previous governments, continued with neoliberal policies and failed to fulfill the slogan of social justice. What was determined by examining the policies and statistics is that although partial and low-impact policies such as Mehr housing were used in the direction of social justice, in the end these policies failed to achieve their goals due to the weakness of expertise and the lack of efforts to change the economic track. make this government a reality and although in some years they temporarily changed indicators such as the Gini coefficient, in the end the 10th government ended its work with negative indicators in terms of social justice

The main issue of this article is about the relationship of work and Coronavirus and the changes and transformations that have been created in the field of work due to the occurrence of this global risk and, as a result, have transformed the role of the government; changes that, according to Ulrich beck's interpretation, by removing the standards and certainties of work, such as working in a specific place as a factory or an office and during specific hours of the day, have caused the destandardization of work and turned the global society into a risk global society and caused citizens to rethink the internal and international role of governments. Indeed, Coronavirus By forcing governments to adopt policies such as quarantine, forced suspension of jobs, limiting social interactions and reducing relations with other countries not only led to the closure of many businesses and unemployment of many people, but also by creating the need for a decisive role of the government in order to support different classes of different societies around the world to deal with this pandemic, it widened the scope of government's influence and the field of its social interventions. So, according to the findings of the research, which are the result of documentary studies by using the historical-adaptive approach to compare two different types of government in China and the United States, it can be inferred that with the outbreak of Corona, the liberal model of government is being replaced by a stronger government that is not a type of Chinese authoritarianism, but is an embedded liberalism that combines economic freedom with domestic social support. Some Important works have been written about the political and social consequences of Corona, among which we can mention Francis Fukuyama's article (2020) entitled "Pandemic and Political Order". The author claims that this crisis, like other global crises such as: The Great Recession, World Wars, the 11th September attack, has special consequences which its political dimensions are even more important than its economic effects; Therefore, this pandemic can lead to the intensification of nationalism, isolationism and an attack to the liberal political order. Farhad zivyar and reza khodabandelou(2019) in an article entitled " corona and reproduction of authoritarianism in democratic states" claim that successful experience of authoritarian states such as china in dealing with coronavirus can turn the global desire in to the accumulation and concentration of power and therefore, the closure of democratic space. But what distinguishes this article from other works that have been written in this field is its focus on the work and risks that have occurred in this arena by the occurrence of Corona that has changed the citizen's attitude about the role of government and the philosophy of its existence. In addition, although these works give priority to authoritarian states in drawing the political order of the post-coronavirus world, in this article, authoritarianism has its own criticisms that reveal the necessity of moving towards a middle path in the frame of embedded liberalism. So, it can be concluded that although since four decades ago, the best government is the one that restricts its field of intervention in society and only provides military security in the country, but in the risk situation, not only governments have found an opportunity to expand their interventions in the society, but also citizens have come to the conclusion that their egalitarianism concerns and their comprehensive security may be more important than their liberal desires. So, they prefer governments that deal with this pandemic and its harmful effects in different aspects with a wider range of power. The weak performance and inefficiency of the United States of America as the leader of the neoliberal agenda of the role and duties of the government on the one hand and the success of Chinese authoritarianism in dealing with this pandemic, verifies the accuracy of this matter. Of course, it does not mean that the Chinese authoritarian system is uncritical and perfect and its acceptance by other countries in the post-corona world is inevitable; Because China, due to the special features of its political system, such as complete controlling the flow of information, may be condemned of intervening the private sphere and totalitarianism. Therefore, it seems that balance is a requirement of dynamism, and this dynamism can be seen in the performance of Denmark government, which seeks to create a balance between international economic freedom and domestic social protection. So it's possible that the political order in the post-Corona world should be based on an embedded liberalism that maintains its economic independence and stands on its own feet in the international arena despite being affected by the flow of global communications and exchanges.

With an analytical view of the political actions and historical events of Iraq that have happened in spaces with specific issues، it can be clearly seen that the most important social forces active in the political arena of Iraq، which can change the social، cultural، political and economic situations by relying on the principles and components of discourse created by himself، the Shia religious social political discourse، which is analyzed and examined both quantitatively and qualitatively. In this article، using the discourse analysis method of Laclau and Moff، he described the discourse of the politicizing matter with a Shiite identity، which in different periods with the specific central signifiers of that period has given meaning to the signifiers or floating signifiers، and this meaning has become discourse and social actions. Also، in this article، the question of how the Shia political discourse in Iraq is all the actions of competing discourses and Can he identify the power and respond to them as much as possible، including his knowledge system and at what levels? We examine.

