جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « colonialism » در نشریات گروه « علوم اجتماعی »

The current research aims to investigate the post-colonial approach and assess its theoretical possibilities for rethinking and reflecting on Iranian identity in the contemporary era. The present study is qualitative and based on a critical and comparative analysis of the post-colonial theory with an emphasis on identity and the issues that have made Iranian identity problematic. This investigation, which looks at the most important aspects of post-colonial theory, includes some of the important opinions and ideas in the field of contemporary identity in Iran, which can be compared in terms of common concerns. Although Iran is one of the few countries that has not been directly colonized, it is not free from the problems of the colonial era, and in the identification of the recent era, it has faced the same problems that were raised in the post-colonial approach. Considering the multi-layered identity and their always complicated relationship, the important issue in this study is the quality of establishing a relationship between the components of the Iranian identity with each other on the one hand, and at the same time, facing the other in a new situation. Based on the post-colonial approach, redefining the Iranian identity requires a new rethinking of emerging identity requirements, which, on the one hand, requires taking a critical stance towards the dominance of the assumptions of the orientalist discourse and a passive tendency towards it, and on the other hand, must try to avoid the negative pole. In this regard, it is possible to avoid reactive and passive localism. Thus, in the context of the post-colonial era and context, away from the inherent epistemological dualisms, the possibility of establishing a new knowledge system based on the belief that identity is constructed, as well as the so-called hybrid nature of identity, is an important issue of redefining the identity of Iranians in the new era. Such a new rethinking is necessary for active interaction in the current world and for adopting a position beyond historical love and hatred.

"Sound of Silence" is a reflection on one of the works of Abdulrazak Gurnah, an African novelist who won the Nobel Prize for Literature, in 2021. The purpose of the article is to examine the signs of interactions between the two social worlds of the colonizer and the colonized, which, like the suffering engraved on the consciousness/unconsciousness of the narrator, encourages a writer like Gurnah to write about his destiny. The whole life of the author/narrator has been involved in colonialism and post-colonialism, and this is what imposes the post-colonial theoretical and methodological framework of this writing. The book "Admiring Silence" somehow expresses an ambivalent and shadowy whole that has one end in the homeland and the other end in exile. The book describes and compares the painful odysseys of sounds, colors, cultures, geographies, politics, etc. The main structure of the story and the driving force of the adventures are formed by dualities based on time, place, language, personality, culture and society. According to the historical nature of such novels, Gurnah's story has also put a human effort on paper to be the voice of Subalterns. His success rate is fluctuating and ambiguous. This silent work is expression of wounds.

Following the Enlightenment movement and then the French Revolution, competition between the great European powers for access to Iran intensified, on the other side the Tsarist Russia did play another role in these competitions. Unlike Russia, which used military means to open her way to European boarders and the Far East, European powers pursued their goals with the Enlightenment ideas alongside with economic investment. At the same time, some Iranian intellectuals emerged who put the same goals of the Enlightenment movement at the forefront of their activities. With the aim of promoting Iran, they tried to spread some new instructions such as the rule of law in Iran. It was thought that if Iran follows the same attitude as Europe, it would soon achieve progress and growth. These people not only did not pay enough attention to the requirements of the civilization, but also did not pay attention to the fact that the new civilization also has a colonial aspect that is contemporaneous with the new ideas. With the descriptive-analytical method of research, this study shows that these intellectuals did not have a critical approach to these categories and as a result, instead of establishing an idea according to the custom of the country, they took the path of imitating something that could not prevent the colonial risk upon.

Sheikh Fazullah Nouri embodies a political and cultural movement in Iran whose foremost concern is the preservation of the nation's religious identity and its autonomy across economic, social, and political domains. Terrorism, colonialism, and the preservation of the nation's independence were among the matters that occupied his attention in Iran. This matter positioned him among the forerunners of the Iranian legitimate constitutional movement and the tobacco movement. By leveraging his profound understanding of the underpinnings of Western civilization and culture, Sheikh Fazlullah directed his campaigns primarily towards safeguarding the dignity of the Iranian people, preserving the role of religion in the nation's unity and independence, and severing the foreign influence over the country's destiny. Principally the two currents of foreign colonialism and internal westernism opposed Sheikh Fazlullah. These factions viewed the Sheikh as an impediment to their objectives. Ultimately, Sheikh Fazlullah gave his life to defend the religion and fight for Iran's independence. By employing a descriptive and analytical approach, this article examines the intellectual underpinnings and facets of Sheikh Fazlullah's Iranian independence movement and liberation from colonial rule.

