جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « همگرایی » در نشریات گروه « علوم انسانی »

Factors and stimuli that influence convergence and divergence play a crucial role in determining the process and quality of national cohesion. These factors and stimuli are not synonymous; rather, they are interconnected and mutually influential variables. Understanding the impact of convergence and national cohesion on overall security is of utmost importance. This study aims to investigate and analyze the factors and stimuli that affect national convergence and cohesion in the southeastern region of the country. Similarly, this article seeks to address the fundamental question of the primary factors and stimuli that influence convergence and cohesion among the Baloch people in the southeast. The research findings indicate that various factors significantly impact the convergence and divergence of the Baloch people in the Sistan and Baluchestan province. These factors can be classified into two categories: internal and external stimuli. The study underscores the significance of factors such as mutual trust, decentralization, concentration of industries and decision-making centers, strengthening ethnic identity in alignment with national identity, the role of historical documents in promoting national cohesion, the cultural center of the Baloch people in southeastern Iran, common social customs, and the positive influence of ethnic and national elites. Additionally, the study recognizes the influence of regional political tensions, historical economic ties with neighboring countries, and the prevalence of border markets with Afghanistan and Pakistan as significant factors that shape convergence, divergence, and national cohesion among the Baloch people in the Sistan and Baluchestan province in the southeast of the country.

One of the most important topics in today's world is the development and progress of societies and countries, which requires support, assistance and consensus under strong, coherent, orderly and law-abiding organizations that some countries have taken steps in this direction and have achieved good results. . The comprehensiveness and integrity of our country requires coordination between the three powers, despite the separation of powers, in order to achieve convergence in achieving the goals and excellence and quick and accurate reform of the structure. Because the goal of government in societies is to provide the necessary facilities for the well-being and comfort of the people according to the orders and laws. But in our country, according to the constitution, in addition to the above-mentioned, the principles provided by the holy Shariah and the way of the Prophet (PBUH) and the infallible imams (peace be upon them) are also considered. For this purpose, the relations of the three forces and the limits of their independence are clarified to advance the goals and have the necessary convergence to realize the goals of development and progress, so the issue appears to be very important and vital.

Due to its strategic importance and rich resources, the Caucasus region has always been considered as a unique geopolitical unit in the world. In general, the sensitivity of the region as the focus of international attention has always been the focus of foreign powers throughout history, so that this greedy attention, along with problems in the structure of various ethnicities, has caused a kind of tension in the region. And there is instability. This study has tried to address the issue of divergence in the perspective of relations between these countries with a comprehensive and complete approach. The question that arises in this study is that based on what approaches and models can the relations between the countries of the South Caucasus region be analyzed and evaluated? In other words, which of them can be a good theoretical basis for analyzing regional relations? In answer to the above questions, it can be said that each of the theories can analyze the situation in the South Caucasus region, but using the integrated model of regional subsystem theory, convergence. Regional regions and better regional order can analyze the present complex relations and equations. Therefore, the main issue of the present study is the analysis of relations between the countries of the South Caucasus region based on an integrated model, according to which, it seems, the future perspective of the situation in this region leads to a kind of divergence. The research method of this research is analytical-descriptive studies and based on collecting library information, reviewing documents and analyzing them and is of qualitative type.

Da'wa and Reform Jama'at, as one of the Islamic currents and an extension of the Muslim Brotherhood movement in the Islamic Republic of Iran, is currently at least at the level of declarative policy in convergence with the system. However, some ideological and functional factors can threaten the aforementioned convergence. Therefore, the divergence of the Jamaat and the system towards each other in the coming years and decades is an issue that is likely to happen. Based on the crisis cube theory, the present article examines the mentioned issue and explains the factors that threaten the convergence of the congregation and the system. According to the findings of the research, the said convergence is threatened by at least three factors: a) The commitment of the Da'wa and Reform congregation to structural factors in thought and practice. b) Monopoly of this group in past tragedies. c) The tenses and signs in his speech.

