فهرست مطالب حشمتالله فلاحت پیشه

This research explores the historical course of the concept of public interest in the Islamic Republic era. Considering the idea of public interest, this article tries to explain the concept of public interest from the perspective of Ayatollah Khomeini's political thought which includes his speech about the acceptance of the resolution and an excerpt from his political will. The concept of public interest from Ayatollah Khomeini's point of view and its relationship with national interests, legal guardianship, and maintaining the totality of the system have been examined. With the Islamic revolution, many concepts underwent a semantic transformation and were placed in a new format. The method of this article is one of the qualitative methods of meaning analysis, especially Fairclough's critical discourse analysis method. The findings of this paper show that, first, public interest still takes priority over individual interest. Secondly, due to its social background, this concept acquired Shiite themes after the revolution. The final result of this article is that when Sharia rulings and public interest are in conflict, public interest prevails over Sharia rulings. Issuing governmental decrees is exclusively the responsibility of the legal guardian, and this concept is derived from the theory of welayat al-faqih, which is rooted in the Shia tradition. Ayatollah Khomeini's concept of public interest, which is closely linked to national concerns, legal guardianship and the cohesion of the overarching system, reveals a nuanced political philosophy. However, in Ayatollah Khomeini's thought, the jurist is the successor of the infallible imams and has the rights of imams, and one of these powers is the government decree that the leadership uses in times of need for the public interest of the society. The dynamic interaction between Islamic principles and the imperatives of public welfare, as articulated by ayatollah Khomeini, serves as a distinctive feature in the evolving landscape of the Islamic Republic.

The deployment of the US missile defense system in Eastern Europe is one of the most strategic issues that has been at the top of the region and the world over the past few decades. Moscow considers the deployment and extension of the system to be a stabilization of US hegemony and a threat to Russia's increased military and missile power, and has taken retaliatory measures to counteract the effects of this system. The study seeks to answer the question that Russia has taken to counteract the effects of the US missile shield in Eastern Europe. The assumption is that since Moscow is deploying a US missile shield in Eastern Europe, it seeks to control Russia and remove Russia from strategic missile forces. Therefore, Russia has embarked on diplomatic and military actions in response to this plan, and it is trying to maintain the so-called strategic balance in Eastern Europe, which could bring the region into the arms race. In terms of the implementation method, the research is of a descriptive-analytical type and is based on the balance-of-threat theory.

The United States has to withdraw the powers in Eurasian geopolitical region, such as Russia, China, and Iran; and increase its influence in this region to draw up a new Eurasian geopolitical map. The interests of this country can be evaluated in addition to maintaining strategic patterns from the perspective of dominating energy reserves, securing oil pipelines, countering the influence of Russia, China and Iran. Russia, on the other hand, as a serious critic of US policies will seek to gain regional supremacy in Eurasia, following the relative establishment of political stability. it will certainly be a challenge for US policies in the region. China has cultural, economic and security links with some of the Eurasian countries, establishing itself as a great power by relying on worldwide economic power. These confrontations and disagreements with Washington's unilateral policies in the Eurasia geopolitical region with the presence of the Islamic Republic of Iran have become a strategic triangle for the establishment of a barrier policy.

The term of geopolitics, as a controversial and ambiguous word, was first introduced by the Swedish scientist "Radolf Kilen" in the 1899 and in the concept of "knowledge of the analysis of geography and politics relationship" came to contemporary political geography field. Geopolitics is the study of international relations and contrasts concerning the geographies. In other words, the influence of geographical factors such as the location, distance, and distribution of natural and human resources on international relations is a geopolitical issue (Braden & Shelley, 2000: 5).

Due to the nature of the subject, library and documentary methods have been used for data collection and qualitative analysis has been used for data analysis in which the classification, evaluation, comparison and analysis of the data are done to test the research hypothesis. The nature of this research is descriptive-analytical.