After the first encounters of Iranian with the west and their familiarity with the westerns governing and their astonishment at science progress there, Iranian lagging behind from the west was become a certain issue for our country thinkers and intellectuals and also it continues yet. In order to solve the concept of Iranian historical decline and their backwardness from the west, Ali Shariati and Abdolkarim Soroush views as two most influential Iranian intellectuals was used in this research. Indeed, they were chosen since both of them are two most prominent thinkers who belongs to different social conditions before and after the Iranians Islamic revolution respectively. Therefore, compare of their ideas about the reasons of Iran’s civilization decline and backwardness from the west would lead to better perception of the mentioned issue. For this purpose, the qualitative content analysis was utilized. According to the results, Shariati believed that stupefication or estehmar (it is an innovation concept by Shariati) is the most mainly reason of the Iranian historical decline and backwardness and also the solution is reform of both agency and structure by return to noble Islamic ideology. In addition, Soroush is of the opinion that lack of experimental sciences growth, lack of concept of right, despotism and colonialism as well are mainly reasons of Iranian historical decline and backwardness. Furthermore, his opinion is way of development passes through the scientific development. Moreover, both of them believed that religion is not cause of either the development or backwardness instinctively. Although Shariati believed that there is a potential in religion which could be helpful to reform Iranian society. Conversely Soroush believes that, in general, religion is not able to provide all human beings worldly needs. so he has suggested empirical science against the discourse of returning to Islamic ideology for Iranian society development.

Orientalism has considerably aided to establish and rule the occident civilization on the way of imperialism’s interests. The main goal has been de-identification and de-civilization from the orient (especially Islam). These purposes have followed by west not only in the political and economical aspects, but also in the scientific and speculative aspects (e.g. some social theories). This article seeks to reveal the modality of deconstruction of orientalism as well as paying attention to distinctions of the Islamic civilizational identity contained in Sayyed Hasan Nasrallah’s discourse. In this regard, the discourse analysis (with emphasis on the Colonial D.A.) and full sampling among 853 e-documents concerning Sayyed Hasan Nasrallah’s statements have been applied. The findings and results have been articulated in 12 axes: 1- constructing dimensions of identity, 2- threatening dimensions of identity, 3- the identity inversion from the side of colonialists, 4- the identity neutralization from the side of Islamic agents, 5- the essence and dimensions of the Islamic culture, 6- the significance and role of Iran’s Islamic revolution, 7- the apocalyptic and futuristic discourse, 8- right-and-wrong’s civilizational combat, 9- dimensions and examples of the multi-lateral enemy’s plots, 10- dimensions and examples of the real condition of enemies, 11- strengthening dimensions and examples of Islam’s civilization and culture, 12- the juridical discourse. 

From the early modern period and with the beginning of the political domination of the West in different parts of the world, including the East, the traditional interactions of East and West turned to new issues, and the need to know about new places was considered by Europeans for various reasons. From the seventeenth century onwards, there has been a close connection between Orientalism, as a profession and occupation, and the expansion of European trade, and eventually between imperialism and colonialism. With this approach, their view of other civilizations, especially the Orientals, changed with a sense of superiority and the need to dominate them. Eastern thinkers came up with different ways of dealing with the West. Although the critique of Orientalism began methodically after World War II, the grounds for this critique date back to before World War I and the emergence of national movements in the East. The purpose of these movements was to challenge the political and cultural hegemony of the West. Kasravi’s thoughts were formed at such a time; he was the first researcher in Iran and the East to deal with the issue of Orientalism, although not in a methodical and coherent way. Kasravi’s method of struggle in both areas was somewhat different from the others. It was during this literary struggle that he realized the nature of the research of some Orientalists on the issue of colonialism. The present study seeks to determine what approach Kasravi took in relation to Orientalist studies. The findings of the research show that Kasravi criticized Oriental studies and Orientalists in two respects. First, pointed out the fundamental flaws in the achievements of the West in order to free Iranians of the feeling of shame. Second, he expounded on the relation between Orientalism and colonialism, claiming these scholars to be keeping the Iranians in the past to preserve the domination of the colonial governments.