The Formation the Defense Treaty Organization as a form of "collective defense" is considered to maximize the strategic capability of countries that are faced with extensive threats. Islamic countries have always been coveted by politicians and world powers due to their privileged territorial and geographical position. Therefore, the Formation the Defense Treaty Organization among Islamic countries is important as a security convergence. The general purpose of the current research is to identify The Capacities and Challenges of Formation the Defense Treaty Organization of the Islamic Countries of West Asia This research is descriptive-analytical in terms of method. The required information has been collected using the library method and referring to books and articles. Islamic countries, despite having challenges such as competition in beliefs and ways of thinking, territorial and ethnic-tribal differences, have many capacities such as single ideology, geopolitical scope, human resources and extensive military power to a Formation the Defense Treaty Organization. The general result indicates that Islamic countries can take effective steps to form a Formation the Defense Treaty Organization by adhering to commonalities, strengthening solidarity, paying attention to defense diplomacy and coalition in the fight against terrorism.

The convergence of ethnic-religious groups is a different issue in the field of strengthening relations between countries. The Islamic Republic of Iran and the Republic of Iraq are two countries that have a significant population of Shiites in the world. In Iran, Shiites have succeeded in building a system, and in Iraq, since 2003, they have played an important role in the structure of the Iraqi system. Since Shiites and Shiite ideology play an influential role in the two political systems, understanding the factors of convergence and divergence is an issue worthy of attention in the relations between the two societies. Using descriptive and analytical methods, using Delphi and AHP methods while using library data and field findings, this article seeks to answer the question of what factors cause the convergence and divergence of Shiites in Iran and Iraq. The findings show that the common culture based on Shiite beliefs, including the issue of honoring the Supremes, in addition to major political interests, such as the importance of maintaining the power of Shiite parties and currents in the political and economic structure of Iraq, such as trade, the reconstruction of Iraq, and crystallized security in dealing with the common threats of factors They are considered to be the main convergence of the Shiites of Iran and Iraq. In contrast, factors such as the internal equations of the two countries, including the internal rivalries of the Shiite parties in Iraq and the existence of Western and Eastern trends in Iran, as well as the influence of foreign actors, are considered the main factors of the divergence of the Shiites of Iran and Iraq. Although in the current situation, the weight of convergent factors is more than divergent factors, this superiority is fragile and can lead to divergence.

Humanities are the sciences of concepts. Ambiguous and minor concepts are in themselves veils of truth more than being our assistants in accessing the truth. The concept of ‘approximity of Islamic denominations’ can be considered as one of the ambiguous and inefficient concepts for which no operational, comprehensive and agreed upon definition exists. Thus, some basic questions can be posed in this regard: “What is the relationship between the concept of ‘approximity of Islamic denominations’ and the concepts such as ‘convergence’, ‘unity’, ‘solidarity’, and ‘Islamic unity’?” “What conceptual and structural critiques can be posted on the existing perceptions of the idea of ‘approximity’?” And finally, “What is ‘approximity’ and what is it not?” In answering these questions, this article is going to offer, through a descriptive-analytical method, a new and efficient definition capable of fulfilling the theoretical and practical needs in the sphere of the convergence of Islamic societies. In this redefinition, which rejects the separation between thought and practice, ‘approximity’ is defined in two general and specific senses. In its general sense, ‘approximation’ is making ‘oneself’ close to ‘someone else’ through one of the ways of ta‘āruf, ta‘āluf, ta‘āyush and ta‘āwun. In its specific sense in the literature of Islamic convergence, ‘approximity’ means intentional effort of any Muslim for ‘growth’ and turning the world into a more divine world through approaching his ‘other Muslim’.

The governing principles of identity politics in Iran should lead to the strengthening of national commonalities and efforts to bring ethnicities closer together. Therefore, the important thing that exists is that the more the axes and principles agreed upon by the collective are promoted, the more harmony, empathy and convergence will be achieved. Therefore, the aim of the current research is to investigate the role of economic factors in increasing the convergence of Iranian ethnic groups. Therefore, the following article seeks to answer the main question, "What is the role of economic factors in increasing the convergence of Iranian ethnic groups?" In this regard, the research implementation method is a survey method and questionnaire data collection tool. The statistical population of the research was 214 people. In this study, the sample size was 66 people using Cochran's formula and 0.1 error. The data were analyzed with one-sample t-tests, Friedman's test and SPSS software. The findings indicate that all economic components have an effective role on the convergence of Iranian ethnic groups.

