فهرست مطالب محمدسالار کسرایی

Imam Khomeini is one of the prominent and leading scholars who has made a special appearance in the field of political opinion and practice in the contemporary history of Iran. The victory of the Islamic Revolution in Bahman 1357 and the establishment of the Islamic Republic system is one of the characteristics of this crystallization. In relation to the modern era, Imam Khomeini's opinion and action can be seen as a combination of alignment and separation from it. With regard to the establishment of a new state in Iran, the ratio of Imam Khomeini's views and opinions with the principles and foundations of the modern era and state. It is an important discussion in designing, regulating and knowing the future direction of political thinking. Imam Khomeini, on the one hand, by designing and establishing a religious and of course a new political system in the form of "Islamic Republic", tried to meet the requirements of the new era, but on the other hand, with the plan of "Velayat Faqih" at the head of the state, the role of religion highlights and prevents secularism. The complexity is in the way of convergence between the new requirements and conditions with the religious tradition. In this article, with a descriptive-analytical method, the relationship of Imam Khomeini's views and opinions with the principles and foundations of the state and era is investigated.

The experience of Iranians in different social, political and economic levels in the contemporary era is linked with the concept of development. This concept, which became popular in the 20th century, has had a great impact on the structure and processes and approaches of thought in this century. In Iran, with the establishment of the Pahlavi government, the concept of development based on different theoretical models was used in the process of Iran's transition from a traditional society to an industrial society. But despite the implementation of 5 development programs in Iran before the revolution, the society suffered crises, ruptures and huge gaps, which resulted in the revolution of 1357. In the present research we are willing to know how the development programs implemented in Pahlavi era in Iran were constructed and what its function were in the development process of Iran. Formulation of development plans in this research is implemented with historical sociology approach. In this sense, attention will be paid to both the historical background of the events and the structures and processes formed based on the theoretical model of development. In addition, we will discuss the two-way interaction between actor and structure in this formulation. Based on the study, it can be pointed out that the pre-revolutionary development programs could not achieve a coherent construction due to the contradictions at the theoretical and activist level, and in the historical context, it was not possible to construct the development discourse and stabilize its meaning and concept.

In today's world, as citizenship is accepted as one of the characteristics of democratic systems, citizenship education is essential for the progress of society and its preservation. On the other hand, the diversity of concepts and topics around "citizen" shows that not only the phenomenon of citizenship is important, but this phenomenon is changing. Accordingly, since human beings are educated in different ways from birth and "education is the cornerstone of creation, preservation and progress of all human societies", citizenship education is required to achieve the goals set forth in every society.The purpose of this research is to examine the place of citizenship education in the document of the fundamental transformation of education in the Islamic Republic of Iran. The research method in this study is qualitative content analysis. The sampling method was purposeful and the research tool was quantitative. According to the findings of this research, the model of citizenship education can be proposed and presented in the component of citizenship knowledge, citizenship skill and citizenship attitude and 27 separate indicators. The results showed that there are many indicators of citizenship education in the text of the fundamental transformation of education.

