جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « nation. » در نشریات گروه « علوم انسانی »

Whenever political and sociological scientists want to present a theory about the revolution, they first establish a basis and apply it to all kinds of revolutions in the world. Therefore, except for some fair scholars, other theorists such as Marx, Weber, Abrahamian, Fanon and Tedgar have attributed to revolutions purely economic or social and psychological purposes as well as political violence. The following article attempts to study the most important cognitive components of formation of the Iranian Islamic Revolution in the Qur'an, which was conducted by the method of library collection in an analytical-descriptive way with a focus on the possible interpretations of the Qur'an within the framework of the interpretive study.In this research, the belief in the necessity of forming an Islamic government is based on the verses indicating the establishment of a government and the implementation of the rulings, as well as the belief in the continuity of the leadership and rule of the Prophet (PBUH) through the theory of the guardianship of the jurist, with attention to the basis of establishing justice in society, and the importance of applying the rule of Nafy Al-Sabil, which are among the components concerning the government and some othersconcerning the nation (Ummah) are such as increasing insight, awareness of the importance of perseverance, attention to the role of unity, knowing the enemy, and paving the way for the realization of the divine Sunnah represented in changing the nation by the their own hands.

The encounter between Eastern nations and the modern world, particularly in the 19th century, was a pivotal event in contemporary history. During the 17th, 18th, and 19th centuries, the East gradually distanced itself from the modern world, especially European powers. This gap was evident in the early military and intellectual confrontations between the East and the powerful states of the international system. The Ottoman Empire, Japan, and Iran were three significant Eastern states whose political histories during this period are of particular interest. These nations experienced a crisis in the 18th and 19th centuries. Aware of the similar challenges they faced—internal weakness and external threats—the intellectual and political elites of these states sought to save their countries from decline by adapting to the new global order. Beyond their shared challenges, these elites also converged on a similar solution: reforming the political system. Constitutionalism, as a product of the modern era, was seen as a means to achieve this reform and overcome governmental weakness. The constitutional movements in the East reflected the belief among the intellectual and political elites that establishing a constitutional order and drafting a constitution could transform governance.

This study argues that this historical experience merits further analysis and reinterpretation. By examining the spread of constitutional thought in Eastern countries, we can ask the following question: "How did the Iranian Constitution, particularly the Constitutional Law of Iran, differ from the constitutions of the Ottoman Empire and Japan?" This question necessitates a historical analysis of the constitutional movements in these three Eastern countries during the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The underlying hypothesis of this research is that the Iranian Constitution (1906), compared to the Ottoman (1876) and Japanese (1889) constitutions, had a different perspective on the role and status of the nation. Unlike the other two constitutions, the Iranian Constitution was the first in the Eastern world to move beyond the tradition of authoritarian rule.Interpreting constitutionalism in the Eastern world necessitates employing a historical content analysis approach. This involves a critical analysis of historical events, texts, and documents to examine constitutionalism in the East. The research aims to compare constitutionalism in the Ottoman Empire, Japan, and Iran and to identify distinctions between the Iranian constitution and the other two case studies; a historical sociological approach can be adopted. According to Dennis Smith in "The Rise of Historical Sociology," several issues are crucial in a historical sociological perspective. The first is the role of elites and intellectual or political actors in events. Second, it involves understanding events within a specific historical and temporal context, paying attention to the sequence of historical developments and the unique historical, cultural, traditional, and political context of that society. Third, it emphasizes the importance of comparing and contrasting events.

The theoretical framework of this research is based on John Austin's perspective. According to Austin, beyond the existence of written law, one must also consider the law's efficacy. By efficacy, Austin means that written law must have a practical impact, and political order cannot simply rely on the existence or writing of a law. The efficacy of law becomes relevant when the rights of the people or nation and the limits of government are respected. A similar perspective is found in the interpretation of constitutionalism, where it is argued that a constitutional monarchy is truly founded when the 'rights of the nation' and the 'limits of government' are clearly defined.

