میرابراهیم صدیق

This article examines Erdogan;s personality and Turkey;s policies towards Syria. Due to special perceptual-psychological nature, Erdoğan;s cult of personality and desire to promote Turkey ;s position as a symbol of pragmatic Islamic policies and competition with rivals, he has chosen Syria as a suitable place to implement his regional security strategy. During the recent crisis in Turkish-Syrian relations and the direct military confrontation between the military forces of the two countries, this issue shows the importance of Syria ;s position in Turkey;s regional political and security strategy. The question raised in this article is, what were the reasons for Erdogan;s government;s tendency to be present in Syria? The temporary answer to the current question is that Turkey ;s security presence in Syria originates from the neo-Ottoman policies of the Justice and Development Party and Erdogan himself as the basic agent of the political structure of strategic and security decisions.

Islamic movements are popular and organized movements whose goal and strategy is to implement the orders of the society with the orders of Sharia in all political, intellectual, social and economic dimensions. Western colonialism, intellectual degeneration and tyranny are the causes of these movements. The Muslim Brotherhood movement is the most powerful movement among the Islamic movements that came to power at the same time as the victory of the revolution. Also, in terms of the connection of the Muslim Brotherhood movement with Iran, Saudi Arabia and Turkey, the investigation of this movement is of particular importance. The analysis carried out in this research is the result of the construction of descriptive information obtained from previous studies, so that by analyzing the strategy of Islamic movements, especially the Muslim Brotherhood, it is possible to correctly establish Iran's political relations with Turkey and Saudi Arabia. By examining the influence of the Brotherhood's strategy on the relations between Iran, Turkey and Saudi Arabia, we find that Turkey supports moderate Islam and aligns with Iran, and Saudi Arabia promotes extreme Islam or Wahhabism and is in conflict with Iran and Turkey

The present article compares the theory and experience of urban politics and diplomacy in modernization in two different periods of Pahlavi II and Islamic Republic. One of the goals of the foreign policy of any country, in general, is the development of the sphere of influence. The sphere of influence also means the formation of spaces for presenceThe meaning of sphere of influence is the formation of spaces for the visible and invisible presence of a country so that it can promote the values it cares about. This article is of a descriptive and analytical type and tries to examine and analyze the policies of the governments in the second Pahlavi period and the Islamic Republic in a documentary way and in the context of the discussion of urban diplomacy.

AbstractThis research analyzes the role of the three emerging soft powers China, India and Russia in the security of the Middle East. Indeed, China is a rising revisionist world power and the second largest economy after the United States. Likewise, Russia has revived its global role as a major power since the 2000s. Also, India is widely regarded as a "rising power". India is now projected to become the third largest economy in the world by 2030. In fact, since Obama issued the Asia-Pivot Strategy in 2012, the Middle East has been concerned about the US commitment to the security of the Persian Gulf. They see emerging powers, especially China and India, as substitutes for the US security role. . 1This research also examines the clash of strategies of emerging powers. It explains how the strategy shift of rising powers towards the region for energy or geopolitical considerations has affected their potential security role in the Middle East. This research examines the main interests of emerging soft powers in the Middle East: energy, trade and investment relations.The main argument of this research is that the emerging powers do not develop a coherent strategy for the security of the region, but have short-term policies or approaches, not concrete strategies. The second argument is that emerging powers do not want to provide security in the Middle East region.K

Afghanistan is as a country with different ethnic groups and unique political and social characteristics. The society of this country has always suffered from social crises due to ethnic and religious prejudice. The Taliban was able to seize power in two phases, one during the 5-year term of Mullah Omar's leadership and the current term of Maulvi Hebatullah Akhundzadeh. Despite the common characteristics of these two periods, differences can also be seen. The current research is limited to Afghanistan from the geographical point of view, and from the time point of view, it is focused on the last three decades and on the personalities of Mullah Mohammad Omar and Maulvi Hebat Elah Akhundzadeh. The research method is causal-analytical and comparative with a political and historical approach and based on discourse analysis. Also, the method of gathering information and data in this research is done using the library method through books, articles, magazines and the internet. Based on this, in this research, we seek to investigate the political thought and practice of the Taliban leaders, emphasizing the comparison of the thought of Mullah Muhammad Omar and Maulvi Hebat-Allah Akhundzadeh based on discourse analysis, and answer this question: the political thought and practice of Mullah Muhammad Omar. And how was Maulvi Hebatullah Akhundzadeh as the most important leader of the Taliban? The results show that, based on this, the political discourse of Hebataleh Akhundzadeh, emphasizing some of the teachings and political discourse of Mullah Omar's period,

