جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « قاجاریه » در نشریات گروه « علوم اجتماعی »

The study of the history of printing in Iran faces various challenges, and the existing catalogs and analyses are fraught with deficiencies and ambiguities. In the book First Prints of Iran, the boundaries and scope of research are effectively outlined, providing a comprehensive, accurate, and as correct as possible catalog within those parameters. Furthermore, it offers information and details surpassing previous catalogs. However, this catalog overlooks Iranian lead-type printed books in the Assyrian language.  This article proceeds to present a list of useful information and analyses that could have enriched the book’s content and utility. In its conclusion, the article elaborates that, based on the available information, the previously accepted notion of two distinct periods for the introduction and prevalence of lead-type printing in Iran is no longer tenable.

Documents, as one of the most important research sources, hold significant importance and value in the studies of a historical period and in some cases are the only evidence of the changes and developments within a human society. The aim of this research is to present new topics in the field of structural analysis of military booklets during the Qajar period, which have been arranged based on various geographical areas, including the Khorasan province. The present study is an analytical archival research that aims to answer the research questions by posing a problem related to the types of military booklets, their content, and organization methods through the examination of ten thousand pages of military documents from the Central Documents of Astan Quds Razavi covering the period of 1268-1292 AH. The research background shows that no research has been conducted in this regard so far. The significance of these booklets lies in the fact that by examining them, comprehensive and novel information regarding the administrative system and military organizations of Iran during the Qajar period can be obtained. The findings indicate that military booklets during the Qajar period included various types such as instructional booklets, payment booklets, income and expenditure statements, regulations and instructions, provincial accounts, personnel lists, and classifications, which were prepared based on administrative principles and writing styles of the time.

During the years of constitutionalism, khamse region centered on Zanjan was one of the centers of crisis in the country and due to its proximity to important areas of Tehran and Tabriz and the competition of political groups, it spent years of unrest. Meanwhile, in addition to the political crises of constitutionalism, the enmity of the nobility of the region caused many disturbances.According to the policies of the Qajar patrimonialism government during the Naseri and Mozaffari eras, in the years leading to the constitution, the elite and urban landed gentry of Zanjan (Jahanshah Khan Amirafshar, Zulfiqar Khan Asad al-Dawlah) took over each other’s regions and caused many conflicts in Zanjan and They created Tehran.The basic issue of this research is the relationship between the Qajar governance model and the rivalries and conflicts of the landed aristocracy of Zanjan and the consequences and results of these policies and rivalries. According to the model of the patrimonial government, during the period of Naser al-Din Shah Qajar, by selling and giving khalese lands to influential people and top groups, the necessary conditions were provided to acquire other lands in the khamse region, and due to the weakness of the executive institutions of Qajar and Those in power in Tehran and Zanjan did not fulfill the wishes of the people.In the following decades, this defeat paved the way for pursuing the demands of the Zanjan landowner nobility, and this time the descendants of nobility were determined to recapture the lands of khamse region, and a period of instability and insecurity arose in Zanjan. The result of these policies and the inefficiencies of the Qajar government and the executive elements in Tehran and Zanjan was the hardship and homelessness of the people. The present article has investigated the issue by collecting library and documentary data and using original sources such as newspapers in a descriptive-explanatory way.

During the Qajar period, due to the emergence and expansion of capitalism and the globalization of the economy, the country's border gates were opened to other countries. In the meantime, Kermanshah, as one of the most important border routes in the country, had a significant share. And in confrontation and interaction with the Ottoman government and through it, in contact with other European countries. The arrival of representatives of foreign countries (merchants, Orientalists, religious missionaries, etc.), the establishment of offices such as the Telegraph, the bank, the consulate, etc. The import of Western goods (British fabrics, Turkish tobacco, Danish beers, etc.) led to Manifestations of Western culture are prevalent in this state. The new urban structure and architecture, the grounds for further expansion of Shiism, the introduction of antiquities at the world level, etc. were other cultural consequences of these relations. This research has been done based on travelogues, memoirs, documents, and other sources in an analytical-descriptive and library method. The purpose of this study is to investigate the cultural developments in Kermanshah province in relation to foreign relations in one of the most important periods of Iranian history. Findings show that Iran's foreign relations with European and Ottoman countries, caused other cultural developments such as health promotion, the establishment of schools with new educational content, the formation of the Kermanshah dialect and

