جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « foucault » در نشریات گروه « علوم اجتماعی »

In achieving frameless art within the scope of conceptual one, the approach of contemporary art is to utilize the technological revolution and emphasize interaction between audience and the work of art, taking into account the environmental concepts. Ecological art, as one of the most contemporary art forms, represents a new avant-garde style through its treatment of the environmental crisis. The environmental degradation has created a common space for the actors to represent the interaction of different discourses of knowledge, including the different dimensions of science in understanding this issue. By this way, this research is necessary to explain the art-science interaction in ecological art and understand the discursive relations in contemporary art; hence, it is carried out by studying the representation of the interaction between the above two with a critical approach to the environmental crisis as well as the discursive formation in Foucault's reading of episteme. This paper tries to study the discursive formation of ecological art based on science with the assumption of the synergy of art-science as the discursive platform of contemporary art in representing the environmental crisis. The research method in explaining the discursive rules of ecological art is based on the epistemological description in the theory Foucault, which is based on library resources. Using a variety of experimental, interactive, and participatory techniques, contemporary ecological art can regenerate the discursive space of the environmental crisis through interaction between scientific institutions based on scientific research. The art-science relationship can be considered a schema of the epistemology of our time.

This paper investigates the discourses of Covid-19 on Twitter and Instagram in Iran. Based on Foucault’s perspective on discourse and power, we have found the dominant discourses on these two social media platforms. Further, we have analyzed their relationships with the power relations in Iran as well as the hegemonic discourse. This research has been conducted using mixed methods. Following on Saldana’s two-step coding method, we analyzed a representative sample of 4,165,177 tweets and 4,919,839 Instagram posts, collected from January 21st to April 29th. Research findings showed that there were 71 micro-level and 16 macro-level discourses shaped on these two platforms. Our results showed that Instagram users mostly had a non-political and non-critical approach toward the COVID-19 pandemic in Iran. Also, the discourse of public negligence was among the dominant discourses on Instagram, but it had not gained much attention on Twitter. among the dominant discourses on Instagram, but it had not gained much attention on Twitter.This paper investigates the discourses of Covid-19 on Twitter and Instagram in Iran. Based on Foucault’s perspective on discourse and power, we have found the dominant discourses on these two social media platforms. Further, we have analyzed their relationships with the power relations in Iran as well as the hegemonic discourse. This research has been conducted using mixed methods. Following on Saldana’s two-step coding method, we analyzed a representative sample of 4,165,177 tweets and 4,919,839 Instagram posts, collected from January 21st to April 29th. Research findings showed that there were 71 micro-level and 16 macro-level discourses shaped on these two platforms. Our results showed that Instagram users mostly had a non-political and non-critical approach toward the COVID-19 pandemic in Iran. Also, the discourse of public negligence was among the dominant discourses on Instagram, but it had not gained much attention on Twitter. among the dominant discourses on Instagram, but it had not gained much attention on Twitter.This paper investigates the discourses of Covid-19 on Twitter and Instagram in Iran. Based on Foucault’s perspective on discourse and power, we have found the dominant discourses on these two social media platforms. Further, we have analyzed their relationships with the power relations in Iran as well as the hegemonic discourse. This research has been conducted using mixed methods. Following on Saldana’s two-step coding method, we analyzed a representative sample of 4,165,177 tweets and 4,919,839 Instagram posts, collected from January 21st to April 29th. Research findings showed that there were 71 micro-level and 16 macro-level discourses shaped on these two platforms. Our results showed that Instagram users mostly had a non-political and non-critical approach toward the COVID-19 pandemic in Iran. Also, the discourse of public negligence was among the dominant discourses on Instagram, but it had not gained much attention on Twitter. among the dominant discourses on Instagram, but it had not gained much attention on Twitter.This paper investigates the discourses of Covid-19 on Twitter and Instagram in Iran. Based on Foucault’s perspective on discourse and power, we have found the dominant discourses on these two social media platforms. Further, we have analyzed their relationships with the power relations in Iran as well as the hegemonic discourse. This research has been conducted using mixed methods. Following on Saldana’s two-step coding method, we analyzed a representative sample of 4,165,177 tweets and 4,919,839 Instagram posts, collected from January 21st to April 29th. Research findings showed that there were 71 micro-level and 16 macro-level discourses shaped on these two platforms. Our results showed that Instagram users mostly had a non-political and non-critical approach toward the COVID-19 pandemic in Iran. Also, the discourse of public negligence was among the dominant discourses on Instagram, but it had not gained much attention on Twitter. among the dominant discourses on Instagram, but it had not gained much attention on Twitter.This paper investigates the discourses of Covid-19 on Twitter and Instagram in Iran. Based on Foucault’s perspective on discourse and power, we have found the dominant discourses on these two social media platforms. Further, we have analyzed their relationships with the power relations in Iran as well as the hegemonic discourse. This research has been conducted using mixed methods. Following on Saldana’s two-step coding method, we analyzed a representative sample of 4,165,177 tweets and 4,919,839 Instagram posts, collected from January 21st to April 29th. Research findings showed that there were 71 micro-level and 16 macro-level discourses shaped on these two platforms. Our results showed that Instagram users mostly had a non-political and non-critical approach toward the COVID-19 pandemic in Iran. Also, the discourse of public negligence was among the dominant discourses on Instagram, but it had not gained much attention on Twitter. among the dominant discourses on Instagram, but it had not gained much attention on Twitter.