The theorists of political studies and international relations believe that countries that are close to each other often have areas of overlapping political relations, and as a result, their foreign policy is strongly influenced by their neighbors. China considers the connection and normalization of relations between the Arab countries of the Persian Gulf and the Zionist regime as a contradiction in its foreign policy and international interests. The current research is of applied type and descriptive-analytical method, with the aim of influencing the peace plan of Ibrahim on the relationship of China's international interests on the Persian Gulf region and West Asia as the most strategic region in the Islamic world. The question is, what effect has the normalization of relations between the UAE and Israel had on China's international interests in the Persian Gulf? It seems that the normalization of relations between the UAE and Israel due to the closeness of this regime to the United States will face major challenges to China's interests in the Persian Gulf. The findings of the research show that, for the implementation of the cooperative security model in the Persian Gulf, preliminary solutions can include the following: regular periodic security talks at high and medium levels, building trust through agreements in the field of notifying military exercises, exchange of observers, exchange information and finally reaching agreements in the field of preventing accidents at sea and along the common borders, navigation in waterways and air, ensuring the security of shipping in the mouth of the Strait of Hormuz and active cooperation in preserving the environment of the region. 

The objective of this research is to examine the regional security of the Islamic Republic of Iran, focusing on the changing actions of Saudi Arabian political officials. Using the descriptive-analytical method, the study concludes that between 2010 and 2018, Saudi officials implemented policy changes primarily aimed at containing the Islamic Republic of Iran. These measures sought to prevent Iran from assuming a dominant and decisive role in the turbulent West Asian region. The strategic competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia has the potential to transform the West Asian region into the epicenter of intense regional and geopolitical rivalries, thereby posing security challenges at both national and regional levels. As long as this competition persists, national security remains at risk. Given Miller's theory of war and peace, the turning point in this policy lies in the perceptions of decision-makers. If decision-makers alter their perception of the operational environment, it is possible for them to transition from a hegemonic model to a collaborative model, fostering a convergent and cooperative atmosphere in West Asia.

The concept of soft power was developed at the end of the Cold War to examine international influence through non-coercive means. In recent years, a growing field of research has been conducted on this concept to investigate the role of religion and culture in the foreign policy of Middle Eastern countries. Existing research tends to focus on soft power from the perspective of Iran and China, which project such an influence. Since Iran and China, as two important countries and two influential players at the regional and international levels, have a significant history in the development of bilateral relations over the past few decades. In examining the current situation, the relations between the two countries can be evaluated at a favorable level in the political, economic, military and strategic fields. The countries that have the economic potential to help this process for China are in the priority of attention of the politicians of this country. In this regard, the Islamic Republic of Iran, as a country with rich oil and gas reserves, can be an estimate of China's needs. From. On the other hand, in the field of the international system, both the countries of the Islamic Republic of Iran and China have not accepted the order desired by the United States and are trying to change this order. In this framework, these two countries can complement each other and expand their areas of cooperation.

The class gap has always been the source of many social disorders. The widening of the class gap leads to an increase in poverty in the society. The class gap is one of the most important problems facing any society, so that governments have deepened or reduced it in the country by implementing economic programs, which has increased the class gap in Iranian society in recent years. The class gap that leads to the spread of poverty and inequality causes dissatisfaction among the weak sections of society and can lead to a decrease in people's support for the government. The purpose of this research is to investigate the class divide in Iranian society after the Islamic Revolution. The main research question is posed in this way. What are the most important reasons for the class divide in Iranian society after the Islamic Revolution? The hypothesis of the research is that the implementation of the policies and orientation of the governments after the Islamic revolution, especially after the imposed war and the implementation of the five-year development plans and the different approach of each government to social justice, the process of intensifying the class gap began and continued. The research method in this article is qualitative with a descriptive-analytical approach.