A woman's character is evaluated based on her sufficiency, competence, competence, merit and moral and social coordinates, political, social and cultural awareness, so that a woman can independently find her role and place in the society and prove it to her peers. In contemporary civilization and in advanced countries, women are gaining their human position day by day and the historical role of women is valued. Iranian women came to the stage in important historical places and showed an effective presence. The presence of women in political and social activities during the second Qajar period has been very impressive; Among these women is Bibi Maryam Bakhtiari. She was one of the women fighters of the constitutional era. During the First World War, when parts of Iran were occupied and under the influence of Russian and British colonial forces, Bibi Maryam rebelled in favor of the German and Ottoman forces and against the Russian and British occupying forces. In this article, the way of political-social presence of Bibi Maryam Bakhtiari in the political developments of the Qajar era is discussed with descriptive-analytical method.

The various methods of resistance of subordinates against the ruling groups is one of the subjects that has received less attention in Iranian history studies. During the Qajar period, the Thiol regulations provided opportunities for the villagers to obtain concessions from the Thiol owners and governors of the provinces. This is our question: how did the custom of granting Thiols lead to disputes and conflicts between the ruling groups, and how did the subjects benefit from these disputes? The Qajar court was always faced with many frauds by provincial rulers and bureaucrats in sending taxes to the treasury, and by granting Thiol to some of its agents, removed part of the lands from the reach of provincial governors, a situation that the governors of the provinces did not like. On the other hand, the court was also faced with the fraud of Thiol owners. Naser al-Din Shah announced that a farm will be thiol only if its farmers are satisfied. In this way, it was possible for the subjects to choose a fairer person between the Thiol owner and the ruler of the province or between two Thiol owners, or to change the Thiol owners’ agents or to correct their behavior. This research has been done with the causal method and relying on original documents, especially the documents of the Majlese Tahqiqe Mazalem. The theoretical framework of the research based on Patricia Crone's opinions about the characteristics of pre-modern governments. The purpose of this research is to clarify a neglected part of the history of subordinates and to explain their behavior towards the ruling elites in order to moderate exploitation .Before this, no study has been done on this topic.’

The Safavid state created a kind of government in Iran with elements such as a separate territory and a Shi'ite religion originated from the Sufi way and persisted over the centuries. From the Safavid period to Qajar, the Iranian state had atributies that were Expresses traditional political institutions and traditions. This procedure continued until the new era and the end of Qajar rule. The research hypothesis is that the Safavid government conformed to the model of the Soltani order. The Qajar dynasty also possessed the traditional and authoritarian character of the Safavid dynasty. Because it coincided with the era of Western military and economic domination of the world, the construction of a state in Iran was also influenced by its civilization, and political institutions evolved. In this regard, the present research deals with the characteristics of the political construction of the state in the triennial period. Also, the social and class characteristics that led to the formation of specific models of government in Iran are reviewed.

The main assumption of this research is that there is a relationship between the components and goals of Qorrat Al-Ain in the framework of the Babieh movement and Western feminism. Qorrat Al -Ain's actions aimed at creating equal opportunities for men and women, realizing women's rights, and seeking to eliminate structural discrimination against them. The question is, "Were there any early elements of the Western feminist movement in her movement?" And if this movement is aligned with its foreign counterparts, what common elements can be seen in the attitude of the Iranian protesting women to the Western feminist movement? With the use of the qualitative paradigm and documentary method, we focused on Babieh movement as hypertext in the Qajar era. Our theoretical framework is based on a review of relevant and selective theories of the macro-feminist approach and Foucault's genealogy of the Plebian experience. The results show that the answer to both research questions is yes. The researcher emphasizes the approach that there is no presumption of a direct connection between the selected sample and Western feminism and the conspiracy theory approach. Also, for this researcher, this movement is like a natural phenomenon caused by the historical and social conditions of Iranian society.

The purpose of this article is to examine the struggles of Amir Kabir in the fight against the misguided sect of Babi and Baha'i.