The present study that is carried out using the analytical approach of the cultural semiotics is a play that is written in the context of the modern Iranian dramatic literature and it reviews its theatrical structure in the semiotic sphere of the 14th century SH. as an intercultural phenomenon using cultural semiotics. Considering the presence of the European/Central American culture as the cultural 'Other' in the mentioned century, the ways of dealing with this 'Other' in the post-colonial space have been explained and reviewed. In the present study, the Sāedi’s approach for the cultural translation of theater from the cultural sphere of Western theater and the mechanism of encountering the diachronic and synchronic 'Others' have been studied by the analysis of the mechanism of absorption and exclusion in the play ā-yi bā kulāh ā-yi bī kulāh. The post-colonial study of this mechanism in Saedi's work indicates that the mechanism of Sāedi's confrontation with the 'Other' is a mechanism that considers the fear of the 'Other' and its danger as a presupposition and by excluding a part of the diachronic culture as the traditions and excluding the parts of the 'Other' from it, as well as excluding the dominant and formal discourse of power, suggests the confrontation with the 'Other' based on the consciousness.

Usage of mental levers alongside the physical pressures is included among the tools of colonialists for controlling those being dominated so that there would be a suitable justification in the face of interrogation of awakened consciences and just judgements, not to mention satisfactory and voluntary contentment and accompaniment of those being under yoke. Such mental levers are injected into the society more in the shape of “acquisition-based” and “determinism-based” theories in order to introduce usage of such interests as their natural or acquisitive right by showing that the dominators are beneficiaries. These theories have been founded upon anthropological principles, the revelation of which is not tended by the imperialistic system, but it has tried to keep it concealed deliberately in order to prevent from fiasco. The author of this article seeks to find the anthropological principles of “acquisition-based” theories of the imperialistic system. Highlighting the aspects of “ego-centeredness” and “race-centeredness” includes basic topics of these principles which have considered “fact-finding” and even “fact-making” as monopolizing feature of the “dominators” and have introduced them to be competent and necessary leader and realizer of interests and even a criterion for “prosperity” and “prosperity-thriving”.

This article seeks to address the process of formation and hegemony of the  Westoxification discourse in Iran. In identifying the mechanism of conflict and social conflict, Laclau and Mouffe's theory of discourse is one of the most effective methods that has been chosen as the framework and strategy for the forthcoming research. Relying on this theory, we find that the Westoxification discourse, the image of the Westernist discourse of modernism and modernization, is a picture of the increasing divisions and divisions of subjects' identities formed during the domination of the Western industrial industrial paradigm and economic-political dependence. After presenting such an image and using the grounds that it creates in creating instability and restlessness in the discourse of the government, using the sign of "originality and identity", he rejected and marginalized the signs of the Western discourse of the government and by alienating from the West, it provides the necessary conditions for the comprehensive dismantling of its rival discourse and its hegemony.

Ethnic issues have posed a number of challenges for some countries, and the acute form of these challenges, ie Pan-Islamism, has sometimes brought governments into crisis. One of the areas facing the challenge of Islamism is Iran's west and northwest. Various factors have influenced the emergence of ethnic challenges and especially Pan-Kurdishism in this region.

This is an applied and survey research. The statistical population of the study consisted of 50 faculty members of Political Science, Social Sciences and Security Sciences Department of Amin University of Medical Sciences. SPSS was used for analysis.

The results showed that three categories of cross-border, regional and international factors have an impact on the development of Pan-Kurdishism in this region and international factors with the mean of 3.83 have the most effect.