Personal status encompasses a set of characteristics and conditions existing within an individual that, while distinguishing them from others, define their legal standing in society. A profound relationship exists between personal status and religion, evident until the late nineteenth century when Islamic law exclusively governed Islamic countries. These countries, while legislating laws and regulations governing personal status and adhering to them, have segmented the realm of personal status based on Islamic jurisprudence. This research aims to explore the feasibility, mechanisms, and potential consequences of formulating a trans-religious personal status law. Through a descriptive-analytical analysis of legal systems related to personal status in Islamic countries, the research illustrates that while the influence of jurisprudential doctrines on family law varies across Islamic countries, general principles governing family law remain similar. This similarity arises from the intimate connection of these issues with religious teachings, beliefs, and ethical principles. Consequently, the feasibility of developing a cross-denominational personal status law is deemed desirable and attainable.

Currently, Iran and China are known as two revisionist actors in the international arena who, while opposing the unipolar international system, have succeeded in creating a multipolar system and changing the equations in their favor, and in this regard, they begin to develop comprehensive cooperation and relations. However, despite the strengthening of relations and the development of cooperation, the role of external and internal factors prevents the formation of strategic relations between Iran and China. Therefore, the main question of the research is what measures Iran and China have taken to develop cooperation and what are the reasons for not forming strategic relations between the parties? The hypothesis of the article is that the dissatisfaction and opposition of Iran and China with the unipolar system and American hegemony provides the necessary capacity and possibility for the development of cooperation and convergence between Tehran and Beijing. Nevertheless, influential external and internal factors and variables have prevented the formation of a specific and uniform pattern in Iran-China relations and these relations do not take a strategic form. The method used in this article is descriptive-analytical.

During many centuries humans realized the importance of co-existence and friendly interaction with their fellows for their survival against the surrounding dangers. It has long been believed that for peace and development, human societies must move towards integration and unity. In the last century, the first human attempts to create a regional union in Europe worked. The European Union was formed from the European Coal and Steel Organization. EU member states followed two important principles; one is peace and the other is a common identity with European roots. Although this union was economic in nature in the first step, but over the time, it was able to achieve its important goals and make Europe flourish in all areas. What the European Union has brought to the green continent is integration and common identity. After the successful experience of the European Union, other regions of the world were also encouraged to form regional organizations and unions. Since the formation of the European Union, regional organizations and associations have emerged one after another on every continent. ASEAN and SAARK in Asia, OAU and ECOWAS in Africa and MERCOSUR in South America were among the most important ones. Meanwhile, the Regional Cooperation for Development (RCD) was formed in the Middle East, which was dissolved in 1980 due to the revolution in Iran. In 1985, the Economic Cooperation Organization (ECO) was established at the initiative of Iran with the cooperation of Pakistan and Turkey (the same RCD members).

Research question: 

“Why has the Economic Cooperation Organization (ECO) not yet become a successful union after four decades of activity?”

Research hypothesis: 

To become Union, ECO needs to creat a common identity by analysing its roots, connections and cultural contexts.

Methodology and theoretical framwork: 

To examine this hypothesis “Constructivism theory” has been chosen as the theoretical framework of the research. It will be a clear guide during the research. The method of this research is qualitative with a descriptive-analytical approach and based on a case study. The method of data collection is library and internet sources.

About four decades have passed since the establishment of the Economic Cooperation Organization. During this time, this organization has gone through many changes. ECO started working with the initiative of Iran in 1985 with the aim of becoming an efficient economic organization in the Middle East. A goal that became more unattainable over time. When seven Central Asian countries joined ECO in 1991, many observers expected it to become a successful union. The addition of the newly independent countries of Central Asia made this organization able to take steps toward realizing its long-standing goals, but now, after three decades, ECO is still not where it should be. The geographical area where ECO was established is a reminder of the thousands of years of co-existence of the people of this region far from today's political borders. With the formation and expansion of ECO, suddenly after the passage of several centuries, there were many hopes to return to the glorious days of the brilliant civilizations of this land. ECO is the epitome of the powerful "Heartland" empires throughout history. The legacy of centuries of co-existence for ECO; It is a rich culture by which it can help its member states to faciliate integration.

