جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « capitalism » در نشریات گروه « علوم اجتماعی »

This article provides an introduction and critique of the book " Early Islam and the Birth of Capitalism" by Benedict Kohler. In this work, the author extensively uses historical evidence to argue that the motivation for wealth creation, entrepreneurship, engagement with free markets, and global trade has roots in the teachings of Islam and the culture of early Islamic centuries. In doing so, he critiques and complements Max Weber's idea in the famous book "The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism" and attempts to demonstrate that the origin of capitalism can be traced back not to the era of the Protestant Reformation in Europe but to the early Islamic period in the Arabian Peninsula. Although this book is a noteworthy interdisciplinary research with many innovative points, some serious criticisms can be addressed, including the lack of reference to primary sources, overlooking ongoing debates and ambiguities regarding the history of Islam due to the insufficient availability of clear and sufficient evidence from the first two centuries of Islam, the relatively low reliance of the author on Quranic verses, neglecting a nuanced understanding of capitalism, and adopting a reductionist approach towards religion in downplaying its role to mere ideology.

The main purpose of this article is to review the book "Consumption and Everyday Life" written by Mark Patterson, a contemporary American sociologist who is known as one of the experts in the field of consumption and sociology. This work is one of the fascinating and academic texts that has been written by researching the effects of consumerism in contemporary human life. According to the author of the work, the secret of the survival of today's capitalist system is to create a gap between production and consumption and even the transformation of human beings into consumer beings, whose identity and personality are often formed in the process of market and purchase. The present article uses Patterson's views as one of the fields of formation of sociology and believes that the views of Patterson, Bourdieu, and even Doserto can consolidate an independent field called sociology. Consumption in academic centers and scientific circles. The most important criticism that can be leveled at Patterson's views is the question of the resistance to today's consumerist order, which, ironically, was designed on the ground of consumerism. Criticizing this plan, the critic considers the approach of critical thinkers and using the capacity of "art" and "critical art" as a more desirable approach to reduce the undesirable effects of consumerism.

From the perspective of Fairclough critical discourse analysis, discourse analysis should focus on the following: 1) features of text language (text); 2) processes related to text production and consumption (discourse practice); 3) and the broader social practice to which that communication event belongs (social practice). With such a view, hip hop music is studied and the discourse of protest is analyzed. A brief reference is made to the history of the origin and mission of hip hop and that hip hop is an artistic answer to social problems, and then Fairclough's approach is used here in three levels of description, interpretation and explanation at the level of describing the meaning of hip hop and music theory. It has been identified and at the level of interpretation of the three intertextual components of hip hop music, namely postmodern sonnet, jazz and critical music and critical realism, and at the level of explanation, the relationship between hip hop music with society and power has been identified and tried during analysis. Critical discourse in hip hop music, the framework of Fairclough analysis, should be worked on properly, and in the end, hip hop music in Iran is discussed and its relationship with power is determined.

This article is based on a review of “Socialism: A Failed Idea That Never Dies” (by Kristian Niemietz). Where Niemietz believes that the idea of socialism is still alive despite its successive failures, I will argue that the problem is not that the "ideas" are dead or alive. Human mental phenomena include ideas, judgments, and wills. Ideas never die; whether it is the idea of socialism or the idea of God or the Idea of the dragon. The main issue is the rightness or wrongness of human will. Accordingly, I have tried to show, in a critical phenomenological way, that socialism is a will to failure. If it is repeated and experienced a thousand more times, it will achieve nothing but failure. On the contrary, and by historical experience, it is capitalist liberalism that has set before us the right and progressive will. For those of us who have stepped forward in the process of progress, the moral imperative is to put aside the socialist temptations of equal distribution. The beginning of our progress is to step on the path of production. Production and exchange of capital are the other words of free exchange and the right to freedom. It is only with this right that we can achieve ourselves in this worldly world.