This paper intends to analyze theological arguments in recent years on the fifth generation of revolutionary theories. After the Arab Spring in 2011, given the characteristics of these revolutions, continuous debates took place on how to clarify and analyze these developments. In 1980, Goldstone argued three generations of revolutionary theories, followed by Foren (1993) and Goldstone (2001) who introduced fourth generation of revolutionary theories that unlike third generation, placed more emphasis on revolution as agent. The question of this paper is the emergence of fifth generation of revolutionary theories. Within less than a decade, revolutionary scientists (Allinson, Adams, Laveson, Bayat, Beck, Ritter, Eslim, Donn, …) have extensively argued revolutions in the past three decades (since 1989) and questioned capacity/incapacity of the fourth generation of revolutionary theories in clarifying and analyzing these revolutions. This paper will review such arguments and analyze the fourth generation of revolutionary theories through a critical analytical method to argue the emergence of the fifth generation of revolutionary theories. Results show that revolutions in the past three decades lacked essential components of the fourth generation of revolutionary theories, in particular, ideology, leadership, and revolutionary organization). Therefore, with the help of works by later revolutionary scientists (particularly Bayat (2017), Loveson (2019), Allinson (2021, 2019), and Adams (2021, 2019)) some characteristics of the new generation of revolutionary theories will be accessible according to which, “revolution” has found a new definition, i.e. “collective protest action, sudden (to some extent), relatively calm, nonviolent, coupled with mass mobilization, by extensive use of cyberspace and social networks, without unified leadership and ideology, along with political overhaul in line with democratization of procedures of governance”. The majority of revolutions in the past three decades have taken place against one-party dictatorships (socialist regimes), autocratic dictatorships (despotic single-person regimes in MENA (Middle East and North Africa)). Therefore, despotism has been the cause and ground for revolutions and their consequences have been political (overhaul of political system). Moving away from social revolutions (Skocpol, Foran, Goldstone), and ideological revolutions (Foran, Goldstone), the “new” revolutionary theory is after analyzing a procedure that has caused a political overhaul in despotic regimes.

Citizen rights, which are defined within the borders of a country and through membership in a political society, are determined based on the cultural, political, and economic requirements of a country. Humans are educated in different ways from birth, and education is the cornerstone of creating, maintaining and progressing all human societies. The present research has been conducted with the aim of investigating the place of citizenship education in the fundamental transformation of education and the UNESCO 2030 document and its alignment with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the Declaration of Islamic Human Rights. In this research, the qualitative content analysis method is used and the statistical population of the research includes the Fundamental Transformation of Education, the UNESCO 2030 Education Document, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the Declaration of Islamic Human Rights. The present study is of documentary type and its data is collected in a library-documentary way. The validity of the research has been done through studying and using the appropriate tools for taking receipts, tables and forms, recording and maintaining them, and finally classifying and exploiting them. The result of the research shows that in a comparative analysis, the Islamic Declaration of Human Rights lacks some basic components that are present in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. On the other hand, the fundamental transformation document of Iran's education, which is one of the most important educational policy documents in Iran, lacks some components and indicators related to citizenship education.

With the material and technical advances of the industrial age in the eighteenth century, contemporary man formed the concept of development to explain. This concept was initially known for the material achievements of human life, and therefore the development process did not pay much attention to the achievements of the humanities and social sciences. This caused the development patterns to find a quantitative form at first, and the quality aspect of human life to be marginalized. But this process changed in the historical context,. The present paper seeks to answer the question of what components of the humanities in their general sense have contributed to the formation of late theories of development, and how these components have contributed to the formation of theoretical models of development. The method used in this research will be the basic theory method. In this sense, the influential components of humanities in development through open coding will be extracted from theories and models of development and with axial coding, categorization and finally with selective coding will lead to presenting a theoretical model of humanities relationship and development concept.

The influence of modern ideas in Qajar era Iran gradually forced different social groups to react against this emerging cultural wave. The empirical accumulation in contemporary Iran along with the transformation that occurred during the constitutional revolution in political concepts led to the production of two general theories in facing the West and backwardness. In fact, these two theories emerged in response to three important issues of backwardness, colonialism, and tyranny. In this research, we are trying to answer the question of what is the idea of "transcendence" and what are its foundations as a competing theory of the western progressive theory in the political and social thought of contemporary Iran. Has science and epistemology benefited in the face of tyranny and colonialism? The answer to this question will be possible by identifying the angle of view, separating the cognitive factors and referring to the details of the theory of transcendence; Therefore, understanding the concepts and analyzing the trajectory of the theory of transcendence in contemporary Iranian political thought and explaining the foundations and forces affecting the formation of the theory of transcendence in the two dimensions of ontology and epistemology are among the goals of this research. In order to discuss ontology in the thought of transcendence, it is necessary to pay attention to the view of this thought about identity, Islam, the West, history and civilization. By defining and expecting these concepts, transcendental politics builds the foundation of its epistemology and by criticizing western theories, it tries to protect the independent Iranian Islamic existence against all kinds of competing intellectual systems as a grand narrative. The concepts of ontology of the thought of transcendence build their ideal model based on the criticism of three readings of religion, modernity and history.