The question of this research becomes important because by reviewing the experience of the formation of the European Union, we see that this organization, like ECO, it was initially a regional economic organization with the membership of several countries, which gradually became a strong organization and a powerful union. The European Union started the process of redefining a common regional identity. A “common culture” is what brings countries together in a regional organization. In order to find the answer to its question, this research has briefly investigated the background of the formation of ECO. By reviewing the history of the formation of ECO, it is clear that the identity of ECO has always been changing. According to integration theory of constructionism, identity is not a permanent subject and changes according to the conditions throughout history. The establishment of ECO Cultural Institute has been an important step in the direction of cultural convergence in this organization. However, one of the reasons why this organization could not achieve consensus, success and unbreakable bond and appear in the form of a union is the lack of real attention to its cultural points.Undoubtedly, what causes the integration and unification of a group and the formation of a union will be addressing the issue of culture and its recognition. Culture is a “common heritage” of a region and a union. By exploring the common heritage of ECO member countries, one can take a step towards defining a common identity for this organization. Topics such as history, Nowruz, language, art, religion and the Silk Road are the six main legacies of ECO's identity. Each of these great legacies is an important artery in the direction of the formation of dynamic identity and meaning for the ECO organozation.

Although resorting to arbitration is a common and desirable method for resolving international commercial disputes, insolvency disputes, remain within the jurisdiction of judicial, executive, and governmental institutions due to their connection to general economic and commercial public order. Therefore, resorting to a single institution for adjudication is ruled out and practically, these disputes resolution are dealt within the framework of multiple and independent institutions. This issue is more complicated regarding enterprise group insolvency. Facilitating disputes in this regard requires coordination and cooperation among role-playing institutions in this field including courts, liquidators, and other stakeholders. Due to the failure to establish uniform institutions, UNCITRAL has drafted a model law to coordinate insolvency proceedings in enterprise group. Consequently, regarding the necessity of understanding and achieving this model law results, this research, through a descriptive and analytical method, studies the dimensions and infrastructures for establishing communication and coordination among institutions and advancing coordinated and effective proceedings, while addresses adjudicating institutions independence under the UNCITRAL Model Law. On the other hand, it examines the anticipated arrangements for various stages of the proceedings