The “New Left Thinkers” is undoubtedly one of the most controversial and newsworthy works of the late English philosopher, Roger Scruton, which has been published in recent decades as a critique of the new left thinkers. Scruton analyzed, and critiqued the most important contemporary philosophers in the last decades, aimed to decrypt the new speak of the left discourse. The most common aspect between these thinkers, more than anything else, is the distance from the right discourse. By critical reading, Scruton tried to simplify the idea, complex language, and complicated theories of the New Left. He wanted to show how these ideas were emerged in emotional reaction to the historical events of their time, and actually they were rooted in the human’s need for faith and belief in something. Although criticizing the mainstream of Scruton’s time is a courageous subject, special and scares, and we can admire Scruton for doing this, in final analysis of this work, I must say Scruton argued and criticized the new left in a way that he should be criticized too. In the other word we can criticize Scruton as the same point that he criticized and accused the new left. Regardless of the content of his arguments, as the methodological view, his approach to these texts is selective, unscientific and emotional. By critical reviewing of this book, I try to prove my claim about the selective and emotional approach of Scruton in this article. Without arguing the content of his discussions, as far as possible, I show that the value-based approach and believing in single truth, and anger and hated of the Left and the New Left are the basis of his argument in criticizing the personality of thinkers, selecting and describing their theory and finally Seizure as he desired the argument. He argued in the same way and the same style that he claimed the New Left did it.

In Explaining Postmodernism book, Stephen R. C. Hicks examines the historical and intellectual roots of the postmodern movement and shows the influence of Rousseau, Kant, and other philosophers on its creation and growth. From the position of defending the West and the capitalist system, he attacks hard on the postmodern current. He considers it the first coherent and decisive expression of anti-rationalism from Kant onwards and counts for its consequences such as metaphysical anti-realism, epistemological mentality, getting the feeling in the heart of value propositions, and as a result, relativism in the field of knowledge and value and underestimation of scientific work, and etc. The present article intends to critique Hicks'' views while providing a summary of his views. An attempt will be made to show how Hicks''s view on the unequivocal acceptance of the capitalist order influenced his report of the origins of postmodernism and the current state of the movement, leading to a reductionist and partisan analysis on his side.

The concept of neoliberalism has shaken the world of critical social sciences. The emergence of a global cause for creating an anti-neoliberal front has reinforced the notion that the neoliberal juggernaut is about to annihilate all contextual and institutional differences. Through a detailed use of four critical approaches to the Iranian political economy, this study examines the capacities of the aforementioned global account of neoliberalism to explain the complexities of triangular employment. According to the results, the triangular employment in Iran is unequivocally market-oriented, but the seemingly aloof stance of the state is of more analytical value in this case. Here the Iranian state uses the element of free-market to play the role of a party who could enjoy the inexpensive services of "Sherkati-ha" while remains unaccountable about their neglected rights and inadequate compensations. Hence, the global hegemony of neoliberalism is partially relevant in the case of "Sherkati-ha”. Yet, it is the state that not only keeps the macro-power of policy-making in modalities of precarious employment but also saves financial resources to keep its parasitic networks of waste and rent-seeking alive.

This book explains the impact of dirty money on the functioning of the global capitalist system. Raymond Baker introduces a three-loop interconnected chain of interactions, including lawlessness, inequality, and the philosophy of utilitarianism, as the Achilles' heel of capitalism which has provided the ground for the vulnerability of this system, especially in the twentieth century. Baker considers the restructuring of the free market system and the continuation of the optimal functioning of this system in the 21st century to be subject to serious reforms in the philosophy of capitalism, namely utilitarianism, with an emphasis on the theory of justice of John Rawls and Thomas Pogg. He believes that effective measures to reduce inequality in wealth within and between countries should be taken to reduce dirty money and debt forgiveness of developing countries. Baker also recommends institutional changes in the structure of the World Bank and the financial system of developed countries to reduce the creation and flow of dirty money from developing and transition countries. In this article, while evaluating the form and content of Baker's book, his innovations in the critique of the global capitalist system are presented from within and compared with other critiques of capitalism, and suggestions for updating the book are presented.