Dealing with "people" in a new meaning that indicates their important position and role in the political and social arena with the beginning of constitutionalism and can be seen clearly in the opinions of prominent thinkers such as Naini. This emergence and manifestation of thought in a new format In a way, it is considered to be in the relationship with the modern world. But the issue that exists about Naini in general and his opinion about the position of people in particular are two different views; the first view considers Naini as a thinker whose views are He considers the role and position of people to be the same as the modern world; And the second point of view considers Naini as a religious scholar of new thinking, who based on the principles and foundations of thought in Iran (Iranian-Shiite Islam), according to the conditions and requirements of the time, proposed a new idea about the role and position of the people. In the first point of view He understood the modern world and in the second point of view it is just an alignment and he did not understand the essence of the modern era. In this article, the ratio of Naini's opinions about the people with the principles and foundations of the modern state is investigated using a descriptive-analytical method.

In addition to improving production and income, development includes changes in institutional, economic and social structures that lead to the reform of the economic and social structure. The benefits that firms look at are the same interests of owners, managers and employees that have been neglected by the managers in business development. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to investigate the role of social relations between managers and employees in the business development of the enterprise (Etka Organization). This research has been done in the framework of qualitative approach and application of Grounded Theory research. Data collection tool was semi-structured interview and 31 experts were interviewed using purposeful sampling method, three main categories and eleven concepts were extracted. The results show communication interactions, leadership interactions and professional interactions of managers with employees as causal conditions, components of establishing relationships based on justice between employees and interactive and consultative relationships of managers with employees as strategies and good trust and confidence in each other; transferring people's experiences through interaction and developing a culture for expressing employees' opinions have been identified as consequences of social relationships influencing Etka Organization business development.

The purpose of study is to describe and explaine the role of political hypocrisy in the failure of autocratic regimes (Nazi Germany, the Soviet Union before its collapse, and Pahlavi II Iran). The study method is case study and the manifestations of hypocrisy have been described in the three mentioned historical cases and have been compared historically using the method of agreement and difference of Mill. Data were collected from primary and secondary sources and analyzes were presented in a comparative-historical manner.Findings confirm the importance of hypocrisy in the authoritarian failure. Vulnerable regimes have suffered from both the hypocrisy of the leaders and the power apparatus and the hypocrisy of the masses. The regimes in pre-collapse period were lower in terms of the power of repression and, accordingly hypocrisy management, than in more stable periods. The propaganda apparatus of authoritarian regimes has played an important role in strengthening the hypocritical face of the regimes. Scientific and academic systems have been one of the most important factors in exposing the deceptive face of regimes and have played an important role in exposing the behind-the-scenes facts in reducing repression. Rival political wings and the opposition movement have also played an important role in raising public awareness and creating a revolutionary consciousness for collapse. In the case of Nazi Germany, the decline in mutual trust between the elite and the people, as well as the defeat in the war, were major factors in the collapse of the dictatorship.

Iran is a multicultural country and its ethnic and linguistic diversity is one of the prominent features of this country. Khuzestan province is historically one of the oldest regions of the country and has long had a brilliant civilization and culture. In addition, this diversity The ethnic group in this province has turned it into a crossroads of different cultures, which, while interacting, have maintained their own expression. Knowing the culture and civilization of each nation is the best and clearest way to build their future. Demonstrating the customs and culture of different ethnic groups can play an important role in explaining the culture of these ethnic groups and regions, so the need to implement the policies of the central government during the presidency of different parties should be implemented in a fair manner. And the performance of the governments of the Islamic Republic of Iran in relation to the minorities of Khuzestan province (the eight-year period of Dr. Ahmadinejad's presidency as a principled government) is a method of applied research and qualitative methodology and semi-open interviews by the statistical community. Experts include teachers of Shatasi ethnic group in Khuzestan province , Executive managers and heads of tribes, etc. have been done and the amount of 16 components in question has been analyzed