Numerous studies have been conducted on the ups and downs of Iran's constitutional revolution, each with its own perspective. However, this discourse argues that a deeper understanding of Iran's constitutionalism and particularly its constitution can be achieved by examining it within the broader context of the East's encounter with the modern world and by comparing it with the constitutions of other countries that underwent similar transitions to constitutionalism. Analyzing and explaining constitutionalism in the East becomes even more significant when, beyond merely describing historical developments, we examine their constitutions in terms of the relationship between the people, the monarch, and the law. The constitutionalist thought of that era expected that alongside goals such as a strong state, economic modernization, and territorial independence, the issue of national sovereignty or the primacy of the people's will in the constitution would also gain importance. This desire was one of the fundamental bases of the constitutional model of political governance in any state or nation around the world. However, the constitutions of the Ottoman Empire and Japan adopted a conservative and stingy approach regarding national sovereignty and popular rule. In fact, rather than interpreting the constitutions of these two states in terms of the place of the people's will and national sovereignty, the Ottoman and Japanese laws can be seen as a form of human rights or consideration of certain expedient rights for the subjects. In contrast, the Iranian Constitution explicitly insisted on national sovereignty and rule based on the will of the people. The Iranian Constitution was the first constitution in the Eastern world to describe governance as a trust granted by the people to the ruler. This was in stark contrast to the pre-constitutional Iran, where the Shah or Sultan was considered the shadow of God, the Qibla of the world, and the absolute owner of people and property. The distinction and virtue of the Iranian Constitution lay precisely in its termination of such a tradition.

The information revolution is an epoch-making event that has transformed social life in the past few decades. Considering the organic conection between social life and political situation, the modern state cannot be dismissed from the effects and consequences of such an epoch-making event. This paper tries to answer this question: What changes has the virtual space caused in the structure of the nation-state? Explaining such changes, while creating awareness about the structure and functions of the nation-state in the era of the information revolution, is of decisive importance in order to adopt the correct model of governance and effective policies in various political, social, economic and cultural fields. In this paper, the problem of the impact of virtual space on the structural transformation of the modern state, has been examination using the critical theory of technology. In this framework, it is explained that virtual space, while intensifying the process of globalization, has caused the establishment of network state, media state, virtual state and transnational state.

Nation branding is a suitable model recommended by international organizations for export development in the third millennium. An important part of the exports of countries in the world are industrial products. In this regard, due to the importance of this issue for the country, this study was conducted with the aim of providing a model for promoting the nation brand in the field of exporting goods and industrial services. The current research is an applied-developmental research in terms of its purpose, and it is considered a cross-sectional survey research from the point of view of the method of data collection. The community of participants in the qualitative section includes senior managers and entrepreneurs in the fields of branding, industry, export and trade, who have sufficient experience in the aforementioned fields. Sampling was done with a targeted method and theoretical saturation was achieved with 11 interviews. Research findings showed that a national macro-policy and export-oriented culture are the main parameters affecting the national brand. The communication infrastructure in the country provides the necessary platform and the challenges of export sanctions play the role of an interventionist. Finally, the use of relevant strategies to improve the export of industrial goods and services leads to the promotion of the national brand. The central phenomenon including (international branding) also affects the strategies in the field of export of goods and industrial services. Finally, it was found that the strategies of the model lead to a certain result (improvement of the national brand).

An aspect that is both significant and often overlooked in the convergence of Islam and modernity is the interaction between Islamic scholars and modern concepts. This interaction has been instrumental in shaping the advancement of modernity and its implementation within Muslim societies. The concept of "nation" is among those that have bestowed upon the Muslim countries of the Middle East a distinct international perception. Regarding this, every Shi'i cleric has endeavored to delineate the demarcation between themselves and this notion by offering a religious and Shi'i perspective on this contemporary concept. Naini, a renowned scholar of the constitutional era, put forth one of these groundbreaking conceptual encounters within the framework of choice theology in the book. We will analyze this notion in the forthcoming article through the lens of "Historical Sociology" and employ the "thematic analysis" technique. In conclusion, this study demonstrates that Naini, in employing the "acceptance and appropriation" strategy, initially embraced the entire notion and the resulting nation-state order, upon which he constructed his theory. Additionally, it challenges the "ideological aspect" and endeavors to offer a fresh interpretation of this notion while preserving the Islamic and Shi'i perspectives on emergent modern phenomena and concepts, including the nation and state.

The rise of identity based movements, pan-nationalism, and immigration along with the expansion of the communicative power of mass media and social networks, has increasingly called the validity of identity forms recognized as nation-states into question. New identity claims arouse doubt on whether are eighteenth-century European frameworks still sufficient to define collective identity as "nation"? The Taliban claim for representing the Afghan people - which has been accompanied by rapid seizures of power since August 2021 - when the primitive group use of modern media to represent its identity and performance is one of the most contemporary examples of this idea. Benedict Anderson believes that nations are "imaginary communities" that are formed around common imagination. In this regard, Dr. Nancy Rivenburg considers the content of the media to be largely a form of collective identity and public perception of the country. This article tries to examine the issue of considering the two mentioned approach, in the conditions of weakening the connection between the borders of the Nation-States with the collective identifications within a country, as a nation, how can the media Occupying by groups such as the Taliban will be effective in creating and spreading new forms of political identity. For this purpose, an interdisciplinary approach in political sciences and communication sciences has been used.