Eurasia as the Earth's Heartland is a key pillar of world domination. Indeed, specific indicators of the strategic regions of the world should be sought in this region. This is as important fact as Mackinder says: "Any power that can dominate Eurasia can control the world" (Nazemroaya & Halliday, 2012: 67 68). The United States has placed the acquisition and consolidation of world hegemony in the forefront of its determination, actions, and foreign policy responses, and at this time seeks to maintain its position by preventing the emergence of a global challenge power and even the formation of an anti-hegemonic alliance. Therefore, it seeks to prevent the creation of anti-hegemon alliances with a different mix of Iran, Russia, China, and India by infiltrating Russia's backyard, controlling China, and communicating with their neighbours. In the new conditions of the international system in which any power is met with resistance, the Eurasian region has the most potential to form an anti-hegemon axis for encountering America. Countries such as Russia, China, and Iran that are recently recognized as primarily regional powers, and some political scholars believe they have the potential to form an anti-hegemon axis in the Eurasian region. Brzezinski warned that the emergence of a Eurasian hostile coalition could challenge American supremacy. The aggressive nature of US strategy is clearly evident in Brzezinski's remarks. He identified the potential Eurasian coalition as a potential anti-hegemonic coalition or North Atlantic anti-coalition formed by the help of Iran, Russia, and China coalition, with China at its center (Brzezinski, 1998: 32). In 1999, Beijing and Moscow were well aware of what was happening as well as future events. They were also well aware of US foreign policy. China and Russia signed a good neighbourly alliance and friendly collaboration on July 24, 2001. this happened less than two months after 9/11 events. A reciprocal defense alliance was established against NATO and the US, and a military network was established around China, pushing them beyond their territorial and bilateral defense integrity (Nazemroaya, 2012: 6- 7). As well as strengthening its military structure and capability in the domestic arena based on the principle of self-reliance, Iran has also had a presence in regional coalition and mechanisms which undoubtedly, the most important of them is Iran's presence in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization as one of the most important and comprehensive regional security mechanisms in Central Eurasia. (Karami and Kozegar Kalaji, 1393: 141).Washington's strategy for Central Asia after 2014 is to build communications channels along infrastructure such as the Northern Distribution Network and the New Silk Road with the aim of laying the foundations for a long-term structural relationship in Central Asia for the period following its military withdrawal (Javadyarjmand & salaverzizade, 1396:281). By establishing and leading new international organizations, China and Russia are also trying to challenge US-led Western Organizations and institutions. Iran's formal accession to Tracey (Europe, Caucasus, Asia) is a major step in breaking isolationist policies against Iran as well as strengthening Iran's transit status and increasing trade volume in Iran's southern route ( Karami & Kouzegarkaleji, 1393:139). China is well aware that it is highly vulnerable to a US leadership military strike on oil resources. That is why China is expanding its naval bases, so it insists and presses repeatedly to build onshore energy corridors and oil terminals directly from Central Asia and the Russian Federation to China. China's cooperation with Iran, Russia and the Central Asian republics helps to create an inter-Asian energy path and the continued flow of energy to China may be blocked if the oversight of the high seas by the US-led navy. The debate that has been going on for years over the development of a natural gas pipeline from Iran to Pakistan, India, and China is itself part of China's strategic policy (Conway & Nauman, 2011: 3).

Maintaining the hegemonic role of the United States in the unipolar world has been America's most important strategic goal from post-Cold War to contemporary era. The creation of military bases and various investments in large oil and gas projects in various parts of the world, including the Eurasian region, are examples of this effort to shape the new American order. This policy was carried out rapidly by the US and NATO in the early years of the 21st century without any serious opposition from the other powers. Although Brzezinski claims that until the next generation, America's standing as the world's sole power cannot be challenged by any rival power, Russia, China, and Iran, as the three most powerful and beneficiary countries in the region, has been dissatisfied with the action from Washington and NATO and the relative progress they have made over the past two decades; and they  are trying to counter US and NATO policies and in turn strengthening their influence and capability in this geopolitical area. Preventing US pressure to isolate Iran, Russia, and China, gain greater maneuverability internationally in partnership with independent or dissatisfied governments, preventing NATO's influence and empowerment, investing in environmental and tourism issues, and participating in international gas and oil pipeline projects are among the most important collaborative efforts of the three countries against US hegemonic policies in Eurasia.

Despite the new versions of political Islam appearing in the West Asia, three discourse patterns of political Islam can at least be identified, namely: the pattern of Shiite political Islam (revolutionary and transformational) with the Islamic Republic of Iran at the centre; the pattern of Salafi-Wahhabi political Islam (traditional conservative) led by Saudi Arabia; and the pattern of Ekhwani political Islam (civil pragmatist) in Egypt and Turkey. Because of the remarkable and efficient capabilities and characteristics shown by the mentioned-above countries in the West Asia, the regional security order will keep being influenced by the rivalry in these discourse identities. Based on the hypothesis in this article, due to the fundamental conflict that exists in norms, images, beliefs as well as the advent of the competitive and hegemonical nature of the discourses in the West Asia region, it faces a serious challenge to establish an optimal security order in the region. In this research, the idea of evolving the identity of a regional discourse based on the identity commonalities contained in the Islamic civilization has been offered as the nodal point of that discourse in order to establish a regional security order.