Totalitarian regimes have their own characteristics that reproduce them as much as possible in other fields, especially science and academia. Studying the challenge between the social sciences and totalitarian rule can be instrumental in the development of social science. The purpose of this study is to make a comparative-historical comparison of this relationship at a time of totalitarian rule in Germany, the Soviet Union and China. The study method is comparative-historical and the reported experiences in three cases of Nazi Germany, Soviet Union and Communist China have been compared historically. Data were collected from second-hand sources and analyzes were presented in a comparative-historical manner. The findings show some similarities and differences between Nazi and communist totalitarianism. Nazi totalitarianism had an a-priori negative mentality towards social science and avoided any institutionalization and by creating an obstruction against the activities of scientists, provided the ground for the migration of social thought, while communist totalitarianism had an a-priori positive mentality towards social science and tried to institutionalize and attract scientists in this field to produce favorable social science. Both forms of totalitarianism, at the height of their tyranny, sought a government-dependent, non-critical, quantitative, practical, and useful social science to perpetuate power.

The purpose of this article is to review and criticize the theories of government in Iran (first Pahlavi period). There have been extensive researches about the government in the first Pahlavi period. In these researches, traits such as; Modern state, modern absolutist, pseudo-patrimonialism, autocracy, dictatorship, pseudo-modernism, oriental tyranny, Iranian tyranny, dependent, neo-authoritarian, etc. have been used. The multiplicity and diversity of these concepts indicate the multiplicity and significant conceptual differences, which are debatable. The main question is, how can these views be proposed and criticized, and what is the alternative for the title of government in this period? The purpose of this article is to present and criticize these conceptual differences and contradictions, as well as to review the presented views that can strengthen the theoretical and experimental literature of this historical period. In this article, I have used the meta-study method to achieve this goal. The obtained results show a diversity of views and based on the criteria used in this article, few of the reviewed writings have a clear understanding of the concept of the state, its functions and special tasks in the new era, and the authors in many cases Due to the confusion of concepts, there is little difference between the words; Government, governance, and regime are not considered to be three different but related institutions. Based on the theoretical foundations of the government as well as the historical documents of the examined period, the government in Reza Shah's period from different aspects; including: historical background; economic, social, cultural fields; And the special tasks and actions have a significant affinity with the absolute government.

The studies examined for business are limited from the perspective of sociology; while examining the social components of business development is considered as a missing link in enterprises. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to explain and design a social model of business development of the enterprise (Etka Organization). This research has been done in the framework of qualitative approach and application of grounded theory research. Data collection tool was semi-structured interview and 31 experts were interviewed using purposeful sampling method. Data analysis was performed in three stages of open, axial and selective coding and 18 main categories and 41 concepts were extracted. The results of this research, social benefit (central category); Social capital, social need, social justice, satisfaction, social relations, social cohesion, social class and entrepreneurship (causal conditions); Social relations between managers and employees, culture, leadership and management, right to choose, security and development-oriented training (intervening conditions); Social personality of manpower, religious beliefs, commitment and social identity (contextual conditions) were obtained. Strategies include implementing a stakeholder model in the organization, aligning employees 'personal interests with organizational interests, involving employees in organizational decision-making, managing employees' job satisfaction, redefining organizational culture, and developing intra-organizational relationships; Consequences include promoting organizational trust, creating a sense of loyalty in customers, creating common collective interests, creating relative justice for more employees, increasing organizational productivity with more motivated employees and the emergence of new ideas.