The epic poetry of Khezar-e Sharqi, the most famous literary work of the Prophets, consisting of 14,000 bits, is composed of the imitation and weight of Ferdowsi's Shahnameh. The vast array of literary information from different Islamic and different languages of the old and its Persian and Arabic dialects caused its poetry to be mixed with information and knowledge. . Adeib wrote the pre-Quran in the description of "The William II" of the German emperor and the German battles in the First World War against Britain and his allies. Homeland and love were the independence of the country, religion and literature. He did not consider any sin greater than betraying his homeland. This article introduces us to one of the most prominent elements of his poetry that is patriotic.

In this article is provided for analytical documentary attempts to answer this question, Why Iranian society lagged of development? In this direction, the books were written by Iranian theoreticians were analyzed, the outcome of which are the following: 1. theorists who consider the Iran''s underdevelopment paradigm is structure of society. These theorists argue that authoritarian structure and the growth of capitalism in this structure are reasons of underdevelopment of Iran. What is the genesis of the components of authorityin Iran were, the focus of economic and political, cultural structure immature and impaired learning communities, But what causes the development of capitalism in Iran, has been insecurity because of the fear of confiscation by the despotism brokers. 2- Theorists who consider the paradigm of Ounderdevelopment of the agency community. These theorists believe that the action of the Iranian society activists in Iran is causing of underdevelopment. The most important of these cultural elements must point to the ethos of Iranians, especially the illiterate public, seeking out Ghrbzgy and elite plumbing.3- theorists who consolidated the paradigm of underdevelopment Iran. These theorists believe that, in addition to the structure and functionality, they have to point to military attacks, external attacks and noted the role of colonialism.

The questions of the nature of the Western civilization and the way to confront it have been among important questions for Muslim politicians and thinkers, in the last two centu-ries. In this research, Ayatollah Motahari’s views on the West and the way to deal with it are studied. The main questions in this paper are: can Islamic and Western civilizations bor-row from each other intellectually and is there any limitation in such a borrowing, from Motahari’s view? While he argues that the West’s borrowings from the Islamic civilisation played an important role in the formation of the modern Western civilisation, he believes that the latter suffers from many weaknesses, which are related to its philosophical founda-tions and can also be seen in its political thought and practice. Motahari sees colonialism as the darkest point in the process of exchange between the West and Muslim societies. In principle, he is pessimist about the Western civilisation, though acknowledges its achieve-ments in some aspects such as science and technology and even in the promotion of justice. He does not refute Muslims’ adoption from the West, but renounces any attempt at dissolv-ing Islamic identity within the Western civilisation or following the latter’s deficiencies. He does not see the civilisation as a package that must be adopted or rejected as a whole, nor does he see it an integrated civilization with no differentiation between its constituent soci-eties.

This paper is an attempt to suggest an alternative theoretical apparatus for sociological analysis of modernity in Iran. The sociological analysis of modernity in Iran often has based on presuppositions of classical sociology and Modernization theory. The evolutional approach of these theories prevents the achievement of adequate explanations for modernity in Iran. Multiple Modernities approach has presented an analytical framework for crossing the limits of Modernization theory in the analysis of modernity, but also this approach suffers from some ambiguities and shortcomings: scrutiny of S. N. Eisenstadt’s theory of Multiple Modernities shows his ignorance of the impact of imperialism, colonialism and otherness processes in the extension of modernity from European countries to other parts of the world. The role of creative agency in the development of modernity in non-western societies is also underestimated in his work. Another problem in his theory is related to the level and the units of analysis. Regarding above issues, this paper tries to move forward from the theory of Multiple Modernities and suggests a multi-level theoretical apparatus for the analysis of modernity in Iran. This theoretical apparatus analyzes modernity in five levels contains world system, colonial confrontation, societal modernity, modern social movements and modern agency.​

The water crisis in Iran is so violent that Iranian social life can be thought of as possessed by the shattered environment. Meanwhile, it seems that the State has a key role to reverse this condition. But, we can ask whether the current Iranian State has the capability to do so, theoretically and practically? To answer the question firstly, I will demonstrate that any resolution to water crisis in Iran demands social strategy(and not only economic strategy); secondly, historically speaking, the dominance of Capitalism-Colonialism paradigm both effects the politics of State on one side, and the Iranian social life on the other, resulting in the dominance of “Market System” mechanisms in political structure and its consequences on the economic and cultural structure hence the water crisis in Iran in recent years; thirdly, if the State were environmentalist, it could theoretically and practically “transform” the institutions which exacerbate the water crisis in Iran.
This paper, via historical and documentary studies, demonstrates that historically in Iran the phobia from Autocratic State results in the dominance of Capitalism-Colonialism paradigm in the decision-making system; consequently , mechanisms of “Market System” (privatization and to make competitive)are deemed as highly acceptable and win legitimacy in political as well as economic and cultural spheres. These exacerbate the water crisis thus the resolution lies in “transforming “of aforementioned paradigm through developing institutions pertaining to the “Environmentalist State”.