The purpose of this article is to evaluate the book entitled” Fundamentals of Political Economy”, which is presented from a Marxist point of view. The method of study is documentary and analytical. The result of the study is that the views of the work are criticized in terms of the production of material wealth, income distribution due to the ownership of the means of production, historical materialism, mode and relation of production, views on the laws of society, primitive man, language, labor theory of value, embodied labor, socially necessary labor time, money as a measure of value, surplus value, capitalist society, capital as the social relation of production, surplus labor, the fundamental contradiction of the capitalist system, the accumulation of capital and the deterioration of the conditions of workers and the industrial reserve army, land rent and large-scale production.

The new social movements (NSMs) are important phenomena that have been studying within the different fields of social sciences. Criticizing the established order and modernity's identity issues are some main features of NSMs. They create deep links between economic and cultural matters. From this viewpoint, NSMs are important subjects of researches drawing from critical theory. This article deals with the roots and roles of NSMs from the perspective of critical theory. It argues that NSMs are outcomes of persistent dominance relations under modernity and capitalism, while trying to eliminate the new mechanisms of exploitation and oppression.

The phenomenon of poverty, especially after industrialization, has gradually become a phenomenon with a spatial rotation and in the form of transition from rural and industrial phenomena to urban phenomena, and with the entry of the second stage of capital accumulation in cities, it is always reproducing poverty. For decades, the physical manifestation of this problem has been used under various headings, including urban slums, informal settlements, slums and so on. In this transition, different perspectives have been adopted at different levels in the world to deal with this phenomenon, and each of them has been the beginning of a dominant discourse on this issue. Each of these discourses, according to the political, economic and social demands and requirements of society, as well as the shortcomings of the ruling discourse, reconstructs its semantic system and presents it as an efficient and capable system in overcoming the problems of society. In this regard, at the global level, since the domination of capitalism until now, in the discourse of development, the discourse of culture of poverty and pathology, different views and methods have been adopted to deal with poverty and spontaneous urban settlements. These discourses have a direct impact on the national situation and have had an impact on the discourse in Iran in each period. In addition, the policies adopted in each period have had a direct impact on local conditions. In this research, the method of critical discourse analysis at the level of text and discourse practices has been used.

Nowadays, no cultural factor seems to be safe from the reign of consumption and commodification; it is even true for identity components. The cooperation of contemporary artists with commercial businesses, and reproduction of the logic of market is an example of cultural commodification in postmodern capitalism. As an instance, the renowned Iranian artist, “Farhad Moshiri” teamed up with Louis Vuitton, to dressing it’s windows and making custom tableaux for the brand's first stores in the UAE. Such cooperation might be considered as an important collaboration of art and market. Moshiri’s “Iranian” pop art, which contain distinct references to the cultural characters of Iran and middle east, was a suitable option for expanding the worldwide activities of an institution, which only justified the commercial and profiteering purposes by the ideological slogan of “interconnection of art and fashion”. The current study seeks to explain the Processes of collaboration of art and market by analyzing the Vuitton-Moshiri project as a “local postmodernism” discourse; and it is fulfilled by adopting the method of critical discourse analysis. The obtained results show that, contrary to the claim of “popularization” of art, this cooperation has no objective as the true general art's objective of letting people to “experience art”, and also encouraging awareness, but rather it is the utilization of art for praising the “consumerism”, and serving the market. Also the cultural identity will be trapped by commodification, if the cultural characters are utilized for art productions which are suitable for capitalization.

The purpose of this paper is to critically evaluate the book "Capitalism, Family and Personal Life." The author's question is how capitalism and feminism differentiate between two public and private spheres in the family. The researcher has come up with a part of the criticism by matching the translated text with the original text and looking at the sources of the subject. Then, by examining the text of the interpreter, he criticized the other part. But in general, the critical thinking method has been used to evaluate the book. The researcher's evaluation showed that, despite the complexity and complexity of the original text, the interpreter has provided a thorough and psychological translation of the book; nevertheless, given the fact that it was translated and published in Iran, it would have been better for the translator, at least as few footnotes as differences The West mentions with the Iranian community and Eastern societies with the West at different times. Despite the historical importance of the present book, given the content problems, methodological problems, facial problems and its very incomplete translation from the original text in Persian, it does not seem to suggest that a suitable source, as a textbook, be offered to students. If this book is supposed to be introduced at university, it needs major reforms.

