Energy is the Achilles heel of many global trends, and oil is the role of the blood of civilization and industry at the heart of the global economy.To policy on this strategic matter, OPEC, as a transnational specialized international organization, was founded by five founding members: Iran, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and Venezuela at the 10th-14th September 1960 conference in Baghdad. This organization only having less than 5% of the world's population owns 81.89% of proven crude oil reserves and a share of about 40%   global crude oil production has contributed to ensuring the security of energy supply in the global economy. OPEC's performance has been on the ups and downs since its inception. OPEC performance has been up and down since its inception. The main question now is: What is the position of OPEC in the global economy in the current decade? Now assumption It's over That's it This  organization, having passed its ups and downs, has fallen in the global economy at its 58th birthday. The purpose of this study was to investigate the formation, transformation and recognition of OPEC's position in the world economy in the current decade. Pattern interaction manufacturer  smart to enhance inter-organizational coherence  goodness  Its position in the global economy is one of the initiatives of this research. We have use the document-library method to collect data and  the theory of realism in international political economy, Robert Gilpin, to analyze the subject. , Our research method in this article is descriptive-analytic.

Financial markets are one of the most fundamental markets in any country. In the financial markets, the securities market and the foreign exchange market are sensitive sectors. These two markets are affected by fluctuations and economic cycles so reflect economic changes rapidly. Changes in the returns of one market due to arbitrage conditions during time lead to changes in the returns of other markets. This paper by dividing the spillover effect into two parts, mean effect and volatility effect, employing DCC-GARCH method, aimed to capture the spillover effects of dollar return, global market and Iran financial market in the period 1394-1398. Mean conditional results show that stock returns react negatively to dollar returns. In other words, there is a substitution between dollar returns and stock returns among economic agents. For the global economy, the stock market returns decreases with the fluctuations of the global economy index, but for the dollar, the relationship is reversed so that increase in the global economy index volatility increases the dollar return. For the volatility spillover, the results also supported strong spillover between each market pairs.

In 1980s، under the influence of neo-liberalism movement as a dominant approach in politics and global economy، Egypt started reforming its domestic economic structure and tried to improve its position domestically and internationally. The question is how the performance of Egyptian government in reforming process has been، following the teachings of neo-liberalism. The hypothesis of this paper regards the performance of the Egyptian government in implementing neo-liberal policies and merging in global economy as factors in reproduction of authoritarianism، emergence of weak private sector، corrupt market oriented economy، quasi-mafia economic relations، and finally failure of reforms and collapse of Mubarak’s government.

Due to the global economy strong dependence on fossil resources, the critical question is how long the fossil resources and in particular petroleum, can provide the energy growing demand of global economy. Based on US historical experience of petroleum production and also Hubbert peak theory, energy institutions and experts tried to estimate and predict the time of world maximum petroleum production. These estimations according to some factors such as the growth of energy demand in the world, the amount of conventional and unconventional reservoirs, petroleum extraction technologies, the increasing trend of world petroleum price, etc. In addition to review the historical concept of peak oil, this paper tries to analyze different opinions and reports in this field, compare them and examine their strengths and weaknesses.Finally, this paper examines the impacts of main factors on peak oil and the solutions to postpone it and also investigate the actions against peak oil consequences on the global economy during its occurring.

The global economy has witnessed a trade war between China and the United States since January 2018, which is complex and widespread, and has now turned into a tech-war with sanctions Huawei and ZTE. The US trade war with China is a zero-sum game that has no winners and severely hurts both sides. So the question is, why did the United States start a trade war against China, and what are its consequences? The US trade deficit with China and the competition for control of the global economy are the reasons of trade war. If continued and intensified, reducing the growth of world trade and creating two economic blocs with the focus on the United States and China are its consequences. The purpose of this article is to show that China's growth in recent years, especially after joining the World Trade Organization, has led that the Trump administration knows China as a strategic competitor in its National Security Strategy document and threatening to US domination on global economy. So with the trade war against this country, it is trying to contain China's growth.

The international political economy of oil is influenced by social, economic and strategic factors. Due to enjoying this natural resource, countries like Iran have been confronted with this rule. During the post-Cold War years, the world experienced an evolution in the structure and processes of the global economy. In the years after the collapse of bipolar structure when the capitalist system gained a more effective stature in the global politics and economics, new forces emerged among the factors affecting the international politics and economics. The political economy of oil can be considered as dependence or isolation of countries as player in global economy system. Thus, countries with oil-oriented economy tend to adopt their strategic policies based on economic requirements and public needs of the global economy. In this regard, Iran situation seems to be completely different. The approval of various bills concerning the economic sanctions against Iran and their enforcement is influenced by a variety of factors such as policy-making on the political economy of oil. There have been different approaches taken by the US, the EU and several industrial nations so as to mitigate the Iranian strategic capabilities. In such circumstances, the US strategic constraints against the Middle Eastern countries and the international system have generally concentrated on the requirements of the global economy. Such requirements have constantly been regarded as the major factor in decision-making on policy-making on oil political economy whenever it came to how the industrial countries should deal with the Middle-east actors including Iran. This paper is a descriptive research in which policy of political economy of oil is independent variable and volatile oil prices and the economic sanctions of the Islamic Republic has been considered as the dependent variable. It also revolves mainly around how the Geneva talks, the negotiations in Vienna as well as the nuclear agreement between Iran and the P5+1 known as the Joint Action Plan are subject to policy-making on political economy of oil. In fact, all the international negotiations and cooperative models are affected by the political economy of policies made by the countries and the international system.