Political modernization and development are aimed at achieving goals that can reduce the gap between political institutions and other institutions in the economy and society, and thus pave the way for progress, development and public welfare.The issue of political development is one of the topics that has deeply attracted the attention of many researchers in recent decades and has been at the center of intellectual interests of social and political science thinkers. This issue is especially important for the intellectual elites of developing countries, because in such countries, the process of development and underdevelopment is the main challenge of society. It also had political, economic, and social dimensions and was referred to as "progress," but theories of development were largely proposed after World War II.Political development is a phenomenon that can not be denied its impact on the socio-political life of the world today, especially in developing societies. Various factors play a role in the process of political development, among which political institutions play an important role. Political development requires the existence of institutions that contribute to political developmentPolitical development implies the efficiency of the political system. The political system, which has the capacity and ability to resolve individual and social differences and contradictions, accept the political participation of citizens, freedom and fundamental change in a society, has reached political development. On the other hand, political development can be considered synonymous with the growth and flourishing of democracy. What is considered in this article is the function of political-civil institutions and its role in the political development of the country. It means examining the relationship between political-civic institutions and political development according to the opinions of experts and specialists who have been questioned in line with this research. Studies of experts and scholars include high-ranking employees, university professors, teachers and members of political parties and organizations. The main question of this research is what role do political-civil institutions play in the political development of the country? It is hypothesized that in order to achieve political development, political-civic institutions should be established or strengthened. The purpose of this article is to investigate the impact of political-civic institutions on the political development of the country. And the expansion of public media and a wide network of communications and the multiplicity and competition of political political parties and institutions have a greater impact on the political development of the country than other factors.Political modernization and development are aimed at achieving goals that can reduce the gap between political institutions and other institutions in the economy and society, and thus pave the way for progress, development and public welfare.The issue of political development is one of the topics that has deeply attracted the attention of many researchers in recent decades and has been at the center of intellectual interests of social and political science thinkers. This issue is especially important for the intellectual elites of developing countries, because in such countries, the process of development and underdevelopment is the main challenge of society. It also had political, economic, and social dimensions and was referred to as "progress," but theories of development were largely proposed after World War II.Political development is a phenomenon that can not be denied its impact on the socio-political life of the world today, especially in developing societies. Various factors play a role in the process of political development, among which political institutions play an important role. Political development requires the existence of institutions that contribute to political development. These institutions, known as civil-political institutions, include political parties, associations, and non-governmental organizations, political participation, and the press.Political development implies the efficiency of the political system. The political system, which has the capacity and ability to resolve individual and social differences and contradictions, accept the political participation of citizens, freedom and fundamental change in a society, has reached political development. On the other hand, political development can be considered synonymous with the growth and flourishing of democracy. What is considered in this article is the function of political-civil institutions and its role in the political development of the country. It means examining the relationship between political-civic institutions and political development according to the opinions of experts and specialists who have been questioned in line with this research. Studies of experts and scholars include high-ranking employees, university professors, teachers and members of political parties and organizations. The main question of this research is what role do political-civil institutions play in the political development of the country? It is hypothesized that in order to achieve political development, political-civic institutions should be established or strengthened. The purpose of this article is to investigate the impact of political-civic institutions on the political development of the country. And the expansion of public media and a wide network of communications and the multiplicity and competition of political political parties and institutions have a greater impact on the political development of the country than other factors.Political modernization and development are aimed at achieving goals that can reduce the gap between political institutions and other institutions in the economy and society, and thus pave the way for progress, development and public welfare.The issue of political development is one of the topics that has deeply attracted the attention of many researchers in recent decades and has been at the center of intellectual interests of social and political science thinkers. This issue is especially important for the intellectual elites of developing countries, because in such countries, the process of development and underdevelopment is the main challenge of society. It also had political, economic, and social dimensions and was referred to as "progress," but theories of development were largely proposed after World War II.s.