Public uprisings and new developments in the Arab world in 2011 which started by the uprising of Tunisian People and then developed into other countries of the Arab world such as Egypt, are considered as important transformations in the surrounding environment of the Middle East, which influence national security of different countries in the region such as Islamic Republic of Iran. Islamic Awakening developments have had deep influences on ranges of global and regional balance of power and have accelerated a set of upheavals in the international system. Islamic Awakening developments in Egypt, due to its specific features, have always been one of the important components affecting Iran’s national security because the Middle East, in addition to encountering regional crises and serious transformations which each regional player adopts mainly conflicting approaches for achieving their own aims and interests, observes the presence of trans-regional powers causing the increase in complicatedness of exchanges in the Middle East. The aim of the present study is to conduct the scenario planning of the future of political Islam in Egypt with the focus on trends and advances of Islamist movements in that country.

By examining different schools of political development, we can say that one-dimensional and totally materialist attitude to man based on the principle of humanism is one of the most important ones.In this sense, political development, religion, and moral propositions are eliminated as a barrier to political development, and this become a very material and universal meaning. But in Islamic thought, the ultimate goal of political progress is the achievement of mankind for the ultimate perfection and perfection of the Islamic caliphate of Allah. Meanwhile, in addition to arranging the world of their worlds as best they can, they embark on the path to excellence and achieve divine glory. The achievement of this important goal is the foundation of the human basis of political progress on Islamic teachings. In this paper, four of the foundations of the anthropology of political progress in Islam (empathy, authority, immortality, and human dignity) and their impact on political relations are analyzed.

Political Islam is a description used for the Islamic intellectual-political movement among other titles. Political Islam is a discourse concentrating on Islamic identity in the canon of political actions. With regard to upheavals in the Middle East and the extension of Islamic Awakening in Arabic and regional countries as well as the development of political Islam in Turkey, the study of processes and advances in the future of political Islam seems necessary and significant. Therefore, the present study was conducted with the aim of futurology of political Islam in Turkey via the qualitative method and interviews with elites. Analyzing the findings of the research indicated that propellants of political Islam in turkey include 12 cases: class conflict and economic decline, state legitimacy crisis; the crisis of culture and modernization, the religious, ethnic and Islamist growth in population growth and civil society development, expansion and deepening of secularism in society; the International variables; the impact of the Iranian revolution, social change macroeconomic and structural factors; Özalism and weakening radical Kemalism, political upheavals and changes in the balance of powers; the emergence of the AKP and promotion of democracy. The results of the study confirms the hypothesis and considers the mean scores of views higher than 3 (m >3) according to qualitative interviews with elites and their answers and indicated that the future of political Islam in Turkey with regard to the existence of propellants of Islamist groups will be established more strongly with ethnic stability conditions beside ethnic challenges and Laicism. This hypothesis is positive on the upper limit and negative on the lower limit at the significant level 95% (5% error) and the observed error as 0.070 which is higher than 0.05. Therefore, the research hypothesis is confirmed.

Despite the consensus of different thinkers on the importance and position of political trust as one of the most important indicators in analyzing social capital and determining the success rate of political structure in satisfying and trusting citizens, there have not yet been developed the same paradigm and theoretical framework for its analysis, and researchers in the study of trust Political has achieved different results in various ways. The main purpose of this paper is to investigate the effects of studies on political trust in Iran after the Islamic Revolution.
The indicators used in the framework of the meta-analysis approach are: the year of implementation, the purpose, the method and theoretical approach, the scope of implementation and the analysis of the results; it will also attempt to introduce a comprehensive model in the analysis of political trust with regard to the specific social and cultural characteristics of Iran. The method used in this research is descriptive and analytical and a fundamental research type.
The findings show that studies of political trust have been carried out mainly in the third and fourth decades of the Islamic Revolution and have done more explanation and political trust have studied with an "institutional approach", and is influenced by variables at three levels: micro, intermediate, and macro. The total political trust of citizens is modest. Also, economic factors and government performance in macro level, mass media and public confidence at the intermediate level and the religiosity of people at the micro level have been affected on political confidence.

The Palestinian issue is a controversial issue in Egyptian foreign policy matters that its significance depending on the different internal and external factors have varied. The importance of this issue, on the one hand stems of dynamics of the international system, especially the role of the United States and Israel, on the other hand have influenced by internal factors such as leadership and their conception of their national role and Acting domestic groups such as Islamists. This article by using Descriptive - analytical method seeks to answer this question that what is the most important factor for shaping Egypt's foreign policy toward the Palestinians after the Camp David Treaty, in particular the rise of Hosni Mubarak? This article argues that after the Camp David Treaty, environmental factors such as United States and Israel, have been the most important factors that shaping Egypt’s foreign policy toward the Palestinian issue.The role of environmental factors are due to three factors: Egypt's strategic importance and its role in securing Israel and economic - military dependence on the United States.

