حسن صادقیان

The Al-Aqsa storm operation and the subsequent crimes of the Zionist regime against the people of Gaza, which have been ongoing since October 7, 2023 have provided the basis for changing attitudes and approaches in the functional nature of the structure and agency at the global level and raised the question that Will this issue cause confrontation or interaction of structure and agency in different countries, especially Islamic countries?

In response to this question, in the form of "process tracing" method and based on the framework of structure and agency, while examining the general trend of this issue in the countries of the world, Turkey was selected as a case study and investigated.

The finding of the research is that while the Gaza crisis has brought "increasing conflict between the structure and the agent" in different countries of the world; But this process in Islamic countries, especially Turkey, has been a two-way interaction/confrontation, and the continuation of the Gaza crisis in Turkey has made this process more confrontational.

The crisis in Gaza and the intensification of the Zionist regime's crimes in other countries of the region have intensified the wave of criticism and protests against the policies of the ruling Turkish government and made the process of communication between the structure and the agency even more confrontational. From the realm of necessity, to step into the realm of “what will be” or “what should be”; and basically, he wants to perform the role of “active activism” and “strategic activism” correctly and effectively.

Today, political analysts consider that the concept of "smart power" has developed as a result of the combination of "soft power - hard power". The case study of the current research confirms this claim; This means that Turkey, during the last two decades, to advance its goals and realize its interests, has combined soft and hard power mechanisms such as the Turkish Cooperation and Coordination Agency, the Public Diplomacy Coordinating Organization, the Yunus Emre Institute, the Radio Organization and Turkish State Television, Anadolu Agency, Organization of Turks Abroad and Related Communities, International Organization of Turkish Culture, Turkish Red Crescent, the Office of Religious Affairs, Turkish Education Foundation, etc. It is a powerful presence and gaining national, regional, and international authority, on the other hand, in the discussion of public diplomacy, beyond these motives, the provision of religious, humanitarian, ethnic, and security goals has been prioritized.In other words, Turkey's soft power has been effective in its various dimensions during the last two decades and has paved the way for the holders of this power [the Justice and Development Party governments] to have both authority, interests, security, and a kind of Cover the self-concept and the deepening of religious and ideological attitudes with the clothes of realization. So that the leaders of this country, realize this in choosing the field, apart from being in the peripheral regions, they also think about distant regions; Therefore, Turkey is one of the countries in the region that has paid attention to almost all cultural climates in the field of Islam and Muslims. Central Asia, the Caucasus and Transcaucasia, Southwest Asia, the Balkans, the Crimean Islands and beyond, the Horn of Africa, etc., have generally been exposed to the presence and cultural movements of Turkey in recent years.However, the source and origin of Turkey's soft power should be sought in the deep social, political, and economic developments of this country. This in turn is based on an effective combination of political strategies of the ruling political structures, which intensified the focus of politics on the individual, companies, and civil society organizations. This development included redefining the Turkish political language, giving a new role to business organizations and non-governmental organizations, and reanalyzing the relationship between Islam and democracy.It is obvious that along with the economic and social changes in the domestic sphere, the emergence and occurrence of important changes in the international scene, such as "the end of the Cold War and consequently the end of the bipolar system", and "Turkey's membership proposal in the European Union" are an opportunity. It provided new possibilities for Turkey, the most important of which was openness from the perspective of foreign policy and trade policy. Turkey's soft power discourse parallels the rise and fall of Turkey's foreign policy; Therefore, it has gone through different periods.So in the last two decades, when we are facing the single rule of the Justice and Development Party, Turkey's soft power has been influenced by the ups and downs of foreign policy. In other words, according to the political nature of the Justice and Development Party government and the process of domestic, regional, and international political developments, the weight and importance of the aforementioned mechanisms in securing national interests have been different. For example, in the first decade of the Justice and Development Party's rule, i.e. from 2003 to 2013, the role of soft power mechanisms such as Tika and Yunus Emre in smoothing the path of progress and development was much greater. But in the second decade, that is, from 2013 until now, with the beginning of the crises in the Middle East region and Turkish campaigns in areas of Syria and Iraq and the emergence of internal political problems in Turkey such as the Gezi Park crisis and the failed coup of 2016, the role and importance of mechanisms It has become more difficult to secure national interests. The presence and role of Turkish military forces in Syria, Iraq, Libya, Karabagh, and recently in Afghanistan confirms this claim.So, with the reduction of Turkey's decisive foreign policy and the reduction of international credibility, which served the political program of the Justice and Development Party, the credibility and importance of the discourse of soft power has been greatly weakened, and in a way, it has witnessed a shift in discourse, which means the decline of soft power and We are witnessing the emergence of hard power, in which the role of mechanisms such as the Red Crescent, the Crisis Management Organization, and the Armed Forces have increased exponentially. Regional changes and the failure of developmental policies in West Asia, the increase of radicalism and terrorism, the involvement of foreign powers, and the need to deal with increasing combined threats, etc., are the necessary reasons for the use of hard power at the disposal of Ankara. Contract. Turkey's activity in this sense is mainly based on four pillars:- Presidential system with extensive executive power and centralized decision-making process;- a domestic defense industry that increasingly meets the needs of the armed forces locally;- Trying to have strategic autonomy as a great regional power;- A professional army with a long history in multi-front combined wars. (found)The theoretical framework of the current research is based on the theory of "soft power" (theoretical framework) and in terms of methodology, the "process tracing" method has been used from the subsets of case analysis. (Method) In general Four types of "mechanism" definitions have been presented, each of which is concerned with [mostly political-social] issues from a specific dimension:Mechanism as the cause of an effect [the effect of choosing a certain set of preferences and requirements on social outcomes]; 2. mechanism as a mediating process, event, or variable [discovering the nature, substance, or internal structure]; 3. Mechanism as an indeterminate causal process [causal sequences linking events; causal patterns that occur repeatedly and are easily recognized, but operate under generally unknown conditions or with unknown results]; 4. The mechanism is an intangible thing that creates the result [events that change the relationships between some elements and components of the set; A set of interconnected components or elements that create an effect that does not exist by itself in any of the elements alone].In the current study, the definition of the fourth type, that is, "mechanism as an intangible thing that creates the result"; has been exploited. In this way, the main hypothesis is that Turkey's soft power supply mechanisms are considered as a set of interconnected components or elements that create an effect that by itself Does not exist in any of the elements alone. In other words, mechanisms such as Turkish Cooperation and Coordination Agency, Public Diplomacy Coordinating Organization, Yunus Emre Institute, Turkish State Radio and Television Organization, Anadolu Agency, Organization of Turks Abroad and Related Communities, International Organization of Turkish Culture, Administration of the Office of Religious Affairs, Maarif Foundation, Red Crescent, Armed Forces, etc. are an interconnected and at the same time separate complex that the realization of Turkey's soft power depends on their individual and collective actions.

