حمیدرضا جلائی پور

This study is an attempt to investigate the whyness and howness of the emergence of the charismatic national leader during the Islamic Revolution and the non-emergence of a charismatic national leader in the Constitutional Revolution. To examine this issue, two main approaches to charisma were first proposed and it was then tried to identify the problems of the "leader-oriented" approach and the preference of the "follower-oriented" approach. With the selection of the follower-oriented approach, the explanatory theories of charismatic leadership in this approach were reviewed. In the follower-oriented approach, the attention was assigned to the ambiguity of the effective variables of "crisis" in the acceptance of the leader by the followers; then, the emphasis was placed upon the dimensions, intensity, and extent of this approach (as the variables determining crisis) with the theoretical extension of the concept of crisis. Then, the variable named ideology based on the culture of traditional society was emphasized using Weber’s theories. Moreover, since the concept of charisma has a wide range of meanings, national charisma was here selected as the main concept. For this reason, another independent variable, called "formation of national community" was included in the research model. To respond to the research question, the conditions and social structure existing before the Constitutional Revolution and the Islamic Revolution were examined through a comparative-historical study according to the theoretical model of the research to find out why no charismatic leader appeared in the Constitutional Revolution, but it did in the Islamic Revolution. Considering the theoretical points as well as the empirical results obtained from comparing the social conditions before the Constitutional Revolution with those before the Islamic Revolution, it should be mentioned that a widespread social crisis may lead to the institutional displacement of individuals in society. If the four crises in combination with each other surround the individual and an ideology based on traditional culture is formed, then people will look for a savior and charisma to solve their problems. In such circumstances, if a national community is formed, there is the possibility of the appearance of a charismatic national leader.

One of the political and social events that significantly influenced the societal ambiance was the 2022 protests. This study aims to examine the social underpinnings of the presence of women in the protests of the fall of 2022 and to demonstrate the repercussions on society and the government. This study concentrates on the civil layer of the 2022 protest uprising, despite the fact that it encompassed various layers of protest. For this purpose, 28 interviews were conducted with female political and social activists using the qualitative study and grounded theory method and theoretical sampling. The collected data were coded and analyzed based on open, central and selective coding.The categories and themes that were extracted from the interviews demonstrated the significance of the disparity between the “women’s mentality” and their “legal and social objectivity” in the protests of 2022. The political system has been further exacerbated by the non-acceptance of women by the government, as well as the control of women’s attire and lifestyle, which has been linked to the political identity of the government for decades. This has resulted in a shift in value and attitude. These protests have had significant societal, social, and cultural repercussions, and they have also elevated the government’s concern regarding women’s attire.This protest layer was a women’s protest that was centered on the reclamation of the lifestyle and the type of new social movements. It is related to those who experience “control” and “humiliation” in their lived experience. The movement’s reiteration of the slogan “woman, life, freedom” is a protest against thedirective character of orderly and governmental life and a demand for “social and cultural freedom.”

Before the triumph of the constitution in Iran, collective identities were mainly based on family, tribe, clan, neighborhood, and religion, which can be called "ascribed identity." Power conflicts that led to political violence were manifested according to the social capacities of these identities. The fulcrum of this violence was the divine legitimacy of power, which ultimately led to violent conflicts that reproduced the existing social relations. After the establishment of the constitutional system in Iran, with the formation of modern organizations and the emergence of modernist organizational and "acquired" identities, as well as the growing trend of urbanization, the fulcrum of political violence shifted. On one hand, it became the law as a regulator of modern life, and on the other hand, it became the revolutionary ideals that manifested themselves in partisan, sectarian, and secretive organizations. This article, using the method of historical analysis, shows that political violence transformed from unwritten rules, ascribed identities, ascribed roles, personal will, tribal attribution, belief, continuity of existing order, arduous killing, and exclusion of specific people into political violence with written rules, acquired identities, acquired roles, organizational attribution, effortless killing, and the elimination of specific relationships to be replaced by new ideological relationships.