Regions are locations where political processes involving many actors take place; they do not totally preexist and are not rigidly fixed in situ. Regions influence human civilizations' actions, emotions, activities, and ideas through full dynamics. The structural and functional qualities of political systems and many interactions in historical trends that take the form of beliefs, identities, and norms impact the regions. Regions are continually growing and collapsing due to geopolitical variables and the dynamics of the international system due to the dynamism of regions, the effect of diverse geographical elements, and functional changes in geographical scales. Interaction between players operating at various geographic scales is necessary to find answers to global concerns. Inequalities, such as a lack of resources and a high degree of well-being, military and security operations, international trade, and the emergence of pollutants and harmful environmental stimuli, are crises that call for collaboration and convergence in the field of geography. Incorporating different aspects of bio-social, cultural, economic, political, institutional, environmental, and water diplomacy in common watersheds, etc., as well as other factors that can speed up and facilitate political-security cooperation, is how regional convergence develops. Regional convergence engages more and fresher activists at various levels to play a more active role in the geographical space in accordance with the environmental capacities. Divergent geopolitical forces will impact geographical units' political, security, economic, and cultural actions if regional convergence is not developed under the influence of convergent geopolitical elements. Regional convergence has been pushed towards multi-level and multilateralism as a result of the changes that have occurred in the world since the conclusion of the Cold War and the collapse of the bipolar geopolitical structure. The results of regional convergence in various East Asian and European regions have demonstrated that these regions have made progress toward economic dynamism and development and have contributed more significantly to the stable security environment within the global power structure and geopolitical system. One of the Southwest Asian nations with a wide range of structural and functional capabilities in terms of its immediate surroundings in line with regional integration is Iran. Regarded as indicators of Iran's capacity for regional integration and its geopolitical position in the region, the geographical base of the Iranian plateau and its natural features, on the one hand, and the presence of various ethnicities and religions in border regions with geographic obstacles surrounding Iran, on the other. Thanks to Southwest Asia, this nation is at the center of regional political, security, economic, and cultural changes. Despite the fact that Iran's geography has several chances and objective and subjective geopolitical variables that point toward regional integration, this significance has not been practically formed at various political, economic, security, and cultural levels. The lack of sufficient and accurate information on the geopolitical elements effective in the process of integration in many dimensions and scales is one of the reasons why regional integration mechanisms around Iran have not been formed. One of the strategic identity organizations in and around Iran is working to build platforms for the union of the Kurds. Despite Iran's ethnic, historical, cultural, and civilizational history, Kurds, with a sizable population, are dispersed among the nations of Iraq, Turkey, Syria, and Iran. The regional powers view the Kurds as crisis-causing elements in the region's security order. With regard to the Kurds, our nation has taken a passive approach to utilizing the Kurds' potential for regional integration, and this attitude has prompted the rivals to utilize the Kurds' potential in order to increase their regional and global power. The Kurdistan region of Iraq is one of the regions near Iran created as a federal unit in the Iraqi constitution following changes in Iraq's political structure and developments in the Middle East region. On the one hand, Iran, as a strategic regional power, is very important for the Kurdistan Region of Iraq in political, cultural, security, and economic dimensions. On the other hand, the Kurdistan Region of Iraq is strategically important to Iran on multiple levels and in different structural and functional dimensions. In order to achieve the convergence of development and regional security, this research uses a qualitative methodology based on geopolitical concepts to examine the political-security factors influencing the convergence of the Iraqi Kurdistan region with Iran at sub-national, national, regional, and global geographical scales.

The information for this study was gathered via semi-structured interviews, library materials, and online resources. Sixty elites and researchers knowledgeable about Iranian foreign policy and Kurdish issues participated in a semi-structured interview to first extract the elements and indicators. Then, these indicators were again presented to the researchers in the form of a questionnaire for weighing. The study's findings indicate that in accordance with regional geopolitical equations, factors related to the regional scale have the greatest influence on the convergence of the Iraqi Kurdistan Region with Iran. These factors include the Iraqi Kurdistan Region's geopolitical dependence on Iran; the Kurdistan region of Iraq is vulnerable to threats to its security and is dependent on Iran; the Turkish government's military presence in Iraqi Kurdistan and the failure of the Turkish-Kurdish peace process; Iran's impact on the future political structure of Syria and its impact on the Iraqi Kurdistan region. Also, the convergence and cooperation between the Kurdistan region of Iraq and Iran impact the security and development of Iran and Iraq.

The study's findings indicate that there are already political and security integration capabilities for the Kurdistan region of Arakhsh, and there are geographical scale factors that, if discovered and used, can make it easier for the Kurdistan region to integrate with Iran.

the security and development of Iran and Iraq are impacted by the convergence and collaboration between Iran and the Kurdistan area of Iraq.                                                                                               

There is no funding support. Authors’ ContributionAll of the authors approved thecontent of the manuscript and agreed on all aspects of the work. Conflict of InterestAuthors declared no conflict of interest. AcknowledgmentsWe are grateful to all the scientific consultants of this paper.

Today, one of the positions that can play a significant role in the geopolitical and geoeconomic importance of Iran is a crossing position, and in this regard, the geographical position of the south and north of Iran with geopolitical, economic, security, access, and regional communication capacities and opportunities. and international, has been qualified for transit functions at different national and international levels, which has not been properly considered until now.Using the descriptive-analytical and survey method, the current research has studied the role of geopolitical opportunities for the development of the South-North transit corridor on increasing the convergence of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the member countries of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. The statistical population of this research consists of experts in the field of geopolitics and international relations. Its sample size was estimated to be 40 people based on Cochran's model. The analysis of the research findings was done based on the numerical taxonomy model in Matlab software. The results of the research showed that the geopolitical opportunities for the development of the North-South corridor can be highly convergent for China and Russia, convergent for Tajikistan, India and Uzbekistan, least convergent for Pakistan and Kazakhstan, and non-convergent for Kyrgyzstan.