Germany is recognized as one of the world's most powerful economies, with unique experiences in economic modeling and institutional building. Ordoliberalism is a German socioeconomic school which believes that the country can maintain its ideals of social justice, and at the same time, establish a unique governance model to substitute Anglo-Saxon classical liberalism in the context of market economy and neoliberalism, by avoiding the pitfalls of "market fundamentalism." In fact, the German nation-state has been confronted with internal and external crises and conflicts since the unification of German-speaking political units during Bismarck's time in 1871. Nevertheless, Germany is a distinctive case regarding political economy and state building. Germany introduced the unique model of state building in the form of ordoliberlism as a modified version of liberalism in favor of social ideals. Based on Hegel's definition, one can explain that ordoliberalism creates a separating wall between "the political state" and the social individual based on the market processes, thus safeguarding the "civil society”, for which the institutions of the state are built in Germany. Ordoliberalism emerged during a severe crisis of liberal political economy in the Weimar Republic of Germany in the late 1920s. In fact, there was a sort of concerted political effort to restore the rationality of the free economy in the behavior of the state as well as the behavior of the market participants. Ordoliberalism— based on the teachings of ancient Greece, Christianity, and the Age of Enlightenment— became the theoretical backbone of the German social market economy. At the time, the liberal governance was presented as the necessary foundation of the free economy and as a force that could provide the framework of expected conditions for the intervention of the "invisible hand" in the economy to preserve its characteristic of ‘being free”.If economic liberty under liberalism means economy is completely free from any government intervention, there is the risk of the creation of monopolies and oligopolies, and the expansion of poverty in society by “Commodification of Rights”. In its historical process, ordoliberalism in Germany prevented such an outcome by establishing the civil society (i.e., the external state in Hegel's terminology) and reforming liberalism in favor of the common good while still contributing to the formation of governmental institutions in Germany. Earlier ordoliberals had argued in favor of ‘strong government’, which could not be manipulated by corporate pressure, and underscored the concept of ‘social market economy’. They cautioned that economic growth enhancing policies should not be at the expense of social programs. Domestically, Germany utilized democratic and fair mechanisms such as the presence of unions, state intervention in the equitable distribution of income and wealth, and preventing wealth accumulation by the cartels, based on respect for free-market principles. Principally, the paper aims to examine the evolutionary process of the German state during the 20th century by focusing on political economy and ordoliberalism. The primary goal is to explain how the ordoliberal system in Germany has been able to strike an optimal balance between the state and markets despite scores of ebbs and flows in the political history of Germany. At the same time, the article explores how the ordoliberal system has been integrated in the global neoliberal order while coordinating internal political forces in an effective way to build a democratic order. In short, the authors try to investigate the role of German ordo-liberalism in the historical process of the evolution of the state in Germany. The two research questions to be answered are as follows: 1. What are the foundations and characteristics of the German state? 2. From the point of view of state building based on Hegel's theory of state, to what extent has ordoliberalism influenced German politics? Ordoliberalism, as a variant of neoliberalism (or a state-centric neo-liberalism) has coordinated Anglo-Saxon liberalism for the benefit of the "collective good", and ordoliberal ideas have influenced postwar institution-building in Germany. In the research hypothesis, it is postulated that the strong state could regulate free markets to guarantee competition and social justice.This study introduces the main elements of "neoliberalism" as a German interpretation of neoliberalism using a historical approach. The findings of this article demonstrate that ordoliberalism, as the convergence of three intellectual and practical traditions (i.e., ancient Greek, Christianity, and Enlightenment) has successfully created the intermediate space between individuals in society and governmental institutions that Hegel had envisioned while adapting neoliberalism in favor of the social good. After World War II, Germany was integrated into neoliberal international order and reasserted its economic power as part of the capitalist world but aspired to be a model of ‘organized capitalism.’ To achieve the research objective, Hegel's theory of the state is used. First, the authors explain the main components and definition of the state, as well as the primary features of each of these components. Then, Germany's main efforts toward state-building are examined through a historical lens. Finally, the conclusion highlights the role and contribution of ordoliberalism in creating and developing the German state institutions.