In the context of the governmentality concept that introduced by Michel Foucault in 1980; The institution of power ideology with its related components, has spatial consequence. So that, by reaching this ideology to position of power; They produce their own social and cultural border. So, Territorial identity in the governmentality concept framework consists of a set of symbols that are articulated by the government socio-political discourse and resistance of some social forces against it at a particular period in history. In this view, identity boundaries have no natural aspect, but they are constructed phenomenon, that has been established over time by political power as a collective memory and it is possible to rebuild it in the future. In this article; has been attempted by using the Michel Foucault's governmentality theoretical theme; be investigated how was formulated territorial identity in the era of Samani dynasty (900-999 A.D). In this regard, the articulation of national identity in the Samani rule era was represented based on combined reading the political ideas of ancient Iran and Islam. Also, the promotion of Persian as a standard language; strengthened Intersubjective subscriptions among the people, in the relative attribution to the mythical kings of ancient Iran provided the identity borders construction legitimacy by the political apparatus of Samanid, by creating ancient lineage for ruling dynasties and by inserting it in ancient texts (in the form of the relationship between knowledge and power) was used to establish intersubjective subscriptions in society.

In this article, we propose a technique for implementing discourse analysis. In this sense, discourse is closely related to the concept of praxis, owing to its theoretical and philosophical roots. Based on this intellectual background, discourse can be considered to have practical material aspects to the extent that discourse and praxis can be analyzed together. The significance of this perception is that it both frees discourse from mental perceptions and turns praxis into an empirically measurable concept. This technique has a more concrete validity criterion and is less dependent on the researcher's mentality. The result of the research, by reviewing an example, shows how to extract meaningful signs that together form a coherent system. In this approach, discourse is studied as a language game that evaluate subject and object intertwined. This technique is more compatible with combined theories in contemporary sociology.

The concept of sexuality plays an important role in the formation of values ​​of the modern world and current Iran. Despite the importance and changes in sexuality, little attention has been paid to this theoretical field. This study is a narrative review of the most important theoretical approaches to sexuality and its essence. The method used in this article is narrative review and has been done in six states; Identifying credible sources, categorizing sexuality theories, selecting and introducing the most cited theories, identifying commonalities and differentiating of theories, synthesis theories based on their commonalities and logical compatibility, and evaluating theories. After investigating the literature, the researchers found that Michel Foucault (1929-1984) is the most important and influential theorist in sexuality. Generally, theoretical approaches to sexuality included “Gay Liberation Theories”, Theories of “Sexuality Constructionism”, “Queer Theories”, and “Transgender Theories”. Regarding the mentioned theoretical approaches, sexuality is defined as a set of values, rules, and social beliefs about sex. Sexuality is social construction, or inherent sexual orientation of individuals. Furthermore, capitalist economic system and its developmental plans have shaped Western sexuality. The sexuality in the modern times resulted in the reproduction control, family-system control and the definition of distinct sexual identities. These consequences, on the one hand, leads to sexual repression and on the other, makes sex the nodal point of modern discourses. After evaluating theories of sexuality, it is understood that the theories proposed after Foucault are an extension of his concepts. These theories have been formed in response to marginal sex/gender groups and issues.

The core of the monster's emergence, according to Foucault, is a mixture or hybrid that emerges at the junction of nature and law and challenges order. The main purpose of this paper is to study the concept of the monster from Foucault's perspective and to analyze the place of this concept in Foucault's thought. This is done in order to be able to use the concept of the monster in connection with visual representation in art. Our questions in this study are: How did Foucault conceptualize the monster in the various coordinates and dimensions of his thought? Given the fundamental importance of the issue of representation in the Las Minenas painting by Velasquez and Foucault's special attention to this work of art in this regard, what is the relationship between Foucault's monster and visual representation in this work? ? This research has been done with a content analysis approach and analytical-descriptive method and the results show that for Foucault the monster is an autonomous, violent, but ultimately natural form of the abnormal and how Foucault encounters the concept of the monster primarily is associated with decentralization of the normal. In Las Minenas painting, monsters are the ones who distort the order of representation or are basically out of representation.