Based on the theoretical logic of subalternstudies, this article has dealt with its internal criticism.Its main question is whether it is possible to trace an elitist strain in it despite the claim of these studies?For this purpose, by using the secondary analysis method and relying on the opinions of three leading figures of this approach, namely RanajitGuha, DipeshChakrabartyand GayatriChakravortySpivak, a formulation of the theoretical claims of subalternstudies has been presented.These studies criticize the elitist historiography for ignoring the role of the subaltern in making history and defines its goal as searching for the role of the subaltern in historical and social developments in order to recognize the subaltern as an independent subject. These studies explore the "positive role" of the subalterns in building their destiny from a compassionate position and try to make visible the politics of the subalterns, which are invisible in elitist historiography.The critique of the present article to the subaltern studies project is that by considering the subaltern as a" clean-handed object" and neglecting the issue of subaltern domination and the fluidity of the subaltern position, it has ignored their "negative role" in the production and reproduction of the relations of domination.The marginalization of the negative role of subalterns in these studies has caused that despite the claim of being anti-elitist, there are elements of elitism in the analysis of domination relations.

Water scarcity is one of the most important distinguishing features that development theorists have paid attention to in explaining the characteristics of eastern societies in the social transition. This attitude has led to the presentation of theories such as the Asiatic mode of production, Oriental Despotism, and Iranian Despotism, each of which, considering some characteristics of the society, has tried to explain the relationship between the development of the East and its connection with water, but they have not been able to. This study, by using the qualitative research method and historical studies, reviewing the documents, observation, and interviews with farmers, policymakers, and people living in the Zayandeh-Rud basin area, has tried to get an accurate picture of the connection between water and development of this region in Iran. The results obtained in this research show that the problem of water scarcity in Iran has caused the formation of a system that arises from the two arms of political legitimacy and social acceptability with the processes of appointment and selection, and the development of Iranian society depends on the balance of The powers of these two parts. if the balance disturbed, the society moves towards political despotism or social revolution.

Social mobility takes shape of a physical aspect which makes it possible to translate downward mobility in the physical space. Huge inflation and decrease of purchasing power during the recent years have led to downward mobility of middle class in Iran. Various facets of decrease in physical and social space have to be studied. For this purpose, 20 cases who had experienced such situation have been interviewed. Making use of the most famous coding family of grounded theory, this research categorizes the interviews into contexts, causes, turning points, consequences of involuntary exit from city or neighborhood, and strategies of the outcasts. The research shows that people long after move to new place assume that residence in the new place is temporary. They are ashamed of ascribing themselves to that place trying to actively keep distance from the inhabitants. This along with exclusion from family-friend network of relations and the isolation resulted from this exclusion diminishes any possibility for their political agency in order to make a change in the state of affairs.

This paper seeks to present elites' perceptions and experiences of socio-political inequality in Kurdistan Province and describe their perceptions of causal conditions, contextual conditions, intervening conditions, mechanisms, and consequences. This study collects qualitative data using a qualitative approach and grounded theory method as well as in-depth and semi-structured interview techniques. To this end, 20 Sunni Kurdish activists, including four groups of parliamentarians, managers, cultural activists, and faculty members, were interviewed using purposive sampling and theoretical saturation criteria. The results are analyzed and explained in three stages of open, axial, and selective coding using the Strauss-Corbin approach. Then, relying on the respondents' opinions, the six main categories of the research were extracted: Definition in 3 core categories and 9 subcategories, causal conditions in 3 core categories and 7 subcategories, basic conditions in 3 core categories and 10 subcategories, disturbance conditions in 2 core categories and 7 subcategories, the mechanism in 3 core categories and 7 subcategories, and the consequences in 3 core categories and 12 subcategories. Finally, a paradigmatic model is presented showing the effects of definition on causal, contextual and intervening conditions and the direct effect of causal conditions on inequality and the indirect effect of basic conditions and intervening conditions on causal conditions and mechanism and also the indirect effect of contextual and intervening conditions on socio-political inequality. The final results show that the phenomenon of socio-political inequality is not the product of Sunni Kurds in Kurdistan province, but it has been constructed based on the mentioned categories.