Central and Eastern European country (CEECs) from 1989 onward took a neoliberal turn despite having experienced decades of communist rule. At the same time, the European Union (EU) enjoyed a particularly attractive image—evoking the return to Europe—among the people and governments of the region. While CEECs’ security concerns were mostly of a military threat during communist rule, post-communism CEECs’ security concerns have undergone transformation and changed in nature. This study sets to answer the following research question: what role does the EU play with regard to security concerns of post-communist CEECs? To answer this question, the main hypothesis is that the EU—in the form of a neoliberal historical bloc—has brought about special security concerns for the CEECs. Regarding the research methodology, we adopted a qualitative method under the neo-Gramscian theoretical framework and carried through statistical analysis to examine the research question. The research findings indicate that under the workings of diverse mechanisms of EU neoliberal block, Central and Eastern European countries today deal with the issue of security from the economic dimension (the weakening of domestic industries, the housing crisis and the dependent capitalist economy) to political (political dependence), human (alienation and otherness), and socio-cultural one (elite recruitment in the neoliberal project and weakening of the higher education system).

After the collapse of the Soviet Union and the success of the United States International Coalition outside Iraq's expulsion from Kuwait in the 1990s, the groundwork was laid for the formation of a US-led unipolar system in the international arena. In this regard, the then President of the United States of America George Herbert Walker Bush (1988-1992) in a speech used the term "New World Order" to indicate the beginning of a new chapter in political relations based on American supremacy in the international arena, including It was a sentence. Had. However, the emergence of China as an emerging power and the non-implementation of its regional policies in the Middle East over the last two decades is an inadequate indication of US power over the desired order. Now the question is, what have been the factors underlying the decline of the US government over the last three decades? The analysis of historical facts shows a set of results of the development of the neoliberal economy worldwide (deepening poverty in the region), international environmental developments (unexpected results of the globalization process), incorrect goals (biased support for Israel), miscalculations. The invasion of Iraq, etc., which sometimes dates back to before the end of the Cold War, has weakened the US position in the international arena in general and in appearance in particular. In the light of the theory of historical sociology of international relations, the present intends to examine the change in US regional writing over the past few decades.

The special functions of higher education systems in the world are identified through the analysis of the context of political economy. This political economy is often seen in higher education as part of the church and part of the casino. The two can be redefined as the Vatican and the Vegas Heart of Higher Education, respectively. In this regard, successful scientific diplomats have established their independence by protecting the bases and expanding it, and can crystallize the most intellectual adventures within the borders of their institution. This requires a forward-looking macroeconomic strategy, on the one hand, and the use of other scientific diplomats, on the other, to protect higher education from current market epistemological distinctions in the face of market pressures. In this article, with the analytical and comparative review of authoritative sources in the constructive space of neoliberalism and the atmospheric effects of political economy along with rentier capitalism, the mission of scientific diplomats in higher education has been reviewed.

The study of educational policies in the country shows the dominance of specific Iranian neoliberal policies with emphasis on privatization in educational policies and creating inequality in this area. This shows the contradiction between the philosophy and the goals and the existing policies. The result of such a policy, many children who were not in a suitable economic context were deprived of this right and have created a cycle of inequality and have weakened to realize citizenship rights. This article, while examining the various dimensions of this issue, seeks to answer the question of what consequences the implementation of the economic adjustment policy has had on the realization of the right to education as one of the basic rights of children in Iran

After the eight-year Iran-Iraq war, Iran's neoliberal economic policies led to a series of educational and research issues; a problem that has been experienced in many other countries. This paper aims to provide an analysis of the impact of the neoliberal economic policies during the postwar era on humanities and social sciences in Iran. The paper will argue that the neoliberal policies dragged Iran's humanities and social sciences into the market-oriented and power‐oriented values. Neoliberal policies led to spread the corporate and marketized model of universities and research institutions, making them responsive to the needs of market and government agencies. Marketisation distorted educational goals and social functions of universities and research institutions. So, critical function of humanities and social sciences asking fundamental questions and informing the public, has become weak. In order to made convincing hypothesis, this paper has adopted a mixed method approach.