In Explaining Postmodernism book, Stephen R. C. Hicks examines the historical and intellectual roots of the postmodern movement and shows the influence of Rousseau, Kant, and other philosophers on its creation and growth. From the position of defending the West and the capitalist system, he attacks hard on the postmodern current. He considers it the first coherent and decisive expression of anti-rationalism from Kant onwards and counts for its consequences such as metaphysical anti-realism, epistemological mentality, getting the feeling in the heart of value propositions, and as a result, relativism in the field of knowledge and value and underestimation of scientific work, and etc. The present article intends to critique Hicks'' views while providing a summary of his views. An attempt will be made to show how Hicks''s view on the unequivocal acceptance of the capitalist order influenced his report of the origins of postmodernism and the current state of the movement, leading to a reductionist and partisan analysis on his side.

The present study is a kind of poststructuralist study of disease and its perception mechanisms that tries to formulate a form of theoretical and conceptual medical sociology. Here, with the help of some theoretical capacities of Foucault and Lacan, we tried to provide conceptual implications on the perception of disease and the processes of its formation. Foucault's theory of hermeneutics of the self, and the Lacanian concept of the symbolic, give different implications for the perception of disease and how it is formed; implications that despite the distinctions, are based on similar fundamental propositions. According to the ontological aspects of both thinkers, the body is a field of writing that is coded and encoded by symbolic signifiers. Therefore, the perception of disease is an analytical cognition resulting from the re-reading of the pathological symptoms on the body text. Reading is formed by intersecting body text with medical discourse and specialized knowledge as the overlay text. A final point is the recognition of the mechanism of intertextuality in the perception of disease, according to which the body text is interpreted as a priori and inclusive text by encountering medical discourse.

Taking and prescribing medicine has a specific treatment protocol that doctors can prescribe for people according to different diseases. However, there are some drugs and supplements in the Iranian market that are used not only for therapeutic purposes but also for the purpose of beauty and increasing bodily functions. These secondary uses are regulated and managed by the market with some existing cultural discourses about health and body, which are normalized and normalized in individuals. In other words, part of the problem is the practice and set of rules at the macro level, and the other part is the result of cultivating discourses that provide the conditions for these drugs. On the other hand, special body diets and the importance of the body, the induction of drug use has increased, which leads people to make decisions in order to consolidate a certain pattern of use of these drugs. It is not always in the interest of individuals, in fact, where individuals' decisions lead to satisfaction that is not in their favor, these decisions form a market equilibrium that is in the market's favor, where it benefits the most. These conditions provide opportunities for it puts people and the market to achieve their goal through irrational and profitable ways and processes. The Ministry of Health is trying to play its role as a regulator and on the other hand as a supporter of the pharmaceutical industry, but due to the expansion of the market for these drugs in Iran, there is no proper oversight of their treatment protocol and economy.

This treatise on qualitative practice, i.e. interview, documentary method, and content analysis, has addressed this issue. Drug laws and regulations, press releases upstream documents, and reports have been reviewed, in addition to in-depth socio-cultural issues of in-depth 65 interviews with consumers and stakeholders and officials have been used in this area. In order to analyze the data, the thematic analysis method was used.

  The research findings are based on a multifaceted process: Institutional level: The role of regulatory institutions in the marketing process and the role of existing policies in the country's pharmaceutical system in the field of hormonal drugs. The second level is the coordinates and relationships of the main actors, in other words. In this study, we address the most important subjects of the hormonal drug market in this logic. The third: cultural discourse, where medical and quasi-medical discourses remove consumer subjects from the heart of marketing processes.  In fact, the policies of the field of hormonal drugs, by objectifying their subjects as members of society and also in constructing them, try to show that subjects themselves have the freedom and freedom to choose to buy and consume, that is, the subject who is the elector and can determine the goals and tools to achieve those goals.