What is the relationship between religious groups and organizations and civil society in the Middle East? The article argues that religious groups and organizations have historically played an important role in the public spheres in Muslim societies. Although the emergence of modern states in the Middle East has transformed the structures and the functions of religious institutions, they remain influential actors of civil societies in most Arab countries of the Middle East. To gather the data, we employed library and documentary research methods. The article, first, would discuss the dominant theories of civil society reasoning against the possibility of the emergence of civil society in this region. Then, through the critical re-evaluation of these theories, it would argue that a comprehensive understanding of the structures of public spheres in the mentioned societies, cannot be achieved without taking into consideration their social, cultural, and political characteristics. To prove its claim, we would refer to historical experiences of religious institutions of civil societies in some Muslim countries such as Egypt, Iran, and Sudan. At the end, we would suggest four theoretical approaches which could be applied to sociological studies of civil society in Islamic countries of the Middle East.

Numerous social movements have been emerged in Iran over the past three decades. The aim of this article is to analyse this emergence and diffusion. Constructing a mixed theoretical framework, taken from New Social Movements theory and Framing Alignment theory, and conducting a documentary research, we analyse three main properties of the movements: social conflict, participants, demands. We classified the movements based on their conflicts as well as their inclusiveness in two types; inclusive and exclusive. Urban movements, teachers’ movement, and workers’ movement are exclusive type because they concentrated on their own demands. Reform movement, women movement, student movement, and the 2017 uprising are inclusive ones because they spoke for society and had inclusive demands. The findings show that various conflicts have been the matrix of the movements. They include providing urban services, economic policies, social practices, and the manner of governmentality. The participants in both types have been diverse and come from all parts of the society. Despite diversity, the demands of the movements can be categorised into social justice, improvement of policies, and better governmentality. We concluded that the emergence of the numerous social movements is the result of dissolved social conflicts in different parts of the society. The special properties of the movements, specifically diverse conflicts and participants who come from all parts of the society, shows the appearance of “challenging public” in Iran. The challenging public is a shapeless/ polyshape new force who seeks social change with a specific demand for social justice and equality.

Borders are the product of history, politics, and power, and border life has its own economy and culture. Accordingly, one of the most important features of the Kurdish regions, which has been represented in various ways in the media in recent years more than other aspects of border life, is the border and informal economy and specific concepts related to it, namely Kulbar, border bazaar, and smuggling. Understanding this type of economy as a phenomenon requires a careful study of the causes, contexts, and mechanisms that have led to the phenomenon of informal economy in a kind of multifaceted synergy. In this study, among the above factors, the focus is on the contexts that underlie the informal economy. The research method was critical ethnography, the method of collecting information was a combination of methods (interview, conversation, focus group, and documents) and the study context was Baneh border market. Findings showed that the outcome of the conflict of political forces and the border position of Baneh has been a kind of trade and border economy throughout history that after the rise of the modern government, became informal and underwent special changes with regional and global developments. At the same time, the most important contexts of this type of economy can be abstracted into four main categories: environmental problems, resource constraints, cultural affinity, and moderate religious tradition. Finally, based on the findings of the present study, negative and positive solutions are presented.

In this research, through identifying the components of what is called “Iranian Twitter”, we tried to identify and evaluate the patterns Iranian Twitter users are affected by the political attitudes of the Iranian Twitter Influencers.

In this study we decided to analyze the data on the communication networks between users and Influencers. The steps we took to answer the three questions of research were as follows: We identified the Iranian Twitter Influencers using snowball sampling. Then, by reviewing the pages of the influencers one by one, we recorded their characteristics in our list. Then, we collected the information about the communication network between the influencers, and used that as input for Gephi software. Finally, we calculated each group of users attributed to each political attitude, how much expose themselves to influencers with different political attitudes, on average.

two-fifths of Principality users are considered to be fanatic users. A fanatic user is a person who follows more than 70% of the influencers  and has the same political attitude. In fact, the fanatic user is one who is often exposed to one type of political attitude and is less inclined to be exposed to different opinions. Only 1% of transformationalist users were fanatic users. On average, 56% of the influencers followed by a reformist user with reformist attitudes. Also, transformationalist users are more likely to follow non-political influencers (44%) than to follow transformationalist influencers (33%). The complete isolation of separatists is evident in this table, as they have no share in the influencers followed by reformist, transformationalist, and principalist users, and only 1% of the them are followed by subversives supported the separation of Iran. Further, 64% of  influencers are also followed by principalist users tended to be principalist.