This article examines the role and influence of urban civic institutions in Iran's political development. Accordingly, the main question is: What effect do the duties, powers and performance of urban civic institutions have on Iran's political development? The temporary answer to the present question is: Urban civic institutions will lead to Iran's political development by exercising the duties and powers enshrined in the law and raising the level of civil participation in governance. The city council of developed countries has a wide range of responsibilities. In many countries, the affairs of an independent ministry are the responsibility of the city council in developed countries. This system of decentralization has left many matters directly to the collective wisdom of the citizens. Therefore, the performance of the city council is directly related to the wishes of the citizens of developed countries, and it can perform better than the city councils in a There is a centralized system (like Iran), observed.

Iran's foreign policy on the axis of influence after the crisis in Iraq and Syria has been more defensive-security and pragmatic in nature. However, the reactions in the two countries mentioned above have been challenged by the influential powers on the other hand. Therefore, adopting a strategy designed to resolve this contradiction is the issue raised in this study (issue). The author has used a qualitative-interpretive method with a descriptive-analytical approach to prove his hypothesis (method). It seems that Iran has tried to be much more active in the crisis zone than before in order to prevent unwanted changes in the regional balance system, which may jeopardize Iran's current position, and by emphasizing the protection of national interests. Defensive-security and at the same time active foreign policy has tried to maintain and stabilize its regional position and strengthen it at times (hypothesis). Iran's foreign policy approach to both crises, emphasizing the Islamic awakening in these two countries, is completely realistic, pragmatic, security and based on national interests, in order to prevent the penetration of the crises of these two countries to Iran and To maintain and expand its national-political interests in the crisis zone (findings).