Nation and nation-building is a subject that is as old as human political history. In fact, from the point of view of political science, one of the pillars of the state is the existence of the nation. Today, not only governments receive their existence from their nation, but the legitimacy and internal power and the possibility of bargaining and reaching better economic and political positions at the international level for governments also with the nations under their domination. will be This has caused all countries to try, while creating grounds for strengthening their foundations and internal relations with their respective nations, to use international capacities in order to achieve the goals that their nations demand. From the point of view of realism, the strength and weakness of governments depends on their strength in bringing their people together for their goals, and in fact, there is a two-way relationship between the demands of nations and governments. This issue has caused that in recent years, the Kurdistan Region of Iraq, instead of focusing on the mere increase of military power and being under the shadow of the support of countries such as the United States, has tried to create a modern concept of the Kurdish nation within its borders and as a result, They have used international and domestic capacities to pursue the goals of the Kurdish nation (instead of focusing on militant groups), in order to improve the economic, security and defense situation of the Kurdistan Region of Iraq. Redefining foreign relations with the countries of Russia, Iran, Turkey, Saudi Arabia, and Syria on the one hand and redefining regional programs with the aim of improving economic and security relations are among the important things that have been carried out in order to form a new Kurdish nation in this region has taken. In this article, the nation-building process in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq and the ups and downs of the foreign policy of this region have been examined in accordance with the new goal of the media, focusing on realist theories.

The founding of the United Arab Emirates in the early 1970’s was the product of a political will to unite a set of tribal communities in which their dominant identity was a combination of tribal and Islamic identity. The conversion of the emerging country from a disintegrated collection into a cohesive political unit required the creation of elements that constructs national identity and its internalization and generalization as an identity beyond tribal belongings and below national belongings that binds citizens together and gives them a sense of nationhood. Given to the chronological precedence of the state establishment over the nation, and to the centrality of political institutions and elites, the nation building experience in the UAE is an obvious sample of a nation building pattern that can be called "state-sponsored nation building". State-sponsored nation building as a form of nation building in modern age is a process "from above" during which the state and its institutions try to shape elements and components of national identity and to develop it among their citizens, through the design and implementation of targeted projects; and thus create a new basis for social belonging. The present article attempts to examine the dimensions, elements, and technics of such a process in the United Arab Emirates at the Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan era. Based on the "modernist" theorists’ studies about nationalism, this article categorizes and studies the technics of nation building under four axes: a. tradition-constructing; b. history-constructing; c. symbol-constructing; d. alter-constructing.

The third chapter of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran is devoted to the rights of the nation. The study of the third chapter of the constitution has not been considered from the point of view of political sociology. The basic question raised and analyzed in this article is what rights of the nation are included in the third chapter of the constitution according to the international human rights documents and more importantly, what are the political and social contexts. Is? The present article is descriptive and analytical and has investigated the mentioned topic using a library method. The findings indicate that what is proposed in the third chapter of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran is consistent with the human rights documents in this regard, although some of these rights face limitations. In the third chapter, the legislator has emphasized the freedom of individuals to the extent that it does not harm the rights and freedom of others, public order and Islamic principles. From the point of view of political sociology, the roots of the third chapter of the constitution should be sought in the libertarian developments of the constitutional revolution and libertarianism in this period. Because what is mentioned in the third chapter of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran was included in the Constitution. Of course, it is necessary to mention the people's demands for freedom during the Pahlavi period, which was manifested in the slogan of independence and freedom.

Bildung in Fichte's philosophy is related to his general ideas in practical philosophy, especially with his interpretation of the importance of social unity to shape the members of the society and the influence of moral rules in people's lives. Also, Fichte's cosmopolitan desire for human flourishing is influenced by his thoughts on cultivating a model nation. His thought direction is not in line with a racist point of view and in his thought he encourages people to form a single society with the component of humanity and freedom. In his early thought, Fichte seeks to form a collective Bildung through the issue of freedom in the position of interpersonal harmony, and in his late thought, with the help of freedom and a new definition of knowledge, he wants to cultivate a model nation that is be an objective example in front of other nations in order to create a cosmopolitan world. The method of this research is qualitative, and the description and analysis of the relationship between freedom and Bildung in Fichte's thought has been done with the documentary-analytical method, and the research data has been collected in a documentary way. The result of this research wants to show that Fichte, with his definition of human freedom and its relationship with Bildung, places the ultimate goal of man as absolute thought and free will, which is the creator of harmony between people.