The results showed that although none of the political attitudes in Iranian Twitter have significant superiority to others, a significant proportion of users who favored a political attitude, displayed little tendency to be exposed to different political messages. Another important point is that online social networks should not necessarily be seen as a tool for organizing movements or revolutions. Influencers of online social networks affect attitudes of ordinary users by the contents that they publish constantly in long term. The continuous and daily influence of these new media in shaping the lifestyle, habits and attitudes of users is also important. If we do not understand the important role the online social networks could play in daily lives of users, we could not understand how they influence in political contexts.

Since the beginning of the revolution, in political arena of the Islamic Republic of Iran, two Reformists and Principlists have been struggling to win power. This faction and struggling shows their appearance more campaigning in elections. During the campaign, each political faction in addition to introduce themselves intend to represent another in such a way as to maintain the power relations in self-interest. After the victory of Hassan Rouhani in the 2013 elections, the reformists came back to the country's executive power; On the other hand, the conservative’s faction entered the reformist campaign in 2013 to maintain power in the legislature, Reformists who had a diminished presence in the Islamic Consultative Assembly after the sixth parliament. Consequently, the Conservatives faction had been using their power in order to maintain the power relations. One of the most important kinds of these media is Keyhan newspaper, serious and Conservative-oriented media. In this regards during the 2016 elections, the Keyhan focused on the reformist representation and published several articles. Hence, the study was to evaluate and review the reformist manner represented in the Keyhan during the February 2016 elections.

Development agents are highly significant in national and regional level. But, border regions` development agents with Kurdish origins have been always paid attention with highly sensitivity by national policy makers. Present research has three basic aims including: local development agent recognition, identification of agents` relevant processes, and exploration of barriers for each agent`s role in the process of local development. In order to explain theoretical context of the question, institutionalism approach with good government role in local development have been presented. Piranshahr border region, in the south of West Azerbaijan province, is the only formal border with Iraqi Kurdistan, and has experienced fast development changes in recent twenty years based on academic research and the researcher`s lived experience. Research method is qualitative and is based on the analysis of interviews and participatory observation. Sampling is done through purposive sampling; and Data has been collected through deep and group interviews with 30 local development agents divided in five groups including: governmental agents (from state and parliament), economical agents (from local investors, border merchants, carrier laborers, farmers), security agents (from Sepah military forces, Border Regiment forces), urban agents (from city managers and real-estate agents), and native social agents (from local confidants, NGOs, and Clergymen). Results show that agents from government, security, border, and economical agents including border merchants, carrier laborers, and local investors, have had affective experienced trends which have been mainly accompanied by interaction, opposition, indifference, ethnic respect preserve, and friendship. Serious barriers for local development have been recognized as nonnative agents, security point of view, ethno-centric view, and distrust to local people. Good government indexes have been variant based on institutionalism approach in different political states after revolution 1979. Based on research findings, local good government with upward planning look, using native agents, and participation of local people is the most appropriate strategy for the fulfillment of local development in Piranshahr border region.

In spite of the extended use of social class concept to explain many problems and phenomena in Iranian intellectual sphere, a little empirical effort has been made to investigate this concept in Iran. This paper deals with social class values in Iran and identifies three classes including lower, middle and upper class. It defines the class via the profession position but uses the asset along with profession to identify the upper class. The research implemented by the interview and thematic analysis and including 68 interviews with the participants from this three classes. The results show that while the three classes have some values in common but they are different in some other values and sometimes there are several differences among a class. The social values are presented in four categories including social, economic, developmental values and values related to inequality and justice. The main dominated values across the classes are as follow: show off, individualism, emphasis on deserves, and money-wasting in upper class; individualism, emphasis on social responsibility, social reform and deserved in middle class; show off, social competition, individualism, and emphasis on deserved in lower class. The upper class and a layer of the middle class are seeking to defend their class interests. The other parts of middle class are seeking to improve the social situation and their quality of life and along with a layer from the upper class are willing to participate in reformative actions. The lower class tries to retain the sustainability of the need satisfying.