marketization is the product of a mechanism of three aspects of the problem, each of which cannot explain the phenomenon of marketization without other markets or marketing is the mechanisms that affect the expansion of the market for hormonal drugs. A set, or in other words, a network of actions in the political-economic and cultural fields, plays an important role in the normalization and maintenance of these technologies and knowledge and the construction of a bio-political subject. Bio-politics emphasizes the flourishing of life and shapes marketing projects through regulatory changes and disciplinary norms in the form of a lifestyle.  That is, all the mechanisms that make it possible for the body to consume certain conditions, are more inclusive of the decisive and authoritarian tools of power.with some existing cultural discourses about health and body, are normalized and normalized in individuals. In other words, part of the problem is the practice and set of rules at the macro level, and the other part is the result of cultivating discourses that provide the conditions for these drugs. On the other hand, special body diets and the importance of the body, the induction of drug use has increased, which leads people to make decisions in order to consolidate a certain pattern of use of these drugs. It is not always in the interest of individuals, in fact, where individuals' decisions lead to satisfaction that is not in their favor, these decisions form a market equilibrium that is in the market's favor, where it benefits the most. These conditions provide opportunities for It puts people and the market to achieve their goal through irrational and profitable ways and processes. the Ministry of Health is trying to play its role as a regulator and on the other hand as a supporter of the pharmaceutical industry, but due to the expansion of the market for these drugs in Iran, there is no proper oversight of their treatment protocol and economy.

This article reviews Michel Foucault’s late work, entitled What Is Critique and the Care of the Self, which deals with both the content of the book and its Persian translation. Foucault’s most recent work, especially in this book, deals with the subject of Kantian Enlightenment and the question of the ethics of taking care of a particular attitude to the subject and its governance and upbringing to express its critical view of modernity and social and moral structures. What is Foucault’s critique of the Kantian epistemological approach to the question of “what can I know?” Redirects to the critical question and believes that critique is a redefined movement that gives the subject the right to know the truth about his power effects and the power of his truth discourses. Ask a question. Concerning the second part of the book, one can also summarize Foucault’s words about his upbringing in his aesthetic attitude, something that Foucault himself emphasizes. He believes that it is an artwork in itself. An art work that everybody has to make, and everybody has it in their own way. Regarding the evaluation of the Persian translation of this book, it can be said that although it has been translated into fluent and fluent language, the lack of an introduction by the Persian translators and the lack of a profile and last references of the book and some incorrect translations of Latin terminology are some of the shortcomings of this work.

Abstract The policy of Compulsory "Unveiling" was implemented in January 1936 (Dāy 1314) as the official policy of the First Pahlavi Regime, and accordingly, women were forced to unveil by the police force. In September 1943, during the Second Pahlavi era, the government ordered to eliminate the term "compulsory" in this policy. This article is studying the resistance of social actors, in particular women's agency, to the implementation of this law and will show that in three main periods, from 1927 to 1935, and from 1935 to 1941, and from 1941 to 1943, three different forms of resistance against unveiling has been formed. The beginning of World War II in 1939 and the occupation of Iran by the Allies in 1941 are the most important structural changes that have provided context for action of social actors. The Second Pahlavi required that the clergy (Ulamā) support his monarchy or at least they do not disagree with it. This is another important change that helps the institutional revival of the clergy as an important power in topic of hijab. The article will show that there is no uniform and planned process in confronting women with "Unveiling" whereas this is resulted from the historical and social dispersed forces which provides the context for "Return to Hijab" in 1943. Women pursue a set of strategies against the policy of unveiling such as positive resistance and innovation in clothing design, negative resistance and physical conflict with police officers, immigration, staying at home and social deprivation, as well as petitioning for legal authorities. During the course of this resistance and return, the next discourse of hijab is formed such as "Hijab as Freedom" or the responsibility of the government to promote hijab. The Foucault method of analyzing historical trends, and first-hand documents, and official reports of the police and the Ministry of Interior, and oral history at the aforementioned time periods has been used in this paper.

The present paper aims to analyze the dialogue between Raymond Aron and Michal Foucault. A description of the two thinkers’ views was presented in order to understand the context in which the dialogue was taking place. The main issue between the two figures centers on the continuity or lack of continuity in historical periods. Aron criticizes Foucault’s account of epistemic breaks and defends interactions and partial continuities between historical periods. Although the two philosophers have structuralistic tendencies, their different ontology has divided them on this issue. Foucault in his archeology method does not seek continuity between events and periods, but seeks to show the disruptions that have been neglected. Aaron criticizes the separation of epistemas and defends interaction between them. According to Aron, the World enjoys relatively fixed structures, which reveal themselves in different historic periods. Based on this view, he criticizes the subjective and relativistic views of Nietzsche and Weber.