This research intends to read "Sayed Fakhreddin Shadman"'s idea of modernity and its issues in the framework of Laclau and Mouffe's theory of discourse analysis, what negative or positive approach to modernity, and its origin in the West, is formed in Shadman's discourse. And what a system of meanings and concepts it has created in the face of modernity and the resulting identity gaps. He formulates his question and answer about how this confrontation and absorption or rejection of the necessities and times of Western civilization in the book Conquest of Western Civilization in the 1320s, and believes in modernity guided and planned in the chain of indigenous discourses. The progress of the West is limited to its science, and this knowledge must be acquired before the other elements of the aggressive Western culture can subjugate the subjects of the traditional socio-cultural situation and deprive them of the content of their identity. Shadman does not consider the project of conquering Western civilization possible except with self-awareness and national unity, which he considers both possible by elaborating on the central sign of the Persian language as a representation of national identity and wisdom, and tries to create a defining character in Persian. Raise the scattered from its humble, modernized or traditionalized position to a cohesive and integrated position of the conscious and original self, so that the subject can localize modernity through this self-awareness and free Iran from the situation of domination and conquest of the West.

despite significant studies in the field of cultural revolutions; comparative study of Iran, China and Russia Cultural Revolutions is less common due to the role of religion. The question of this study was how did each of the cultural revolutions in Russia, China, and Iran relate to the religious teachings of the social context in which they occurred?According to the study conditions, the authors have briefly addressed the secular and revolutionary-religion approaches in cultural revolutions and attempted to test these approaches by using the comparative-historical method based on the selected events. Historical-comparative study has been done in intra-systemic and inter-systemic form; at the intra-systemic level the process of relationship between the two phenomena has been narrated and at the inter-systemic level the religious characteristics of the Cultural Revolution in the three countries have been compared using the Mill methods.Findings shows that in all three cases, the role of religion is important, but the Iranian characteristics support the ideal perspective and the characteristics of Russia and China confirm the instrumental perspective on the role of religion in the Cultural Revolution. The results of the article, while confirming the authorschr('39') claim, explain the differences and similarities between the three events studied.

Purification has been one of the salient features of revolutions. Purpose of this study is to explain this phenomenon through the lens of witch-hunting theory and compare its characteristics in the events of Russian, Chinese and Iranian revolutionary purification. Methodologically this study was comparative and the characteristics of the three major Purges of Russia (Stalin's Great Refinement), China (Mao Cultural Revolution Refinement) and Iran (Refinement in the early 1980s) have been compared historically by parallel demonstration of theory model. Data were collected from primary and secondary historical sources and analyzes were presented comparative-historically. The findings of the study, while generally confirming the assumptions of the witch-hunt theory about the three purification events, have shown that the purifications of Russia, China and Iran are similar in some respects and different in some others. Findings Shows, all three events occurred in a situation where collective representation and source of legitimacy were limited and the value system was the basis of the system's legitimacy in times of crisis. Leaders have defined political deviance in a way that includes rivals in order to establish or modernize order by modernizing the moral system. In addition, the weakening of intermediary civic institutions and the shift in priorities have led people to stop supporting each other, which has eventually led to witch hunts. There have been substantial differences between Iran and the other two countries that have shaped purge in Iranian revolution in a mid-revolutionary, religiously oriented, legitimate and democratic process.

The individual freedom and government power have been among the concepts and issues discussed between the various political and religious currents during the constitutional period. Against the constitutional movement, one of the basic principles of which is the individual freedom and government power. Sheikh Fazlullah Nouri and Mirza Naeini, as representatives of the two important currents of thought, confronted each other and offered different views. It seems that most of the differences go back to the political foundations and ideas of individuals, but in fact, the differences between the scholars of the constitutional era are mainly in the analysis of political currents, comments on individuals and parties, motives. There were such cases, and it was natural that there would be disagreement in discussing such matters and commenting on these cases. In a comparative study using this method of comparative research, this article discusses the ideas and positions of the legitimate constitutional current and its main leader, Sheikh Fazlullah Nouri, against the constitutionalist scholars and its main leader, Allameh Naeini.