In the field of internal issues and issues of any country, if the damage and problems of political, administrative, social, economic, etc. reaches a certain amount and quality, either provides a platform for the entry of a threat or the security threat itself in various fields will be converted. Factors such as disproportionate job opportunities, economic crises and the risk of eliminating opportunities in the comprehensive administrative system, disproportion between costs and incomes, have left individuals and families with constant worries and concerns. On the other hand, disorder, lack of socialization and preference of individual and group interests over national interests among political elites, causes political tension and instability in society, which if not resolved by legal mechanisms, administrative and national security Will be at risk. The structure of the administrative system of any country is the system that regulates all activities to achieve predetermined goals. Today, in terms of Iran's domestic situation and international situation, the need for change in the country's administrative system is felt more than ever. Given that the administrative system depends on the structure and social foundation and cultural, political, social and economic goals of the country and cannot be addressed in the abstract, so considering the impact of the components, especially the political system and the development of political institutions on reform Administrative system, the present article seeks to design and explain it as a formative research using the Delphi method and the SWOT technique.In the field of internal issues and issues of any country, if the damage and problems of political, administrative, social, economic, etc. reaches a certain amount and quality, either provides a platform for the entry of a threat or the security threat itself in various fields will be converted. Factors such as disproportionate job opportunities, economic crises and the risk of eliminating opportunities in the comprehensive administrative system, disproportion between costs and incomes, have left individuals and families with constant worries and concerns. On the other hand, disorder, lack of socialization and preference of individual and group interests over national interests among political elites, causes political tension and instability in society, which if not resolved by legal mechanisms, administrative and national security Will be at risk. The structure of the administrative system of any country is the system that regulates all activities to achieve predetermined goals. Today, in terms of Iran's domestic situation and international situation, the need for change in the country's administrative system is felt more than ever. Given that the administrative system depends on the structure and social foundation and cultural, political, social and economic goals of the country and cannot be addressed in the abstract, so considering the impact of the components, especially the political system and the development of political institutions on reform Administrative system, the present article seeks to design and explain it as a formative research using the Delphi methodIn the field of internal issues and issues of any country, if the damage and problems of political, administrative, social, economic, etc. reaches a certain amount and quality, either provides a platform for the entry of a threat or the security threat itself in various fields will be converted. Factors such as disproportionate job opportunities, economic crises and the risk of eliminating opportunities in the comprehensive administrative system, disproportion between costs and incomes, have left individuals and families with constant worries and concerns. On the other hand, disorder, lack of socialization and preference of individual and group interests over national interests among political elites, causes political tension and instability in society, which if not resolved by legal mechanisms, administrative and national security Will be at risk. The structure of the administrative system of any country is the system that regulates all activities to achieve predetermined goals. Today, in terms of Iran's domestic situation and international situation, the need for change in the country's administrative system is felt more than ever. Given that the administrative system depends on the structure and social foundation and cultural, political, social and economic goals of the country and cannot be addressed in the abstract, so considering the impact of the components, especially the political system and the development of political institutions on reform Administrative system, the present article seeks to design and explain it as a formative research using the Delphi method and the SWOT technique.In the field of internal issues and issues of any country, if the damage and problems of political, administrative, social, economic, etc. reaches a certain amount and quality, either provides a platform for the entry of a threat or the security threat itself in various fields will be converted. Factors such as disproportionate job opportunities, economic crises and the risk of eliminating opportunities in the comprehensive administrative system, disproportion between costs and incomes, have left individuals and families with constant worries and concerns. On the other hand, disorder, lack of socialization and preference of individual and group interests over national interests among political elites, causes political tension and instability in society, which if not resolved by legal mechanisms, administrative and national security Will be at risk. The structure of the administrative system of any country is the system that regulates all activities to achieve predetermined goals. Today, in terms of Iran's domestic situation and international situation, the need for change in the country's administrative system is felt more than ever. Given that the administrative system depends on the structure and social foundation and cultural, political, social and economic goals of the country and cannot be addressed in the abstract, so considering the impact of the components, especially the political system and the development of political institutions on reform Administrative system, the present article seeks to design and explain it as a formative research using the Delphi method .

The main purpose of this article is to explain the performance of the construction period and compare it with the performance of the axis justice period and their effect on the class gap. Since the formation of the Islamic Revolution, different governments have taken over the executive helm of the country, and now large and varied programs have been implemented, the effect of which has been the division of classes in the society. they have the highest annual income and consumption at the point opposite to the 10th decile. The amount of income between each decile is called the class gap. The class gap is one of the main problems of the society that can cause the country to face crisis. In response to this hypothesis, it is proposed that in the construction and justice-oriented government, with different approaches and the application of personal and partisan thinking in the path of development and development programs, social justice and the elimination of deprivation have been looked at differently, which has made the improvement of this process face problems.

The Middle East is one of the regions whose countries have not undergone a successful nation-state-building process compared to other parts of the world. One of the most important reasons for this is the fabrication of most Middle Eastern countries and their withdrawal from post-World War I treaties and the consequent non-compliance of the government with the nation. . Thus, both the geographical map and the state of the borders, as well as the government of these countries, were formed by foreign powers. For these reasons, Iraq has always faced ethnic and religious heterogeneity, domination with the suppression of minority groups over other groups, and as a result, tension and instability. Even after the fall of Saddam Hussein and the beginning of the democratization process, the country has faced fundamental challenges to state-nation building. This question can be examined by asking what challenges and harms the nation-building in Iraq has faced since the fall of Saddam. The hypothesis is that various internal and external challenges, such as ethnic, religious, and racial divisions, lack of national identity formation, and foreign intervention, have prevented successful nation-state building in Iraq.