This article is a review and library. Amir Kabir, the powerful and powerful prime minister of Iran during the reign of Nasser al-Din Shah, was a champion of the struggle against colonialism, tyranny, and a reformer of political and religious affairs. Upon entering the court, he undertook important tasks such as establishing central power by dealing with internal and external threatening factors. His most important action in the domestic arena, in addition to dealing with internal uprisings, was to suppress the Babiyeh uprising, which was carried out with authoritative measures and, of course, Amir's different methods. After the Amir's confrontation and the suppression of the riots and their riots, they no longer dared to threaten the country's political security. A coercive act that eventually led to his assassination, along with his other reformist actions. With these explanations, Amir's treatment of the Babi and Baha'i sects, as well as his reasons for suppressing this revolt, are discussed. 

Scholars of the history of the Iranian Constitutional Revolution have studied the economic Causes of that Revolution and emphasized the inefficient role of Macroeconomic Structure, Corruption, budget deficit, lack of economic infrastructure, foreign debt, and the negative consequences of iran’s orbiting capitalist economic relations. The present article, while confirming the role of the mentioned factors in creating the beginning of the Constitutional Movement in iran, has considered the economic Causes of the Constitutional Revolution from the perspective of the role of Livelihood factors and examines this issue by emphasizing the basic question that: has the living conditions of iran, in the decade leading up to the Constitutional Revolution, influenced the beginning of thr Iranian Constitutional Movement? The hypothesis of the present Study is that the damages caused by irans political economy in the decade leading up to the Constitutional Revolution were significantly reflected in the living conditions of the people and this caused a crisis in livelihood and consequently general dissatisfaction and revolt and with the unresponsiveness and ineffectiveness of dissatisfaction and revolts, the way has been paved for the Constitutional Revolution. The findings of the study show that The livelihood crisis provided the basis for the formation of livelihood riots and subsequent political demands in the Constitutional Revolution.  The method of the present study is historical with adescriptive – analytical approach. The aim of this study is to explain the relationship between economic variables and the revolutionary movement of Iranian Constitutionalism.

Zanjan, formerly known as Khamseh, has been known as the main settlement of the Afshar tribe since the middle Ages in Iran. From the Safavid era onwards, especially since the Qajar era, Afshar tribesmen played an important role in the socio-political events of Iran. The emergence of ruling families and influential political-military figures among Afshar tribes of Khamseh indicates the high level of their influence on the power structure of Iran. How the Afshars of Khamseh, as one of the most influential local powers in terms of relations with the central government, interacted with the Qajar dynasty is an issue that we intend to address in this article. The geographical and strategic conditions of Khamseh, the local and deep-rooted influence of the Afshars of Khamseh, along with some other influential factors such as economic and military capabilities of this land, played an important role in shaping political relations between Afshars and the central government of Iran. In this study, while examining the historical roots of the Afshars’ influence in Khamseh, we try to explain the relationship between this local family and the central government and its effects on the political developments of the Qajar era.

In this article, we tried to analyze administrative- Financial barriers of economic rationalization by utilizing the theoretical approach of Max Weber. In this regard, firstly, we analyzed the characteristics of the public finance organization based on the collective commitment (Liturgical) of the villages, ils (tribes) and guilds in the period Qajar. Then we studied components such as the domination of the livelihoods economy; the suppression of individualism and the expansion of the economy and the division of labor; the lack of competitiveness of the economy in the world system; the weak social mobility as the outcomes of the general tax system governing this period. In the end, based on research findings, the concept of Communal Rationalism has been presented as a theoretical modification with the historical particularity of Qajar Iran.

With the emergence of Qajar government and the early death of Aghamohammad Khan, the process of governing the various provinces and counties in general changed. One of the most important central government measures to monitor and control the tribes and clans have always been the establishment of a relationship with the local rulers that was shaped by these conditions. This was possible through central government appointees in various areas. This policy was implemented with the emergence of Qajar government and the throne of Fath Ali Shah. He managed to maintain his dominance over the Poshtkuh provinces by appointing Mohammad Ali Mirza Dawlat Shah to the Kermanshah government. This study sought to answer the following question: What was the relationship of Mohammad Ali Mirza Dawlat Shah with the governors of Poshtkuh? The findings of this study, which had a descriptive-analytical approach, indicated that Mohammad Ali Mirza, with his peaceful policy, was able to associate with the central Iranian government until the end of his life.