Undoubtedly, the Arab unrest in 2010, which started in Tunisia and spread to other Arab states in a short time, is considered a turning point in the political history of Arab countries in the Middle East and North Africa. These measures, which started with the overthrow of some Arab countries such as Tunisia and Egypt, gradually led to civil wars, proxy battles of powerful countries, and even the withdrawal of troops from neighboring countries by some governments, with the extensive and diverse interference of other regional and extra-regional countries. The process of these changes and the resulting results have always been more important for the countries of the southern border of the Persian Gulf, or in more appropriate terms, the governments of the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council, which include Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Bahrain, Kuwait, and Oman. Because the commonalities and similarities in various political, economic, and cultural fields among the member states of the Council and the fear of unrest spreading within their political borders have caused the above countries to take measures to prevent such a thing. In the meantime, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, due to various reasons such as size, population, foreign exchange earnings, inherent characteristics of leaders, and regional competition, seek their desired changes in the context of regional trends more than others. These two countries, in addition to the deep commonalities and sense of brotherhood they have among themselves, are always involved in competition with each other for various reasons, such as maintaining the balance of power, especially on the part of the UAE, the authoritarian leadership of both countries, and territorial disputes left over from the colonial era. includes It is from this point of view that the convergence and divergence between these two countries is important in the shadow of the new developments in the Middle East region.Methodology is always considered a function of the theory used in scientific and research works, on this basis and with the theory used in this work, an attempt will be made to explain the methodology of the present writing to the reader. The category of security is one of the fields of study that, despite a long history for mankind, a significant period has not passed since its systematization as an academic discipline. In this work, according to the use of Stephen Walt's threat balance theory and the need-to-know concepts such as power, size, population, economic capabilities, as well as geography, offensive capabilities and hostile intentions, the methodology of this article is a combination of methods Quantitative and qualitative crosswise. In other words, some areas such as the economy area can be analyzed through quantitative methods of contract analysis and based on this, the security and competitive status of actors can be analyzed. While in some other areas such as social security, and freedom of expression, intentions and behavioral characteristics of leaders cannot be investigated simply and based on quantitative methods; In this case, using the qualitative method and paying attention to the intentions of the actors is more prominent. Considering the political characteristics of the governments of Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, the simultaneous use of quantitative and qualitative methods leads the readers of the present work to a correct understanding of the relations between these two actors.According to the studies conducted on the intergovernmental relations between Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, the existence of internal differences between the above countries regarding various regional issues clearly shows that these governments, despite all the political, economic, and cultural commonalities, at the same time in dealing with the issues and The problems that arise in the field of foreign policy have national and sometimes personal implications, which is why they sometimes try to take parallel and even opposing actions. It is worth noting that these measures appear and appear more from the side of the smaller country, the United Arab Emirates, in front of the Saudi government, because Saudi Arabia always considers itself the leader of the Arab countries and expects support from other members of the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council. ; It was for this reason that he reacted militarily to the changes in Bahrain and economically to Qatar to prove to everyone that he is not indifferent to the developments in the Arab countries around him, especially the governments of the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council, and that his interference in He considers their affairs as a natural matter and a reserved right for himself. In the meantime, according to the approach they have drawn for themselves in the field of foreign politics, the Emirati rulers are always trying to maintain their independence and balance of power against this larger government while accompanying the Saudi government in various regional issues, in addition to protecting themselves from The flames of anger of the Al Saud rulers also promote their national and family interests, which is evident in the UAE's behavior in Yemen and diplomatic relations with Iran and Syria.The new order of West Asia, which is the result of the great changes caused by the Arab events of 2010, showed more than ever the continuity and intertwining of the Arab states of the region, especially the states of the Persian Gulf. These governments, which have come together in the framework of a regional organization such as the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council, led by Saudi Arabia and with the support of the other pillar of the council, the United Arab Emirates, are sensitive to the spread of waves of Arab unrest to the territories under their rule and any movement in this direction They have suffocated sperm. This cooperation, which has been established over the years and especially between Saudi Arabia and the UAE, is more than anything due to the sharing of their broad interests in regional dimensions. Regardless of the inherent characteristics of their ambitious leaders, both the Saudi and UAE governments have converged on various issues such as the unrest in Bahrain, the war in Syria, and the battle in Yemen due to the sense of competitiveness with each other and the need to balance power against Iran. However, during this period, they have diverged and split, especially concerning the manner of diplomatic relations with Iran and Bashar Assad's government in Syria, as well as how to manage the war in Yemen. Of course, it should be noted that the role of the United Arab Emirates in the emergence of divergence with the Saudi government is more colorful because maintaining the balance between the two powerful countries of Iran and Arabia on both sides of the Persian Gulf, as well as maintaining independence and achieving special political-economic interests in the pursuit of regional issues It is of special importance for the Bin Zaid family in the UAE.

