نسرین مصفا

The advent new communication technologies that have minimized the distance of communication and the traditional borders of the communities of the countries where the diasporas live as well as the borders of their homeland have made it possible for immigrants to be present in the new transnational space and information. Diaspora members not only maintain ongoing ties with the homeland, but also establish relationships with the host country and even intervene in transnational events. Given the widespread popularity of these new technologies, the question arises as to what effect access to new communication technologies, including social networks, can have on the role of Diasporas. In response to this hypothesis, access to new communication technologies Social networks, among others, increase the role of Diasporas as active and influential groups both in their homeland and in the host country. Studies conducted in the diaspora communities of China and India have shown that social networks increase the impact and role of these diaspora communities in the political, social and civil issues of the host country and their homeland.

Since the spread of COVID-19, the United Nations and the World Health Organization have become the focus of global attention. The WHO, in accordance with the International Health Regulations, declared that the disease outbreak aligns with the criteria of public health, identifying COVID-19 as a common global threat. With the widespread dissemination of COVID-19 and the resulting crises, various questions have arisen concerning the legitimacy and performance of the UN system and its capacity to address this global crisis. The present study employs a descriptive-analytical approach to examine the legitimacy of the actions and decisions of the UN and the WHO in confronting the COVID-19 crisis from the establishment of the Public Health Emergency to its resolution. This research seeks to answer the question of whether the UN system possessed the necessary legitimacy to manage and overcome the COVID-19 pandemic. This study argues that throughout the COVID-19 pandemic, despite initial criticisms of the validity of the procedures and actions of the UN and the WHO, there has been widespread support for the necessity and importance of these institutions. This support largely originates from a deep-seated belief in their instrumental legitimacy, emphasizing their essential and irreplaceable purpose. In fact, although the legitimacy of the UN faced challenges in the early stages of the COVID-19 pandemic, the continuation of the crisis and the failure of unilateral approaches on one hand, and the performance of the UN and the WHO on the other hand, have led to the reinforcement of their legitimacy.

Despite the geopolitical importance of Ukraine for Russia, especially the geopolitical aspect of energy, due to the gas pipeline passing through this country to transfer Russian gas to Europe, Ukraine's Western tendencies and the gas crises that have occurred in different years have made Russia try to use it as a tool against Ukraine's actions by creating the Nord Stream facility in addition to providing an alternative option. Considering this issue, the question is how Nord Stream can be used as a weapon against Ukraine. In this regard, it is hypothesized that Russia, by imposing transit bans caused by the replacement of transit pipelines with Nord Stream facilities, and as a result, the weakening of the economic situation and security vulnerability of the pipelines, has turned it into a pressure lever against Ukraine. Investigations show that by ignoring Ukraine, Nord Stream is depriving this country of billions of dollars in revenue from the right of transit, and it also causes the destruction of a major strategic deterrent that always prevents the escalation of Russian aggression against this country. Also, this facility was used in the relations between Russia and Europe after this country invaded Ukraine as a lever of geopolitical pressure of the parties against each other.

While most research focuses on the issue of humanitarian aid from an ethical and not mandatory viewpoint, this paper seeks to study humanitarian aid from the perspective of Islamic. In the international human rights system, with the extensive interpretation of these rights and adopting a positive approach, the only obligation to accept humanitarian aid has been proven. From a different perspective, this research seeks to examine the duty to provide humanitarian aid from in Islamic jurisprudence. The paper argues that the religion of Islam  provides a positive approach to humanitarian aid. In this regard, the pre-Islamic principles of human dignity and justice and the Islamic obligation to preserve human life and the principle of “taliif al-qulub” (winning hearts) by using “zakat” (religious tax), prove the obligation to provide humanitarian aid to all people exposed to natural and unnatural disasters, especially to non-Muslims.

With the advent of the Internet and the proliferation of tools based on it, social scientists have raised high hopes for a return to the concept of the Habermas public sphere in new media. The main question for this group of thinkers was, did the Habermas public sphere take on a new life on social media? Following the studies and researches, two categories of results can be mentioned: First, there are studies that emphasize the possibility of forming a public sphere in cyberspace. The second is the research that confirmed the impossibility of forming a public sphere in cyberspace. But a third approach has developed that,  Emphasizing the third approach, we try to examine how the virtual public sphere affects political participation .In this study, while considering these three approaches, with emphasis on the third approach, The purpose of this research is to answer the question of how the virtual public sphere affects the category of political participation. The results obtained in the conducted surveys strengthen the hypothesis that benefiting from the virtual public sphere can be effective in strengthening political participation.