Researching occult sciences has been ignored among historians. The present article has been specifically devoted to the second science of this complex, meaning “Limiya” or the science of talismans, and has tried to identify and introduce various types of talismans and the scope of Iranian’s belief in them during the Qajar era through a descriptive- analytical method and while introducing the activists of this field, this research has tried to find out why people resort to talismans. The results of the present research indicate that talismans had political, medical, and social applications in different fields in this era and nobles and common people were no different when it came to believing in talismans and being attracted by them. Gypsies, the Sufi community, and the Jewish people were the most important activists of this field during the Qajar era and they helped poor and desperate people face their problems.

The aim of this study was to understanding the status of Kurdish women in the Kermanshahan tribe community in the Qajar era and their impact on social, economic, and political structures based on traveler's reports, documents and documented archaeological data in the region. Travelers provide unique information about the life of the nomads and the tribes and other aspects of the social life of women. They consider women to be the backbone of any effort and believe they have played an important role in the sustainability of the family and the tribe system. An interesting point is that has been preserved the gravestone of women in this area, which belongs to the Qajar era. The motifs of the gravestones of the Kermanshahan tribe community have reflected the social and individual status of the deceased in their time. Therefore, this research is based on a descriptive and analytical approach and based on library resources and field data, examines the subject. Research findings show that Kurdish women in the Kermanshahan tribe community in the Qajar era have played the undeniable role in social, political and economic structures. So we witness the presence of Kurdish women among the Kermanshahan tribesmen in the role of the lord and the head of the society, the ownership of women on earth, the production of handicrafts and their role in the "waqf" operation.

During the Qajar dynasty (1789 to 1925), due to events such as the rise of capitalism and the globalization of economy, Iran’s frontier opened to other countries. Kermanshah was one of the most important border cities in the country. Changes in economic infrastructure, trade boom, entry of foreign and non-native people into trade, production of export goods etc. were the economic consequences of these foreign affairs. This research adopts descriptive-analytical and library methods to study travelogues, diaries, documents, and other sources. The purpose of this study is to examine the economic changes of this state due to foreign affairs in one of the most important periods of Iranian history, namely the Qajar dynasty. The findings demonstrate that Iran’s foreign affairs with European and Ottoman countries brought about economic developments, including the entry of non-native people living inside and outside the country into trade, which led to the monopoly of non-native families, such as the Ottoman family of Vakil ul-Dola, Tabrizi merchants, and the Jews of Baghdad. The commercial infrastructures such as markets, inns, bureaucracies, taxation, and manufacturing workshops developed. Increased production of export goods such as carpet and opium were among the other economic consequences of foreign affairs in the state.

Investigating the political situation of Merv in the period of Nasreddin Shah Qajar is of specific significance. This research, using descriptive-analytical method and relying on first-hand resources, seeks to answer the following question: which factors contributed to the turmoil of the political situation of Marv in the period of Naser-al-Din Shah and the blurring of the relations between the Iranian government and Turkmens and eventually led to the separation of Marv from the mainland of Iran . The findings indicated that, on the one hand, the improper behavior of the rulers of Khorasan in relation to the Turkmens a frontier region of Iran and the failure to use a hard policy towards the interference of the Kheivehkhan- tarriance in the affairs of the region, and on the other hand, the Turkmen's inappropriate performance and frequent attacks on the cities and villages of the Khorasan borderlands and the plundering of the people here disturbed the political situation in the region, making the Qajar government take futile military attacks against Turkmen. With the continuation and intensification of such attacks, the political situation in the region was such that on the advent the Russians procession in Turkmenistan (1294), the Iranian government did not support the Turkmen despite the fact they pledge the support of Iranian government in several occasions. As a result, these factors resulted in the separation of a large part of the territory of the great Khorasan (Iran) and joining that separated part to Russia.

The process of reform in the time of the second parliament (November 15, 1909 – December 24, 1911), which resulted in inviting Morgan Shuster for financial improvements in the late Qajar era, represented the controversy between tradition and modernism in Iran. Many factors were against the process of change in Iran and could lead to social crises. Actually, the implementation of fundamental reforms was very problematic, regarding the specific social model of Iran, and the resistance of the traditional forces. This research, which is based on archival documents and historical sources, seeks to answer these questions: what were the main powers against Shuster's measures, and what were their motivations? The hypothesis was that the challenge between tradition and modernism was very influential; but the research findings demonstrate that in addition to traditional domestic factors such as princes, courtiers, landlords, and ..., who generally opposed any changes, foreign forces of Russia and Britain were among the main opponents as well.