Up until now, Islamic Republic of Iran – rising from among people and adopting a religious and divine discourse – has provided a unique model of the administration of people’s affairs in various dimensions through the creation and enhancement of institutions and structures appropriate to its political system. Accordingly, the consideration of ideals in the form of structures, institutions, and approaches is an issue that has a unique role in strengthening the internal structure of this political system. In this article, using the descriptive-analytical method and collecting data through document analysis, library research, and survey methods, city council – as an institution rising from the public vote and a phenomenon similar to local parliament – are defined as the dependent variable. Moreover, in line with the identification of the dimensions and history of these councils, the position of council in Islamic thought is discussed. According to the obtained results, it can be maintained that councils’ importance has four important and effective aspects, namely participation in, distribution of, penetration in, and formation of the identity of power and internal structure strength. To this end, they play roles in four directions, namely strengthening the internal structure cohesion through providing identity to individuals’ roles, enhancing the influence of the Islamic political system in various layers of people and society, fulfilling the maximum participation of people and the role of people in governance, and the just distribution of resources based on reality and the local and national desires. It was found that councils have had greater effectiveness in the fulfillment of maximum participation and involvement of people in governance compared to other directions.

Since elleven septamber, NATO has been one of the most important intervening actors in the region and has played a decisive role in its security structure. Therefore, the expansion of NATO territory in the Middle East is through the admission of new members within the framework of US security goals and the desired security order in the Middle East. This situation can create different scenarios in the security field of the geography around Iran, which will certainly be a threat and threat to the presence of NATO for the Islamic Republic of Iran. The question is, what effect does NATO's military strategy in the Middle East have on the security of the Islamic Republic of Iran? It seems that NATO's presence in the Middle East is to fill the power vacuum in the region, and NATO's long-term presence around the borders of the Islamic Republic of Iran reduces the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the Middle East. The above research is of analytical-fundamental type, with a descriptive-analytical approach and a qualitative-interpretive method. The method of collecting research data has also been done through library studies. The purpose of this study is to investigate the impact of NATO presence on the security approach of the Islamic Republic after elleven septamber.

Today, many developed and developing countries are struggling with an economic process called corruption in various dimensions. Experiences from different countries of the world show that corruption is a complex, hidden and diverse matter, and therefore its prevention must be continuous, long-term, coherent and with careful and comprehensive planning. Accordingly, this study was conducted with the aim of the role of political development and economic freedoms in preventing corruption.

The method of this research is a bit of a survey type. The statistical sample of the research is economic activists in Tehran, which is estimated to be 384 people using the Cochran's formula and the statistical information of the research has been collected by a researcher-made questionnaire. The indicators of economic freedoms, political rights, freedom of the media, civil liberties and the degree of democracy and the extent of prevention of corruption have been proven with the help of software (Amos Graphics) in a model with high validity.

The findings of this study show that the variables of economic freedoms, political rights, media freedom, civil liberties and the degree of democracy have a direct and significant effect on the prevention of corruption.

Based on the existing empirical findings and theoretical literature, the concept of corruption is related to the concept of democracy and the rule of law and institutions and civil law lead to the reduction of corruption and its prevention in the political and administrative system of a society.

 This article studies and analyzes the role of Karaj prisons in political, social and cultural changes of this metropolis between 2006 and 2019. accordingly, the main question of the present research is: What is the role of Karaj metropolis prisons on the political, social and cultural changes of this metropolis between the years from 2006 to 2019?The temporary response to the main question is: Karaj city has slowed the political development process, also caused social challenges such as increasing crime and informal settlements and cultural challenges between 2006 and 2019 in Karaj metropolis.Alborz province is one of the most important and populated regions of the country. There are significant development differences between different regions of Alborz province. The most important development planning steps are setting development goals and reducing imbalance. To identify regional disparities and provide regional development indicators, we need to review the current situation and indicators of development in different economic, social and cultural sectors in Karaj. The present study, is an applied research which is conducted through survey and descriptive – analytical from the perspective of purpose.

Crime and its prevention in any region is an important necessity for planners, criminologists and policy makers. The aim of this article is to investigate the role and impact of Karaj prisoners on informal settlements in this metropolis with a crime prevention approach (between 2006 and 2019). Accordingly, crime prevention in marginalized areas is crucial due to the special potential of these areas for criminal acts and the existence of populous families in these areas; Because committing criminal acts in these areas has an educational aspect to family members and they are weak in terms of the existence of control and deterrent mechanisms in these areas. Therefore, the need to prevent crime in these areas is very important.