Peace, democracy, and development are considered three important concepts in social science, and are extremely relevant to the problems of  both developed and developing countries. Nevertheless, the experiences of modern capitalist world with neo-liberal and market-oriented policies have shown that creating harmonious relations between state, society and economy is problematic and challenging. As a result, a large group of the poor people in the global community have not enjoyed the benefits of peace, democracy, and development. In fact, we are witnessing all kinds of problems such as insecurity, violence, war, extremism, authoritarianism, oppression, environmental problems, poverty and lack of welfare for the majority of nations in the international system. The root causes of these problems can be found in the philosophical foundations of modernity and capitalism in which concerns with peace, mortality, human rights, and environmental protection are left to market forces, and the state and non-state actors such as companies which are dependent on them. The author intends to explore peace-oriented development as an alternative paradigm with a critical, holistic political economy approach in which the three pillars of state, capital, and civil society are linked together for all human beings both nationally and globally in order to deal with the problems related to peace, democracy and development. It is argued that development must address strategies for reduction of poverty, unemployment, and inequality at the national and global levels through structural change and industrialization. The achievement of development goals, however, requires a culture based on peace, tranquility, tolerance, fortitude, participation, rationality, as well as democratic institutional mechanisms. In this paper, the author seeks to answer the following research questions: 1. What is the nature of peace-based development? 2. What elements does it consist of? 3. How can this model of development help democracy? Since peace, democracy and development are the three main pillars of the peace- at   based development paradigm, therefore, in the research hypothesis, it is argued that the constructive interaction of government, businesses, and civil society based on the peace-oriented development approach increases the probability of balanced development  and democracy at both national and global levels. Peace and security increase the chances of poverty reduction and welfare. Development through structural changes and industrialization leads to the eradication of poverty, and the reduction of unemployment and inequality at national and international levels. However, the realization of development goals requires the culture of peace and tolerance together with active civil society and robust social movements which work towards solving the socio-economic and political problems such as insecurity, gender inequality, environmental degradation with the help of strong institutional arrangements needed for creating a climate conducive to constructive change which is beneficial for all. The findings suggest that using a holistic and critical approach which  takes into account the linkages between peace, development and democracy may help in ending the misery which continues to wreak havoc on the lives of the poor people in the world, particularly under conditions of uncertainty characterized by the failure of neoliberalism to deal with the persistent economic and political problems which have been intensified by the renewal of the great-power rivalry and the Covid-19 pandemic.

Corona disease and its spread around the world has led to the formation of extensive changes in various fields such as ethics, politics, economics, ideology, education and culture. This change has caused many thinkers, philosophers. And world politicians should focus on drawing a picture of the post-Corona world. The vast majority of these experts believe that a new world order is emerging. Therefore, according to their expertise and position, everyone tried to draw the components of this order. The depiction of the world order, which, according to many analysts, is coming, first of all requires a critique of the existing order, which in the form of a neoliberal philosophical order has not been able to adequately respond to this crisis. Therefore, in the framework of the critique of the neoliberal political-philosophical system, this study tries to answer the question of how the corona epidemic was able to reveal the weaknesses of this system. The "event" has posed a moral challenge and inefficiency to the philosophical and political indicators of the neoliberal system

Political philosophy has paid attention to justice, freedom and equality, so these values have formed a political triangle. In other words, these values form the foundation of political philosophy in different ways. At the end of the twentieth century, justice once again became the focus of political thought of Western thinkers, even defenders of liberalism such as John Rawls.  The main question of the research is: what is the nature of John Rawls' political thought considering the economic developments of the late twentieth century, including neoliberal governments. In other words, what effects have the transformation in the function and structure of governments in the Western world had on the political views of John Rawls in various dimensions of civil rights, the private sphere, the interaction of government and citizens, the relationship between freedom and justice? In general, John Rawls has introduced a new structure of liberalism based on moral justice and responsibility by presenting a new concept of justice.