The “Black Lives Matter” civil rights movement has left profound effects on the international approach of the US government toward human rights. This movement reached its peak in 2020 and profoundly affected culture, politics, and policy making in the US. The two major parties reacted differently – the Democrats showed support but Republicans opposed it. These reactions help us analyze the US international policy toward human rights. US human rights policy has been embedded in the theory of “American exceptionalism”, which considered US the best incarnation of human rights and its interests as a superpower equal to its protection. But the Black Lives Matter movement challenges this narrative and claims that human rights violations are an untold part of this story. The Democrats have adopted a new approach to American exceptionalism in response which considers The US to have an exceptional potential to embody human rights values but this potential is yet to be realized. Joe Biden has also prioritized human rights more than his predecessors since 1980s by criticizing the US and also adopting harsher policies toward US allies that violate human rights. It can be predicted that the Democrats will adopt a more normative approach toward human rights in the future.

Afghanistan has been one the most dangerous places for women —This is the commonly accepted view, either socially or scholarly, without any further deliberation. There is a long tumultuous history of conflicts contributing to the worsening situation: the 1979 Soviet invasion, the Afghan Civil War, the Taliban rule, the U.S.-led invasion of Afghanistan after 11 September 2001, the stagnant conditions of governance since then, and now the ensuing conflicts. Such description should not negate the partial improvements to the status of women in Afghanistan’s politics and society, though often dubbed as one step forward and two steps backward. In light of such crises, a significant portion of the literature gravitates towards simply depicting women in Afghanistan as victims without due attention to their struggle for empowerment. The article aims to convey how the individuals, often labeled as victims, describe their own situation, struggle, journey, and status. As much as being a theoretical and empirical discussion of Afghanistan and women in Afghanistan, the article also urges for ethical and reflexive methodologies. The findings could be applicable to further studies on the situation of women in other conflict zones.The authors attempt to find an answer for the main research question: How has the conflicts and war affected Afghan women? In the research hypothesis, it is asserted that despite of negative impacts of war on Afghan women, it has also created some spaces for women empowerment. Pursuing this claim, we focus on Afghan women's life experiences between the rise of the Taliban in 1996 and the exit of NATO forces in 2014. Through qualitative and semi-structured interviews with 88 Afghan women in Kabul, we assess the post-war empowering on individual and collective levels. The interviews were conducted over a five-month fieldwork in Kabul in 2019 Within the feminism theoretical framework focusing on concepts like gender, gendered power relations, gender roles, the article assesses that with devastating impacts of the war, there was a seismic transformation of gendered roles. The example of these transformations include women becoming heads of  households, change in views of women, and social changes that manifested themselves individually and within families.With the lesser presence of men and increased participation of women in public spaces, the war's transformative deconstruction of power relations and structures triggers a series of changes in population, economic, and cultural aspects of their lived experiences, and so on. This lived experience is transformed by their meaningful ability to choose, which is how they and the authors’ of this article view as an indication of women empowerment. In Afghanistan, families are treated as one of the core units within the social and political structure of the country. Based on familial relations and tribal loyalties, the unit is constructed within an unequal power relation between genders and is deeply patriarchal. Changes in gender relations will not occur over night, but certain events such as wars can be triggers which would start or speed up the process of change.An example is changed perception on issues such as marriage and related topics as a result of the war. Women are killed and injured during wars, they lose relatives and husbands, they struggle for survival, but a new identity is borne out of the wartime struggles. Despite the difficulties and struggles of the war, the interviewees did not acknowledge themselves as the pitiful victims of war. The majority of their answers could be grouped as expressing resolute hope, rooted in perceiving themselves as wartime heroes who survived the war and obtained their own agency. Changes in gender roles, leading families, immigrations and different lived experiences, expansion of communication and media, raising awareness among women, legal and institutional progress benefiting women specifically from 2001 to 2022, provided necessary resources and structures for increased agency among women. While the dominant traditional discourses still continue to influence women's agency actively, as one of the interviewees said, "literacy and awareness" cannot be reversed.

A perusal of global history signifies the role that commemorations and celebrations about the longevity of reigning in monarchies. There are examples of it in Iran and beyond that. While such events cannot be categorized amongst the expectations form political systems (such as dignity and welfare for citizens), but they could be analyzed within the framework of conduct of the political systems. At its third level, as symbolic capacity, it strengthens other capacities such as extractive, responsive, distributive and regulative. This article seeks to analyze the relationship between the organization of monarchical celebrations, specifically marking their reign, and the legitimacy of the political system. In turn, it influences its actions, through input, demands, and support, and its interactions with the domestic and international spheres. Within the framework of structural-functional theory, this article analyses political legitimacy in light of such celebrations and its impact on strengthening the top of the system. In doing so, it will analyze the Pahlavi’s celebration of 2500 years of monarchy in Iran and its fiftieth anniversary by relying on range of sources, including archives.A perusal of global history signifies the role that commemorations and celebrations about the longevity of reigning in monarchies. There are examples of it in Iran and beyond that. While such events cannot be categorized amongst the expectations form political systems (such as dignity and welfare for citizens), but they could be analyzed within the framework of conduct of the political systems. At its third level, as symbolic capacity, it strengthens other capacities such as extractive, responsive, distributive and regulative. This article seeks to analyze the relationship between the organization of monarchical celebrations, specifically marking their reign, and the legitimacy of the political system. In turn, it influences its actions, through input, demands, and support, and its interactions with the domestic and international spheres. Within the framework of structural-functional theory, this article analyses political legitimacy in light of such celebrations and its impact on strengthening the top of the system. In doing so, it will analyze the Pahlavi’s celebration of 2500 years of monarchy in Iran and its fiftieth anniversary by relying on range of sources, including archives.