The purpose of this study was critical understanding of economic consequences of emergence and development of border market from the view point of perception, interpretation and experience of the people. In fact, cross-border market in Kurdish regions has developed after the changes happened in Iraq in last decades. Hence, the study of the consequences of emergence and development of these types of markets is important from sociological point of view. This study, in theoretical section has its roots in theoretical perspective of theorists such as Bourdieu, Simmel, Polanyi, and Sandels and also in methodological section, critical ethnography method is used. The research context was Baneh Border Market that data were collected with the method of theoretical sampling, and interview, dialogue, focus group and documentary analysis. The findings presented using with method of open and axial coding method in two levels; descriptive and analytical. In descriptive level, research findings categorized in two axial categories of history of trade and border market in Baneh as well as growth and expansion of business and consumer spaces. In analytical level, research findings have also shown that most important consequences of border and trade market are servicization of society, increase of immigration, hegemonaization of money, undermine of the traditional modes of production, undermine of middle class, emergence of new-money wealthy merchants, increasing economic inequality and the commodification of space. In the end, the relationship of the results of the study with literature and theoretical perspective discussed and analyzed.
This article is an attempt to critical understands of economic consequence of emergence and development of border market from the point of view perception, interpretation and experience of the people. The reality is that cross-border market in Kurdish regions has development after Iraq changes in last decades. Hence, the study of the consequence of emergence and development of these markets is important in term of sociological approach. This study, in theoretical section used from theoretical perspective of theorists such as Bourdieu, Simmel, Polanyi, and sandels and also in methodological section, critical ethnography used. Society research was Baneh border market that with the method of theoretical sampling, sixty-five of person selected and interviewed. Also Findings with method of open and axial coding in two levels, descriptive and analytical, presented. In descriptive level, research findings categorized in two axial categories of history of trade and border market in Baneh as well as growth and expansion of business and consumer spaces. Also, In analytical section, findings research have shown that most important consequences of border and trade market are servicization of society, increase of immigration, hegemonaization of money, undermine of the traditional modes of production, undermine of middle class, increasing economic inequality and the commodification of space. In the End, relationship of the results of the study with literature and theoretical perspective discussed and analyzed.

Till now, Durkheim has not been known as a theorist of political sociology in Iran and also in the West. One reason for this delay is that Durkheim's political books, including the book "Sociological lessons", translated and collected later than the rest of his works. Durkheim political ideas in particular concerning the nature and function of the state, the role of the state in the development of moral individualism, and adjust the relation between state and society in a democracy. The importance of these ideas is in the specific definitions of state, civil morality, and democracy, and Durkheim's critique of socialism and communism's schools. Neo-Durkheimian political sociology, in recent decades, in the works of Jeffrey Alexander is one of the pillars of the formation known as the cultural turn in political sociology. In this article, Durkheim's opinions expressed and by the various schools of political sociology and late discussions of political sociology Durkheim also be discussed.

There are different and at times contradictory concepts of Charismatic and Farrahmandaneh authority. Some researchers and translators have used these concepts interchangeably. There are, however, fundamental differences between these two. Based on the three types of authority in Weber`s view, in this article I have tried to clarify the meanings and boundaries of them. To do this, basic dimensions of the three Weberian types of authority are discussed along with Farrahmandaneh authority in order to clarify the status of Farrahmandaneh authority in Weber`s intellectual system. Since the concept of authority and different forms of it are understood and interpreted in different epistemic systems, to achieve a comprehensive understanding of it and in particular, to compare the types of Weberian authority with Farrahmandaneh authority, one has to rely on sociology, political science, and even history and literature. As far as the limits and scope of this article allow, the interdisciplinary nature of this concept has been in the forefront. The results show that despite some similarities, Farrahmandaneh authority has major differences with Charismatic authority. In fact, Farrahmandaneh authority is a kind of traditional authority which due to structural factors contains some dimensions of Charismatic authority as well.