Mankind is facing one of the greatest events in contemporary history. The prevalence of corona disease has dramatic economic, political and social consequences and is changing the individual and collective culture and behavior of human beings. The research question is that “How the coronavirus pandemic will impact on the domestic politics and international relations?” The authors believe that in the post-Corona period, we will see the rise of nationalism and the Strengthening the state role in governing the community and the transformation of public health into a matter of national security. In the foreign field, Governments will withdraw from the globalization process to save the lives of their citizens by restricting the free movement of people and goods and by tightening immigration policies and protecting borders. The research findings indicate that has changed the nature of threats in the 21st century and inequality in economic and social structures and a lack of health care can challenge the internal security of governments. Also, corona reminds us that global politics must be reformed, contrary to the principles of neoliberalism and minimal government.

The existence of dissatisfaction and the emergence of civil protests due to social - economic changes in Iran are among the issues that have led to political instability and sometimes security unrests, especially during the implementation of liberal policies. Also, social-economic crises in countries such as Argentina, Venezuela, and Greece have emerged in recent decades, which have many similarities with each other in economic, political and other dimensions. In these countries, drastic neoliberal changes have led to the weakening of public livelihoods and, consequently, to protests and break of the political system. Accordingly, the purpose of this study is to compare the formation of protests and political crises resulting from the implementation of neoliberal policies in Iran with Venezuela, Greece and Argentina. Therefore, the main question is "How did the neoliberal structural changes in the Iran's economy and society, in a comparative study with the situation of Venezuela, Chile, Argentina and Greece, affect the formation of protests and political crises?". This research uses the documentary and qualitative study method of secondary analysis of existing data to collect data. And also, uses qualitative semi-structured interviews with experts to develop indicators for comparative study and theoretical saturation

Neoliberalism is among the thoughts on concepts such as the market, the abolition of rules, and the removal of the notion of public or community interest and replacing it with "individual responsibility." Neoliberalism can be considered an ideology that believes that free trade and investment are the sole source of economic development and prosperity. This idea is based on the principle that the market mechanism should govern the human destiny. The collision of neoliberalism and the second generation of human rights, based on the charles and abstract categories that are abstract and academic, are in the economy and the market. The rules that are classified in this generation are among the legal ones that, in terms of codification and legislature, coincide with the rules of the first generation, but its identification is philosophically and theoretically followed by civil and political rights. It is important for these rules and concepts to coincide with the emergence of the period of neoliberalism, partly due to the international system's desire to realize the justice of the economy, and consequently to reduce poverty and overcome the shortcomings and deprivations of mankind.

The resurrection of neo-retributivism in Anglo-American criminal law, with its ideology of proportional punishments, a harsh justice system, and maintenance of social ethics, in the last decades of the 20th century, is a subject that requires more explanation. Some thinkers attribute this phenomenon to basic changes in cultural, social and political structures. But there have been few studies about the nature of political changes which can be operative in this new criminal policy trend. In this study, therefore, I will try to clarify new inclinations in political philosophy that have been effective in the resurrection of this new criminal policy in England and America. At the end of this study, it will be concluded that changes in the structure of liberalism, which have led to the rise of neo-liberalism, can well explain much more about the rise of the policies of neo-retributivism in these two countries during last decades of twentieth century.

Addressing Iran’s nuclear case was a major constituent of the foreign policy of the United States of America in the administrations of both George W. Bush and Barack Obama. Therefore, this research attempts to draw a comparison between these administrations with the ultimate goal to answering this question; what were the differences between the Bush and Obama approaches to Iran's nuclear case and which international relations approaches provide the best analysis of the Bush-Obama approach to Iran's nuclear case? According to the research data, the performance of George W. Bush and his cabinet which was strongly influenced by Neo-conservatism beliefs could be analyzed within the framework of offensive realism approach. Bush administration had primarily adopted a unilateral approach to Iran’s nuclear program via emphasis on American exceptionalism, making constant threats to attack Iran’s nuclear installations and not cooperating with other powers involved in the case. On the other hand, Barack Obama, with using the Neoliberalism's facts, demanding of cooperation, interaction, attention to the role of diplomacy, the using of soft power and the capacity of international organizations in foreign policy. Thus, he managed to gain the consensus of major powers and influential economic and political institutions against Iran trough adopting the policy of U.S. driven multilateralism which culminated in an agreement between Iran and 5+1 countries after prolonged negotiations.