this article is a suggestion on multi-sited ethnography for multi-cultural ethnicity in Iran. I study on this method by the way that Marcus suggested but I stressed on Marxism to draw an utopia which will be make by friendship rather than capitalistic hegemony in social relations. I mixed Marxian Critic on capital(s) and foucauldian critic on power to have a critic of culture-centrist hegemony. My suggestion has been made in my field work on "friendship" (among men) from 2014 to 2015 in multi-sites like dormitory, barracks, gymnasium, café, student housing, public baths, inns, etc. I want to make a multi-sited ethnography that includes non-places (Marc Augé) with heterotopic (Foucault) situation (Debord). I named this "lifegraphy". I do my lifegraphy in many trips among Tehran, Kurdish region and Azerbaijan. My lifegraphy is about male - male friendships, some things like Foucault's "Lives of Infamous" and Delouz's "a life". I mix them together

The constitutional period is the beginning of the emergence and expansion of cultural modernism and modern rationalism in Iran. As political and social themes found their ways in to the lyrics and music, the political discourse of the constitutional period was developed in the context of music and literature. The national songs were a powerful tool for expanding the message of Constitutionalism. According to Foucault's methodology, the order of discourse or "power" has been able to generate different discourses in the field of music. The main question of this study is what musical discourses have been developed in this period? Iranian music discourse altered by the influence of revolutionary lyrics and poems of musicians such as Aref Qazvini in the Constitutional revolt. Results show that the songs respectively reinforce the discourse of nationalism, liberalism, parlementism, democratism, socialism and secularism. The discourse of nationalism has centered on all the songs. Changing the place of music, new arrangement in poems and lyrics based on the freedom, power criticism and creating the modern and scientific form of music are the major features of this period.

Comparing scholar's views especially in humanities is a common beneficial act the interruption of which can stop the development of knowledge. Though detecting similarities among scholars who come from distant ages and places seem striking, recognition of the reason behind the similarities is also necessary. As an example we can refer to Foucault and Jahiz who come from different ideological and historical background, but they share some affinities in thought. The aim of this study is in fact seeking those circumstances which led to the rise of scholars like Jahiz, a situation that can produce similar trends of thought in other thinkers elsewhere. To do this, the historical circumstances of the above- mentioned scholars are studied genealogically after comparing their views. The result of the study shows that decentralization and cultural discrimination policies, and establishing cultural centers are those shared cultural and historical elements that provided the necessary conditions for the appearance of the two thinkers and resulted in a special form of thinking and knowledge.

In this essay we try to mean photograph, photography and everything relating to photograph such as taking photograph, being photograph and seeing photograph, in relation with shaping formulations of modernity and in the path of revolution of society based on Michel Foucault`s ideas in discourse analyses and discoursive structures. while this procedure, we also try to specify fundamental and epistemic relation between photography and episteme in the modern period from premodern to modern age; besides denoting of social position of photography in the modern society. Achieved results show that we can reckon photography as a positive response to fascination with reality which was seen at the beginning of modern age, because of hyperrealism of photography and we can also reckon it as an appropriate tool to reproduce reality, truth, phenomenon, and mundane relations. according to enjambments in this essay, we aim that photograph and photography have effective role on reproduction of some concepts which modernity made such as man, time, history, language, life and death in the public and social scope and in the structures of a modern society.

In this essay the so called Foucault/Habermas debate is recasted from the perspective of critical positions of Foucault to works of Habermas. Our discussion will proceed with question of meaning of reason, rationalization and criticism of reason in both Foucault and Habermas oeuvre. We have demonstrated that 1. Foucault, Contra Habermas, believes in historical multiplicity of incommensurable forms of rationality. And 2. According to Foucault, again in contrast to Habermas, radical critique of historical forms of reason do not necessarily leads to irrationalism. The essay tries to draw the critical distance-making of these two theoretical projects from each other through these two topics and determine the points of confrontations of Foucault and Habermas’ research program.

The subject of this article has an exploratory aspect and explores origins of theoretical evolution in contemporary sociology about this approach's classic scientists. Linguistic turn is the beginning of rethinking in classic sociology and is the basis of modern sociology theory. In this way, the importance of practice in relation of language and logical & historical relations of language and practice are studied. Subjectivity is a modern representation of social human which is dependent on contemporary philosophy. The methodology of this article is going to show the relation of concepts and thoughts of contemporary social scientists on the basis of linguistic turn. Foucault is the complement of this article that connects all of the reasoning of this article.

It is said repeatedly that Foucault begins his theoretical occupation with analyzing the repressed groups,such as insanes,patients,students,soldiers, and prisoners,to set forth a power theory that examines micro-powers and local resistances. This reading of Foucault’s work is called,here,Power-Oriented reading or Power-Theory reading. This reading is fundamentally misleading,for since it considers Foucault a power theorist,assumes his theory as a formal or a political sociology,that its historical examples are not constitutive parts. The object of this essay is to demonstrate the distinction between this reading and some critical considerations that,marginalizing the power,gain a radical interpretation of Foucault’s works.