Colonized and the colonizers, especially in the third world country MvzvHay one of the most important writers of contemporary history that is often given a place in it. Simin Daneshvar, including writers who have explored this issue in his DastanHay. In this study the issue of colonialism and the island RmanHay wandering, wandering camel driver and Leaves of Grass analytical methods have been studied.
Addressing the social and cultural programs, colonial states such as schools, AnjmnHa and parties to promote colonial culture, the most important issue of the Journal. Colonial countries through language, art, architecture and family MyKvshnd colonies from their native culture poor people and to humiliate their culture, their culture, their preferred alternative; cultural population to those without mobility the political and social events turn.
Being a puppet rulers, established parties and SazmanHa, the power of the people, eliminate opponents, assassination, JbhhHay anti-colonial, colonial ties with the countries of colonialism, including political issues that are in the works Made reflected. Journal of economic issues and less attention AsharhHayy has become the country to foreign goods.He has worked as indirectly through the figures and literary techniques, and strategies VaqytHay represent the cultural, political and economic colonialism highlight for our readers.Countries that are culturally Astmagr to promote their culture including art, architecture, language, culture and national KarbranShan worthless colonial countries in terms of their effectsThey play in the context of family propaganda ArzshHayy leading to the disintegration of the family in this country evenly. Daneshvar's also the political role of the colonial countries have shown interest.Parties, political institutions, creating a conflict between different segments of society, bringing people into the ranks of the political MnsbHay, conflict of interests between the colonial countries, the fight against colonial powers and their impact on the lives of indigenous people, including issues Simin Daneshvar, which examines the policy is paid.Journal of economic issues received less attention has become more of a market for foreign goods hinted.Through his artistic arrangements created especially ShkhsytHay fiction and dialogue between them, these issues have been highlighted for its readers. ShkhsytHay DastanHay he somehow reflect colonial ideas, for instance the story of the island wandering bon symbol of women in family relations MyPzyrnd impact of Western ideas and their families breakdown Shvnd.
The story of the men and Krasly ShkhsytHayy Tavassoli are intended to promote national culture and native West play through them down evenly. ShkhsytHayy such as pick-and thus means a member of the Party for the sake of their own political party MyKvshnd. The dialogue between art and cultural programs colonialist seeks singer Salim meanings. A. Khan embodies ShkhsytHayy through colonial dependency to your desired position MyRsnd. Brocade chat with KhanvadhAsh, this result suggests that Southern culture is taught comes Asmargr countries, thereby eliminating the native language and culture, or of secondary importance lie in the colonial culture and promote  .he story of the men and Krasly ShkhsytHayy Tavassoli are intended to promote national culture and native West play through them down evenly.novelist, colonialism, culture, politics and economics

The Islamic Revolution enjoyed unique features in its time; when two geopolitical poles of the East and West and all other currents were identified with their specific worldviews in the directions of the said two poles. The two main global poles at the time of the Islamic Revolution were the Soviet Union and the United States and regional and extra-regional equations and interactions were determined by referring to one of the said poles. But the Islamic Revolution of Iran was a kind of evasion of the two domineering currents and introduction of a new pole. This new pole was formed on the basis of specific discourses, the most important of which were anti-colonial geopolitical discourse and geopolitics of resistance. Attempts have been made in this paper to restudy the geopolitical discourse of the Islamic Revolution through descriptive-analytical method to explain the geopolitical features of the Islamic Revolution. The contention of this paper is that identity confrontation of meaning-matter and idealism-physicalism is among the most important elements of the geopolitical discourse of the Islamic Revolution.