The Alawite community, who according to the Supreme Leader are "orphans of the family of Muhammad", believe in following the school of Ahl-ul-Bayt (a.s) is still rooted in them. However, throughout the history of Alawism, due to the influence of some religious movements, policies and targeted political-cultural planning, they have suffered from a mixed and multifaceted identity and nature. Therefore, the trustees of this field have a kind of religious and customary duty to celebrate some religious holidays and ceremonies with a detailed and comprehensive planning and focusing on the common aspects with the Alevi community, that is, a special belief in the Imams (a.s.). And finally, believing in the principles, pillars, and values of the school of Ahl- ul-Bayt (a.s), take fundamental steps in the direction of reviving the true religious identity of the Alevi community. (Question) The current research has tried to analyze and evaluate the impact of the Islamic Revolution of Iran in restoring the true identity of the Turkish Alevi community based on the descriptive-analytical method and according to the "diffusion theory" from the words of ideological leaders. (Methodology) In general, Alevi leaders believe that today, with the blessing of the Iranian Islamic Revolution and the correct understanding of the Ahl- ul-Bayt (a.s) school, efforts are being made to introduce the correct principles and traditions to the Alevi society. In this regard, it is a great responsibility for Alevi leaders and sects to keep the Alevi community safe from threats by educating the Ahl-ul -Bayt (a.s.)

Development journalism has been adorned since the 1980s with qualities such as nation-state founder, government partner, government-strengthening agents, transparency watchdogs and observers. The purpose of this article is to analyze the role of development journalism in the process of democratization in Turkey and the interaction of government-media relations on the process of development journalism as well. In this research, methodologically, the "process tracking" method from the sub-case analysis subsets has been used. In Turkey, "development journalism" has essentially played the role of a professional intellectual who provides the energy needed for social movements and helps to raise awareness of the need for action. This trend was felt almost during the Second World War and after the establishment of a multi-party political system in this country in 1945, despite extensive obstacles, including the intervention and rule of the military, and has continued to this day with its own ups and downs. With the entry into the multiparty system in 1945, changes in social and political systems and in legal and economic spheres were also reflected in the media. With the emergence of the Democratic Party as the first elected party in the history of Turkey, the expectation of dramatic changes in the press wasformed, but the practice of "authoritarian benevolence" which believes in the need for cooperation between newspapers and governments during nation-building and in the social, economic and political processes, it was not realized in this period. In the 1960s, due to the military coup and the adoption of a new constitution, the main and determining element of government-media relations was the governing style and politics of the ruling structure. In the 1970s, one of the most critical periods of political and social change in Turkey, the press and media failed to provide much energy for social movements, and fundamentally new forms of protest and new concepts of politics were not produced. In the 1980s, the authoritarian form of the Turkish political system did not allow the development of the Turkish journalism to continue its upward trend. It was drawn towards commercialization and consumerism. In the 1990s, like the political system that underwent a coalition structure full of ups and downs, the press experienced a period of monopoly and fragmentation, and so the Turkish press, including journalism, was declining. In the 21st century, when the Islamist Justice Party came to power and is still in power, we can call this period as the process of gradually democratizing and purposefully changing some provisions of the constitution and finally changing the political system from parliamentary to presidential. In this period gradually The "benevolence of authoritarianism" fades and we see the practice of totalitarianism, which has greatly limited the space for growth and development of development journalism.