This article seeks to address the process of formation and hegemony of the  Westoxification discourse in Iran. In identifying the mechanism of conflict and social conflict, Laclau and Mouffe's theory of discourse is one of the most effective methods that has been chosen as the framework and strategy for the forthcoming research. Relying on this theory, we find that the Westoxification discourse, the image of the Westernist discourse of modernism and modernization, is a picture of the increasing divisions and divisions of subjects' identities formed during the domination of the Western industrial industrial paradigm and economic-political dependence. After presenting such an image and using the grounds that it creates in creating instability and restlessness in the discourse of the government, using the sign of "originality and identity", he rejected and marginalized the signs of the Western discourse of the government and by alienating from the West, it provides the necessary conditions for the comprehensive dismantling of its rival discourse and its hegemony.

 In the context of Laclau and Mouffe's theory of discourse, this article seeks to examine Dariush Shaygan's original discourse in his two books, Mental Idols and Eternal Memory and Asia Against the West(in the first period of his scientific life).The discourses of originality, in a range from critical to anti-Western antiquity, were formulated in Iran in the 1340s and 1350s with a breakdown in the hegemony of Western civilization and modernity. The basis of the discourses of originality is based on a picture of the gaps and gaps of indigenous identity that, with the influence of modern Western culture, the "self" with the presence of "other" and "other" has been driven to a shaky position of values and relations. Scattered and disintegrated, it has found a place devoid of historical prestige and prestige. By rejecting Heidegger's instrumental intellect, under the influence of Heidegger, and by reconstructing tradition and by creating philosophical concepts and metaphors, Shaygan's narrative of authenticity provides a theoretical basis for the discourse of originality, and paves the way for the dissemination of ideological discourses among the intellectual generation of the 1350s. In opposition to the West, imperialism and its puppet tyranny were formulated as ideals of "return to self" and religious roots, preparing Iran for the establishment of a government of originality.

The study of the curriculum of each discipline is especially important in terms of examining the relationship between science and skill. The paper deals with historical- critical approach to the analysis of social science curricula and assessing relationship between science and skills development and employment of graduates. The theoretical framework has been formulated using the approaches of SKYROW (2008), contemporary philosophers approach to science and skill ratio as well as BLOOM s educational theory (2009). The method of study is critical historiography and the data were collected by a combination of documentary and in- depth interviews. The research findings were analyzed by qualitative method of structural and interpretive analysis. The results show that educational programs in social science in Iran lack advanced standards and in their content there is no appropriate and balance ratio between theoretical knowledge and practical skills. Another result is a deep gap between the supply of graduates, the institution of the university and their demand, the institution of economics (Labor Market).

The present study is an attempt to understand the feeling of social exclusion in association with economic status, ethnicity, ethnic belonging and assessment of government policies. It is necessary to address the issues of youth in countries such as Iran, due to the fact that young people are at the center of developments and planning. Therefore, using a scrupulous method and using a questionnaire tool to measure variables, after reviewing the theoretical approaches of social exclusion and explaining the levels of social exclusion, the framework and theoretical model have been sampled among the students of the State and Azad universities. After selecting 325 students, the results were analyzed using descriptive statistics and homogeneity of variance analysis, FF test, correlation coefficient, t-test and pair comparison. The results showed a significant and direct relationship between the feeling of social exclusion and the sense of ethnic belonging, as well as the feeling of social exclusion and the assessment of government policies by respondents, in other words, students who felt more social exclusion, felt more ethnic belonging and They also had a negative perception of government policies

The present research aims to find out how women's social role is represented in the media, with the emphasis on cinema; and the identification of hidden ideologies behind these representation. For this purpose, two movies, " The Salesman " and " A Cube of Sugar ", have been selected. The analysis of these two films has been carried out using and combining two methods of Narrative Analysis of Bart and Fisk's semiotics. The main question was how women are represented in these two selected films.
The findings suggest that, despite all the apparent differences between the two films, the representations presented about women in both films movie beside consolidate the patriarchal traditional system of Iranian society.