The Islamic Revolution of Iran has transnational consequences that could breathe new life into the body of Muslims around the world, especially Shiites. One of the most important of them is Shiite groups in the Republic of Azerbaijan. Shiites make up the majority of the country's population, making it the second largest Shiite country in the world. The focus of this article is to answer the question of what effect the Islamic Revolution of Iran had on the convergence of the Shiite groups of Azerbaijan. Iran has revitalized the Shiites of the Republic of Azerbaijan, who in the past decades, under the influence of the ruling secular political system of the country, and far from the idea of political Islam and religious movements. Findings and results show that the reflection of the Islamic Revolution of Iran on the Shiites of Azerbaijan, through the transmission of displacement, transmission and hierarchy due to the cultural, religious and geographical proximity of Iran and the Republic of Azerbaijan and the alignment of leaders of Iranian Shiite parties and groups with the leaders of the Islamic Revolution. It has been more influential than any other factor in the origin, destination, and subject matter of the broadcast.

The water crisis is becoming more complex every day and is evident all over the world. With the escalation of the drought situation, Iran is also in a critical situation. Resolving this issue should only be addressed through key decisions, and this in turn requires integration and behavioral coherence between decision-making and executive bodies. Accordingly, more attention should be paid to the principle of convergence. Accordingly, this study was conducted with the aim of Presentation a Model for the Integration of Policy Agencies Related to Water Crisis Management, Based on the Economics of the Second Step of the Revolution Statement. This study is a development-applied goal in which using successive approaches, namely the content analysis approach and grounded theory approach to determine the main indicators and criteria in the field of water crisis management policy. Data-based theory (fundamental theory) is an inductive and exploratory research method that allows the researcher in various subject areas to formulate theories and propositions instead of relying on existing and pre-formulated theories. The statistical population of this study consisted of experts from the main policy-making bodies in the field of policy, namely the Ministry of Jihad Agriculture, Ministry of Industry, Mines and Trade, Ministry of Energy, Iran Water Resources Management Organization and Crisis Management Organization and Passive Defense Organization. It was determined to reach the saturation limit in the grounded theory approach, to 9 experts. The results of this study confirm that what factors should be included in the agenda under the paradigm of grounded theory in order to achieve the desired consequences in this field.

One of the most important current challenges in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran is to discover the nature, contexts, and consequences of Saudi-Zionist relations. According to Bari Bozan's point of view and in the framework of the regional security complex theory, in addition to international, regional, and interregional variables, identifying Saudi-Zionist subnational level variables influencing these relations is of particular importance. The question of the study, therefore, runs as: what are the expected variables at the transnational level? In response to the question, the hypothesis is raised that social, religious, ethnic divisions as well as the political, economic, security-military, and geopolitical weaknesses within the Saudi and Zionist societies are the basis of this convergence. The findings of this research, while confirming the aforementioned hypothesis, show that at the sub-national level of Saudi Arabia, the consequences of the existence of the two holy shrines, Wahhabism, tyranny, and governance disputes; and at the sub-national level of the Zionist regime, the existence of the security state, political-territorial geography, identity crisis, social gaps and the effect of economic weakness on limiting the military power, more than other internal factors, have an effect on the convergence of the two regimes.