The method of this study is a combination of quantitative and qualitative methods simultaneously in informal settlements between 2006 and 2019. From the perspective of the purpose is the type of applied research.

The findings of the study show that the formation of inappropriate and informal settlements around the prisons and the increase in crime have not been unrelated to the site of Karaj prisons. With the physical and demographic expansion of cities, penitentiaries that were outside the city space have gradually entered part of the city interior space. .

The results show that with the widespread influx of immigrants into cities and the resulting changes, the rate of crime has increased significantly.

In recent decades, Iran and Saudi Arabia, as two regional powers, have been plagued by ideological-geopolitical conflicts (in the common sphere of influence). (Introduction) It seems that according to the developments and also the position and strategic-strategic interests of these two powers, each of them seeks to eliminate the rival and achieve the desired goal (regional hegemony) by adopting the desired policies.(Hypothesis) In the present study, a qualitative-interpretive method with a descriptive-analytical approach has been used.(Method) The Islamic Republic seeks to maintain the ideals of the Islamic Revolution and increase its power in all dimensions and expand its ideological sphere of influence, as well as maintain survival (axis of resistance - East and Shiism) and expand its soft power by increasing its influence in Disrupt the equations of the region. But Saudi Arabia, as the opposite, seeks to maintain the political survival of Sunni-Wahhabi and (Western-Arab) power, as well as to expand Wahhabi teachings and increase its relative power in the face of Iranian influence. Therefore, the analysis of the equations of the region under its influence and its future, using the dual approaches adopted by the two regional powers (Iran, Saudi Arabia).(Results)

Nation-state establishment is a process wherein a country makes an attempt to gain and maintain its autonomy, sovereignty, and independence through the development of its power and institutional capacity. Such a goal can be achieved by gaining territorial saturation, national solidarity and political stability. This process has not reached a successful condition in most West Asian countries, and the governments and for some reasons, the nations do not match properly. An essential reason for these cases relates to the improper creation of these countries and their emergence from Post-World War I treaties, resulting in so many problems and challenges for these countries. The question arising here relates to the problems and challenges that nation-state building process has caused in West Asian countries. The hypothesis of this research involves the fact that various internal and external challenges such as ethnic, religious and racial variations, lack of a stable structure and solidarity of national identity, lack of democratic structures and having no resolution for territorial disputes with neighboring countries, and foreign intervention in the affaires of these countries have caused these problems. Moreover, no inclusive plan and model has been presented to accomplish the process of state-nation building and solving the problems and crises in the region. This research is aimed at providing a general analytical model for explaining the process and the challenges facing the nation-state building process in the region. This is a descriptive-explanatory research whose data are collected by reviewing the documents through library technique.

In this paper, the role of gas exports in the development of relations between Iran and neighboring countries and the formation of regional integration according to the theories of functionalism, neo-functionalism and interdependence, are examined.Given that Iran has direct land and sea borders with 15 countries and also has access to high seas; it has the advantage of being able to employ both gas exportation methods, i.e. pipeline or LNG. Accordingly, the main question this article aims to answer is, whether the export of gas as a special commodity by Iran has made it possible for Iran to integrate and have some form of interdependence with other countries.This study presents a temporary answer to the present question, which in the current situation is, Iran's gas exports have led to the development of economic cooperation between Iran and the participating countries, and more interdependence has come about. In addition, if the countries excursive full participation, a route can be paved for integration.The results of this research were obtained using the descriptive-analytical method, employing a cross-sectional study in terms of time and a correlational research in terms of the type of relationship between the data. The research shows that the development of Iran's gas production and its export can lead to prosperity among the communities of the region, affect other areas and bring about strong and expanding relations. Reciprocal economic interdependence between Iran and other countries can also reduce foreign damage such as sanctions, and can reduce the mutual risk and impact of international economic shocks.