Nation-state-building and, moreover, welfare state-building in Scandinavia have indeed been nation-state-building and state-building with the configuration of the church-state relations as one of the manifestations of the state, alongside the peasant-state and the workers-state. Thus a special form of solidarity between political and social forces was formed in Scandinavian society, and the reflection of all these forces in the Nordic government became a special model of solidarity and governance in this society. Scandinavian nationalism, therefore, offers a special model of nationalism. The question that arises is what effect Scandinavian practical theology had on the formation of the welfare state-building in Sweden, Norway, and Denmark. Lutheran practical theology due to its influence on the definition of the nation as a source of national identity on the one hand, and providing readings such as the mission of labor, the mission of productivity, and the mission of production, on the other hand, was a source of welfare state-building in the Scandinavian region.

The unpredictable and uncontrollable crises at different levels of business lead to the emergence of the concept of re-branding, which can help in rebuilding brands in any subject, place and time at any level of activity. Nation branding of places at the national level, which is known as countries, needs to be explained due to its side effects on the micro levels of political, economic, cultural, social activities, etc. As a country with a historical, cultural, political background and a strategic and attractive geographical location for tourists in West Asia due to its involvement in the civil war crisis, Syria is a case in point for the issue of re-branding at the national level. This study aimed to identify the components and explain them in the form of a nation re-branding pattern in the tourism industry. Using the Grounded theory with a classical approach, the statistical population, including public and private experts in the Syrian tourism industry, was selected and 13 people were selected by the non-probabilistic snowball sampling method. The use of in-depth non-structured interviews to achieve the desired concepts for data collection was on the agenda. The results showed that the most important components of the national brand regeneration model include seven concepts: "Improving the country's context, forming a nation branding headquarters, stakeholder management, assessing the impact of the crisis on the nation brand, formulating a restructuring plan, repositioning and evaluating the nation brand".

In the present study, the relations between the two countries of the United States and the Republic of Azerbaijan in relation to the Islamic Republic of Iran are discussed. It was independent of the Soviet Union, and the inclination of these countries, especially the Republic of Azerbaijan, to the West - especially the United States - facilitated this influence. It seeks Russian influence on the axis of joining the West and (American-European) structures, especially NATO and the United States. On the other hand, Iran is moving in the direction of regional cohesion and away from the axis of the United States. Therefore, in these areas, the Republic of Azerbaijan does not agree with the direction of Iran's move. Therefore, the fundamental question is what consequences the expansion of political and security relations between Azerbaijan and the United States had for the national security of the Islamic Republic between 1990 and 2017? The Republic of Azerbaijan is one of the groups of countries that have linked their foreign policy with the United States and the West and defined their goals in geographical development and nationbuilding in relation to Iran. Their security and military have a negative impact on the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. This research has been collected by descriptive and analytical methods of collecting information from libraries and the Internet.

Purpose – This meta-synthesis aims to building theory out of primary nation branding’s qualitative case studies that have not been planned as part of a integrate multisite effect in the form of a multilevel model.Design/methodology/approach – This study was conducted by the meta-synthesis method to generate theory from qualitative case studies in nation branding literature. The authors retrieved 987 research papers from databases, of which 38 paper were used for meta-synthesis purposes. Each sample of current reported one or more cases, that were analyzed separately.Findings – The results showed that case studies on the field of nation branding at two levels of people and government have examined the influential, processual, and output factors of nation branding, and there are also two categories of tangible and intangible assets for nations that influence the nation branding process and are influenced by popular and governmental factors. the government is responsible for planning and implementing the nation branding, and finally the peoples and assets factors of a country influence nation branding processes.Originality/value – First contribute of this research is our systematically review of case studies in the domain of nation branding that have been published and identify the levels and factors involved in the literature of nation branding. The second contribute of these studies is indicate key nation branding variables in the multilevel conceptual framework using the meta-synthesis method.