Generally, the process of democratization includes some variables such as socio-economic modernization, the role of government in modernization, the capacity of the democratic state, the legacy of the authoritarian system before transition, the country's position in the global system and dependence, the structural foundations of political parties, the content and structure of the constitution, the spirit and attitude of leaders and the nature of political movements. In fact, these variables are preconditions for realization of democracy. The process of democratization in Turkey has been affected by almost all of these variables since the beginning of the process of democratization. In this paper, in the process of democratization of the late Ottoman period and the first two decades of the Republic of Turkey, the main focus is on the role and effects of these three variables: "the content and structure of the constitution", "the spirit and attitude of political leaders and elites" and "the nature of political movements". The theoretical framework of the paper is based on the "theory of structural preconditions for the consolidation of democracy". The method used in the paper is historical- sociological investigation of the case study.

In today's world, social and virtual media are [almost] one of the main pillars of politics and policy- making. Both political structure and human subjects use these tools to achieve their goals and interests. Nevertheless, there are controversy about the positive or negative effects of social and virtual media in the process of democratization; This the medias, while inherently contributing to the contradictory function of "service and betrayal", depend on the accidental and lateral function of "the nature of political order".The emphasis of the present study is that the impact of adverse effects on the weak (fragile) and sometimes negative effects of social and virtual media in the process of democratization is more than inherent complications, Because the undemocratic nature of the political order does not allow the formation of a public space and the connection between virtual space and real. The case study of the ruling party of the AKP (2002-2019) confirms this claim .

The process of democratization of Turkey over more than a century has been accompanied by various barriers, such as military intervention, inefficient and passive opposition, undemocratic performance and sponsor of the religious-political tariqa, ethnic and religious rifts, authoritarian government leaders, political parties’ poor and sometimes biased performance, contradictory international policies [political pressures, ideological considerations of the European :::union::: and the United States], the spirit of the time [the power of extreme political systems and the supporter of dictatorship in the international system], the proliferation effects of the region, each of which contributes to delaying in the "consolidation of democracy". The result of the present study is that although the barriers still remain influential in the era of the AKP [2002 </span>-present], their impact has declined substantially; thus, the new multilayer barrier , under the title "The ambiguous and multi-faceted political nature-a structured party structure-the authoritarian leadership of the leadership". This new barrier has created its special container / templates under the titles of "Delegative Democracy" and "Semi-authority", which have their own barriers to consolidating democracy. In this research, it has been attempted to analyze the barriers to the consolidation of democracy during the mentioned period, based on the descriptive-analytical methodology and library and documentary sources.

Since our government is ideological, the laws must be based on religious rules and the infallibles` lifestyle. One of the primary sources for taking pattern on, is Imam Ali`s (peace be upon him) governorship. Studying his governorship shows that he never consented on neglecting the ideals, principles and religious rules, even if it meant undermining the power and ruling. Research in the sections on "conflict" or "secondary rules" indicates that based on the known rules on jurisprudence, to preserve a government, sometimes neglecting a religious rule, is legal. In such a case, the primary rule must not be emphasized. Such an insistence, is not only a sign of piety, but also is rationally and religiously discouraged. Having this fact in mind, the ideal behavior of Imam Ali (peace be upon him) is not adaptable to the known jurisprudent rules. This paper seeks to examine each of these samples so that it shows that Imam Ali`s (peace be upon him) behavior were completely adapted with jurisprudent rules and they can be examined in the same manner.

In the political life of the Commander of the Faithful, Imam Ali,(may God’s peace be upon him), one can find certain cases where he has shown flexibility toward observing penal laws in order to preserve and safeguard the Islamic state and its authority. For example, his judges being granted permission to judge in the manner the judges did at the time of the caliphs prior to him, his preservation of some innovations such as nightly prayers in RamaÃÁn (tarÁwih), a twenty-five year co-operation of convenience with the tyranny, etc. That is why some have raised doubts that in such cases Imam Ali (may God’s peace be upon him) has chosen to sacrifice canonic rules for preserving his power and rule. An attempt has been made in this article to explain the legal regulations governing the conduct of the Commander of the Faithful so that his realistic conduct can be analyzed accordingly. In doing so, at first, a jurisprudential framework is given in accordance with the known principles and regulations in fiqh and the Principles (OsÙl) and then an attempt is made to check individual instances of realism in the life-style of the Commander of the Faithful against that framework based on documentary sources. In case we succeed to do this, we have achieved an acceptable standard which can be taken as an appropriate model to follow in our political and governmental procedures and to apply it in governmental policy-making.

This study is an attempt to report the findings of an experimental and filed study on the innovation and intelligence as two outstanding traits of humans being. Contrary to their great significance in accounting for the behavior and personality of man and various speculations on them, the nature of these traits still remain unknown and there are a lot of controversies among psychologists and educationalists as far as the measurement and identification of them are concerned. Then, here it is tried to cast some light on these traits on the basis of various speculations, approaches as well as the research studies offered and conducted so far, respectively.