The present study aims to conduct future studies on Iran-U.S. relations until 2025 based on the study of short-term processes and using experts’ and elites’ ideas. The data collection instrument is the qualitative in-depth interviewing technique. The data analysis method was conducted via the Delphi method. The research population consisted of 15 elites and experts including ambassadors, professors and experts in political science, strategic studies, international relations as well as experts of the Middle East and future studies. Macro analysis of processes and propellants of the research indicates that eight indicators of interactions in the future of Iran-U.S. relations are identified. The Iran's geopolitical importance and status indicator and its regional role and influence in the future of Iran-U.S relations can be the most important interactional indicator. Hence, the first hypothesis is confirmed. Analyzing the matrix of confrontation indicators of Iran-U.S. relations indicated that the most important indicators with obtained criterion weights are as follows: the future of the campaign of significant regional players; needs, confrontations, and strategic benefits of the two players, Iran's nuclear and missile activities programs, and Iran’s anti-Imperialist and ideological foundations are fully consistent with the second hypothesis. As a result, according to the Power Cycle Theory, Iran-U.S. relations would have been influenced by displacements of powers as well as easing of tensions in Iran-U.S. relations.

This study examines the comparative approach by Iranian states to development in the mid-1376 to 1392. The basic premise of the research is that according to a survey of development indicators considered by the two governments, the governments showed different functions to development. Thus, the reformist government matching to global institutions and considering conditions prevailing in the international system took detente in the field of foreign policy and adopted the strengthening of civil societybased political reforms and in the economic sphere also tried to move on the basis of norms of international institutions. In contrast, the ninth and tenth governments adopted a policy of confrontation with the international system and targeting Western countries as a causes of global crisis while they Want to change the status quo and create equitable world, and follow up the solution of major problems of Iran not in European capitals but also in the East. Domestically, the government is also relying on the rise of self, pay no attention to parties; relying on poor classes took the populist development.

Present research is about examining the attitudes about globalization in the 3rd, 4th and 5th development programs. The main question of the research is: what is the relationship between globalization and development in Islamic Republic of Iran development programs? The mentioned question has been followed in the format of four sub-main questions: A) what is the attitude of the development programs toward globalization? ; B) How the different aspects of globalization have been issued in the development programs? C) What are the differences and similarities of development programs (from the point of view of globalization and development)? D) In what articles the negative aspects of globalization are being mentioned? The hypothesis is: “In development programs, the globalization has been considered both as an opportunity and threat, but the opportunities has been highlighted more that can be used for development of the country.” The methodology of the research is content analysis and the statistical society of research is the 3rd, 4th, and 5th development programs. The result of the research is developed according to the comparative study and acceptance of the hypothesis.

Abstract Development is among the main issues of the transitory nations like Iran. In Iran, the development notion is followed under the five-year programs called “the development programs of the Islamic Republic of Iran”, thereby the full development and advancement of the nation is programmed for a coming five-year period. Naturally, if it is to be an enterprise for the national development it must be based on the programs. Accordingly, the expert exploration of the programs is of great importance. On the other hand, the phenomenon ‘globalization’ has made the Islamic Republic of Iran to consider the status for the development program formulation. The present study is to explore the attitudes toward the globalization in the 5th Development Program of the Islamic Republic of Iran through the content analysis.

With power succession of “justice and development” party in Turkey in 2002 the foreign policy of this country in regional and far regional relations has seriously changed. Before 2000 Turkeys foreign policy was far westernized and the government policy-making was west, specially US, oriented. But with rise of justice and development government in Turkey, the country’s foreign policy changed to a multidimensional pragmatic interest-based policy. one aspect of this policy modified foreign policy toward collaboration with neighbors in order to enhance Turkey’s role in the region including south Caucasus. This study tries to evaluate Turkey foreign policy in Caucasus and its conflicting interests with the two powerful countries of area – Iran and Russia. The main question of this study is concentrated on the Turkey’s Caucasian Policy and its affects on interests of Iran and Russia. The hypothesis of the paper is that new Turkey’s foreign policy in the region brought contradiction between the country and two abovementioned powerful neighbors.

The Paradigm and pattern of “Anatolian Islam “in Turkey is encountered with the state of serious rupture between “Religion” and “Politics”. This rupture is a result of failure in unity and also a fresh power struggle among politicians of the ruling class in the country leading by Rajab Tayeb Ordoghan in one hand and proponents of the Gulenist religious leader, Fethullah Gulen, on the other hand. Occurrence of new developments inside and outside of the country, imposed new conditions and positions on this unity and the religious, political pattern in Turkey, resulted in its collapse. The Gulenist ideology and movement, arising from their relations with the Justice and Development party, left some national and regional effects and thus, it can be anticipated that just like some experiences of collapsing other political and religious movements, ideologies and alliances, the quake in Anatolian Islam will leave important repercussions inside and outside of Turkey.