Nation-state establishment is a process wherein a country makes an attempt to gain and maintain its autonomy, sovereignty, and independence through the development of its power and institutional capacity. Such a goal can be achieved by gaining territorial saturation, national solidarity and political stability. This process has not reached a successful condition in most West Asian countries, and the governments and for some reasons, the nations do not match properly. An essential reason for these cases relates to the improper creation of these countries and their emergence from Post-World War I treaties, resulting in so many problems and challenges for these countries. The question arising here relates to the problems and challenges that nation-state building process has caused in West Asian countries. The hypothesis of this research involves the fact that various internal and external challenges such as ethnic, religious and racial variations, lack of a stable structure and solidarity of national identity, lack of democratic structures and having no resolution for territorial disputes with neighboring countries, and foreign intervention in the affaires of these countries have caused these problems. Moreover, no inclusive plan and model has been presented to accomplish the process of state-nation building and solving the problems and crises in the region. This research is aimed at providing a general analytical model for explaining the process and the challenges facing the nation-state building process in the region. This is a descriptive-explanatory research whose data are collected by reviewing the documents through library technique.

This study seeks to analyze the effects of the colonial nation-state project on the emergence of new states in Middle East and its impact on recent Middle East crises.Following the collapse of the Ottoman Empire,the new Middle East governments emerged.These emerging states were born with the involvement of the colonial powers of the time in determining geopolitical and political boundaries.This colonial division,irrespective of the demographic context of the region,made these governments themselves the center of crisis in the Middle East.One of the consequences of this was the creation of very shaky social faults,which have appeared in the area of ​​revisionist reactions to the order at the national level.In fact, three obstacles to Pan-Arabism,Pan-Islamism, and finally to Kurds in recent decades have paved the way for the state-building of the nation-state in the Middle East.Contrary to European trends,the Middle East has never allowed these three barriers to institutionalized nationhood,resulting in the emergence of crisis at various levels of government born from the borders of the Ottoman Empire in the years following World War I.It is noteworthy that the present research is a descriptive-analytical method and a general outline of state-nation-building has been presented using theories of state-nation-building to generalize the research

One of the most popular views among scholars of sociology and political science on ethnic and national identity is the theory of Primordialism. Against this theory there are opposing views. In order to get the correct insight it is necessary to examine this theory. In the meantime, there are questions: Firstly, what is the Primordialism claim, Secondly, Is this claim admissible in the context of reason and revelation or not. This theory is described in three ways by three approaches: naturalistic, biological and culture-based: A. "Ethnic identity is an old and essential phenomenon", B. "Ethnic identity is an old phenomenon and social biology", C. "Ethnic identities are formed from attachment to cultural ideas that are eternal". Citation by proof method as well as analysis of Qur'anic verses has criticized the claim of all three approaches. And concludes that ethnic identity is not essential, primordial, biological, natural and innate, But this identity is shaped by attachment to cultural ideas, and can be changed.

Promoting a brand by increasing international credibility and creating competitive advantage will increase political influence, achieve export goals, attract foreign capital and develop tourism industry. Therefore, it is important to examine the effective factors on it. In this regard, the present study attempted to investigate the effect of components of knowledge including economic incentive and institutional regime, innovation system, education and human resources and information and communication technology infrastructure on the nation brand in 82 selected countries of the world during the period 2011-2017. For this purpose, the research model estimated using panel data and generalized moment’s method. The results showed that the effect of economic incentive and institutional regime, innovation system, education and human resources and information and communication technology infrastructure on the nation brand is positive and significant. In the meantime, the impact of economic incentive and institutional regime is greater than other components of knowledge. Also, the effect of controlling variable of natural capital on the value of a brand is positive and significant.

From the past to This Day have Happened Practical Transformations and Many Theoretical in political Geography and Geopolitics discourses. "Nation- State", Which is the Core of Political geography and Geopolitical studies; Affected As a Result of these Changes. Present Paper By Interpretation Method And the use of Library Data is Looking to Answer that Question that Transition from Modern Geopolitics to Postmodern, Have Been The Discourse of "Nation- State" What a Transformation and Nature Changes? Normally, in any era the discourse period is governed with its own specs. Characteristics such as: Integrity, Singularity, Objectivism, Determinism and Foundationalism has Caused Which in the Discourse of Modernity, that the Modern State is a State with Specific geographic, Political, Legal, and Social, Identity and Etc. However, as a Consequence of the Characteristics of Post Modernity (and Itself the Dominant Discourse), Like: Pluralism and Lack of Absolutism, Negation of Particular Narrative and Etc; the Government as a Complete Reference (Sovereignty, Security, Poverty and Etc.), In No Way is it Acceptable. In Short, the Purpose of This Research to Compare and Clarify the Dimensions: Social (the Dimension of Nation and Nationalism), Political (Government Dimension), Legal (Governance Later), State (Country) in the Transition From Modern to Postmodern. To be paid at the end of the Threat of a Post-Modern Government (Post Territory) Challenge in the Transfer.