Security is considered to be the basic needs and requirments of the individual and the community, that any lack or disturbance in it has dangerous cosequences and reflections. One of the most important components that promotes security and makes the society healthy and desirable is social capital.Social security is a desirable outcome of the impact of social capital on individual life and, consequently, on social life. In this regard, the present study aimed to investigate the effect of social capital on the sense of security. This is an applied study and also a descriptive research in which a survey was used to collect the data . The statistical population of the study are a number of 768 people , including all employees of Shahid Beheshti University, and simple random sampling method was use to select the participants. The library and field studies were used to collect the data. Furtheremore, the reliability of the questionnaire was approved using Cronbach’s alpha formula and also the validity of the data was verified using conent analysis. The Cronbach’s alpha was approved to be 0.899 for social security questionnaire, and 0.923 for sense of security questionnaire. To analyze the data, the regression test was used by SPSS software. The results showed that there is a positive and significant correlation between the dimensions of social capital (structural, cognitive and communication dimensions) and the sense of security.The coefficient of regression between the dimensions of social capital and the sense of security showed that all dimensions of social capital can positively and significantly predict the sense of security. Among the components of social capital, the communication dimension with the highest beta coefficient has the greatest effect on the prediction of security

The central issue of Ashraf in reviewing Iran's history is to explain the historical obstacles of the formation of the capitalist system of the bourgeoisie and civil society. Ashraf to Description of the above problem has used the concepts of "Asian system" and "feudal system" in Marx's thoughts, and the concepts of “Patrimonialism” and “the Oriental City” in the sociology of Max Weber. As he has used the native concept of the "Muluk-al-Tawaiifi” to analyze some of the characteristics of the social and political life of the nomadic societies and their effects on social and political life of Iran. Ashraf, one of the representatives of the discourse of democratic and capitalist development pattern based on the role of the middle class or bourgeoisie. Ashraf's views on the historical barriers of Iranian society development are remarkable at three levels of political, social and economic interconnectedness. The dominance of Asian systems and the patrimonial and the Muluk al-Tawaiifi in the political arena, Nomadic, rural, and urban community associations in the social arena And the unity of the methods of agricultural production and handicrafts were the factors that Ashraf has raised as historical obstacles to the realization of feudalism and the growth of "national capitalism" in Iranian history.

Michael Sandel(2012) criticizes the neoliberal policies that presented and implemented in many countries from 1970’s in his book ”What Money Cant Buy: The Moral Limits of Markets”. The Writer, in his book, has criticized a situation in which neoliberal policies has been led to commodification and monetization of social relations. He shows that how our daily and routine experiences have lost its social and collective aspect. The individuals asses and justify their incentives on the material profit (and loss)basis. This paper is structured in the framework of formal critique and content critique; The cases in this paper, are that there are important differences between them and so, we cannot include them the same. But, the writer categorizes all of them in just onecategory and presents similar explanation about all of them.This is the most important critique to the book that describes it as a book for”how we livein the market-oriented capitalist world”.

Islamic fundamentalism is the product of political modernity in the Middle East. This formation is due to the orientalist representation of the Islamic world. In the center of the West’s Representation policies, the political Islam and its embodied violence have been saw as the essential of Islam and considered as the collective spirit of Muslims. The outcome of this process is de-historicizing of Islamic world and myth-making out of it. One of the means of myth-making in the Islamic world is media reflection. The West has a widespread hegemony over publishing media images, one of the main media focuses of Islam and Muslims and consequently proliferating Islamophobia policies is publishing caricatures related to the Islam Prophet in recent years. Barthe’s mythology provides us with a critical outlook by means of which we can decode myth in the present time and decipher the basci ideology of it. This study, by taking into account the presupposition that images have social-historical implications, tries to semioticize the caricatures of the Prophet in the light of a mythological system. Finally, the latent myths in these caricatures have been revealed and their social-historical implications have been decoded. Islamic terrorism, the clash of civilizations and the end of history are myths propagated by these caricatures and naturalize the political Islam. The aim behind these myths is to defamiliarize the process of capital flow under the cover of war against terrorism and defense of expression freedom. These hegemonic images are process of systematic de-politicizing from global ravage and plunder which is guided by populist and conservative currents.