Trade integration with global economy could be evaluated by some well-known trade specialization indicators such as trade dissimilarity, the export centralization, and the inter-industry specialization. Trade specialization pattern has important implications for export productivity. In order to recognize the trade pattern of the members of OPEC, this paper calculates and analyses the patterns of trade specialization and export productivity profiles in these countries, over the period of 1995-2006. The findings indicate that, in spite of trade integration with global economy in OPEC members, these countries have mostly concentrated on the export of less productive product categories.

Globalization process through consolidation of many national economies has shaped global economy and led to a network of world cities. In this context, metropolitan for surviving in such competitive environment will require appropriate infrastructures, capacities, and powers. Accordingly, the measuring position of metropolitan areas is necessary to determine the role of them in the global economy. This paper identifies the impacts of economic globalization on the spatial structure of Tehran and Istanbul metropolitans and also compare the function of these cities in the globalization process. The research method was descriptive-analytical and analyzes were based on secondary data. Findings revealed that in term of economic dimension and foreign investment, Istanbul has favorable condition compared to Tehran. However, the lowest difference was related to Internet penetration. Investigation of spatial structure based on polycentricity and investments in meta-projects indicators showed that there are transformations in the Tehran metropolitan. These changes are higher than and more multidimensional in the Istanbul. Finally, it can be argued that the position of Istanbul in the global economy is better than Tehran. Istanbul metropolitan based on necessities of the global economy, inevitably, experiences spatial restructuring.

Since the early 1970s, religious fundamentalism has become very widespread. From this time, different researchers have applied a single approach, namely the "cultural" approach to religious fundamentalism. But this approach with a one-dimensional view, in addition to hiding many angles of religious fundamentalism, has resulted in an intangible and domineering downward view. But on the other hand, the economic approach, as the approach of this article, away from issues such as identity, ideology, has focused on a more objective level, which is the economic level, and has replaced a global view with a limited and regional view.Therefore, in this research, the flow of religious fundamentalism is investigated and studied with an economic approach, focused on the performance and role of the global economy in relation to countries. Of course, two broad views have been proposed regarding the performance of the global economy. The first point of view is called the convergence point of view, which believes that the global economy will definitely bring relative prosperity and development to the world, and the supporters of this point of view have a completely positive view of the performance of the global economy. The second point of view is known as the divergence point of view. The supporters of this point of view emphasize the inequality that the global economy creates deep economic gaps between the two parts of the world, the poor and the rich, and consequently provides the basis for religious fundamentalism. Of course, in addition to these two views, the global economy can be examined from anotherperspective. That is, the performance and role of the global economy are not absolutely positive or negative; rather, the performance of the world economy in different countries has different effects and results, and the indicators of the world economy, according to the typeof economic and development structure of the countries, have different effects. In fact, the effects of the global economy in economically underdeveloped countries can provide the necessary platform for the formation of religious fundamentalism.With these premises, this research seeks to show that due to the mutual dependence of economies on each other and the necessity of the convergence of the national economy in the global economic system, governments, especially weak governments in terms of economic development, have entered international markets to advance their development strategies and engaged in participation and competition, and they are forced to join other national governments and establish a new order of transnational government in order to restore power in the world; But the inappropriate entry of these governments into the global economy has led to their inability to control some of the negative results and effects in their national economy; Because in the new conditions, power is no longer concentrated in the institution of the nation state, but has been spread and transformed in the global networks of wealth and information. This new power is placed in the codes of information and in representational images, but it has moved in the direction of conflict with the dominant logic of the networked world and has been involved in defensive and offensive conflicts of resistance at individual, national and transnational levels, leading to the formation of religious fundamentalism. In other words, the process of the global economy has gained extraordinary momentum and a current with such a huge scope has had many effects in various societies, especially underdeveloped societies, and has provided many reactions, such as the growth of religious fundamentalist currents. For this purpose, this research seeks to investigate religious fundamentalism in Egypt by focusing on the economic approach because, so far, previous research and sources have used the cultural approach to investigate religious fundamentalism in Egypt and by focusing on issues such as identity, nationality, etc. have investigated this issue. But with a global view, this thesis deals with the more objective level of life, which is the economic level. What effect has the global economy had on the establishment of religious fundamentalism in Egypt between the years (1974-1985)?

This research has used the descriptive-analytical method and library sources to investigate this issue.

The findings showed that the performance of the world economy in relation to Egypt's economic development had a destructive aspect and became a platform for the formation of religious fundamentalism. In fact, Egypt, which did not have a legitimate and developmental national government until the 1970s, was involved in internal conflicts, economic instability, and class divisions. In such a situation, the national government of Egypt enters the world economy under the title of opening policy to improve its status, but it becomes weaker than in the past because the indicators of the global economy, on the one hand, lead to the decline of the legitimacy and authority of the government and, on the other hand, lead to the disillusionment and dissatisfaction of the people with the economic situation of their country, which consequently provides a suitable platform for the presence and expansion of religious fundamentalism.

Currently, the global community is on the threshold of a transition from fossil fuels as a result of transformations such as climate change, entailing the strict implementation of carbon setoff policies and quick progress in green technologies. A transition to clean, low-carbon energies will not only disrupt the global energy system, it will also impact the global economy and political dynamism within and without all states. Based on these transformations, the present article asks the question of how the energy transition will impact the geopolitical future of the global oil economy. The authors hypothesize the following in answer to this question: Given the superior, more advanced position of economic powers such as China and the US in clean energy technologies, we are likely to witness the weakening of traditional oil powers in a post-carbon world, such as the Middle East and North African countries (MENA) and Russia; in contrast, the balance of power will tilt heavily towards current energy consumers. Technology-savvy countries have the knowledge to reproduce and stabilize their power in the global economy. The traditional countries of the energy sector, however, face shortfalls in their infrastructure and modern technologies and will lose their geopolitical position to a large extent.