According to numerous international and regional human-rights instruments, states are obliged to respect and preserve the right to education equally and without any discrimination. Gender discrimination deprives girls and women of the right to equal education. The prohibition of gender discrimination has been directly and indirectly enshrined in regional and international instruments, and states have been called upon to provide equal access to education for all human beings. The main question of this article is about how to demand the implementation of the right to equal education from states in case of its violation. Based on this research, which has been conducted using and citing international and regional instruments, it will be argued that victims of gender discrimination can claim their rights through judicial, quasi-judicial, and non-judicial mechanisms at the regional and international level from the states.

چکیده / English The African Union was formed based on the experiences of the Organization of African Unity, to change the pattern of relations between countries in Africa from enmity / rivalry to friendship / cooperation, to ensure peace and security in the region. Two decades after the founding of the African Union, the organization has a track record of success and failure. The course of activities, as well as the increase in relations between the Union and the United Nations and regional organizations, demonstrates its willingness to use the tools at its disposal to secure and establish peace on the continent and, through it, to increase political development in its countries and sub-regions. The present study seeks to answer the question of what is the role of the African Union in peace and stability in the Horn of Africa with an emphasis on political development?
The union is gradually using its tools to achieve its goals, notably the suspension of Sudan's membership until the transfer of power to civilians in its crisis reflects the union's willingness to change course and move towards political development. It seems that the African Union is pursuing the establishment of peace and political development due to the changin

UN Peacekeeping forces are operational arms of security council with military, civil, administration and police mandate, active for more than 70 years in different parts of the world, to maintain international peace and security. By taking into account their historical experiences and lessons learnt from various challenges, this article considers the impact of COVID-19 global pandemic on UN Peacekeeping operations. By addressing the ways in which these forces dealt with pandemic related challenges and restrictions, it contextualizes it within their broader historical and institutional environment of adaptation. In short term, challenges emanating from COVID-19 intensifies the current challenges facing them. In longer term, it could trigger further institutional reassessment.
 

The study is to identify the factors that influence on the sport international relations in Iran, in view of Good Governance principles. The data collection method in this research was descriptive which was conducted as a field work in major domain of the two main national sport governing system, namely the Ministry of Sport and Youth (as the public sector) and Iranian National Olympic Committee (as the non-governmental sector). In addition, the present study was an applied cross-sectional survey in terms of time and nature of research method. The research method was mixed, using Delphi technique and confirmatory factor analysis “CFA”. The statistical population consisted of the Ministry of Sport and Youth, as the public governmental sector and Iranian National Olympic Committee as the non-governmental sector. Sampling was done in both sections in total, and finally 150 correct, full-completed questionnaires were analyzed. The research tools included review of documents, semi-structured interviews, and a researcher-made questionnaire based on the "Global Basic Principles of Good Governance in the Olympics and Sports Organizations" provided by the IOC (2008). The validity and reliability of the questionnaire was confirmed through the related tests (Lawshe method, Cronbach’s Alpha) by experts. After data collection, they were analyzed using descriptive and inferential statistical methods by SPSS21 and PLS version 3 statistical packages. The results showed the model fit indices have acceptable and desirable value and the research model is confirmed (RMSEA=0/069 and CFI=0/918). The highest factor loadings were related to “integrity and independency” (λ=0/866), then Transparency (λ=0/850), responsibility (λ=0/793), Discipline (λ=0/781), Accountability (λ=0/709), Rule of law (λ=0/651), and Participation and Democracy (λ= 0/613). The present results may help the national sport system to find the priorities of International Relations based upon the G.G factors to prevent the loss of tangible and intangible assets in this area.

This study focuses on recognizing the obstacles to women's political participation in parties, because the presence of women in political society can be described by their role and position in political parties. The main question that this research seeks to find an answer to is what are the main cultural and political barriers to women's participation in the inclusive parties of the country and what is the role of cultural structure in this regard? More generally, the dominance of patriarchal culture in society along with informal political barriers has a negative impact on three factors related to the participation of women's personality traits, political motivations and social status in society in order to achieve confirmation or rejection of hypotheses.

The right to education is one of the fundamental human rights that all persons should enjoy without discrimination. This right has been emphasized in various human rights documents. Thus, gender inequality in education is explicit breach of this right. The present paper, seek to relevant human rights frameworks consisted of international treaties, reporting on human rights bodies and the practices of states, concludes that the nature of the commitment to educational equality is obligation de juré, that breach of this will create international responsibility for countries. These obligations do not have a negative nature, but rather direct and regulate the behavior of states in balance with their positive nature. In fact, these commitments not only resolve the barriers women face in exercising this right, but also provide the grounds for their realization and while identifying the problem of gender inequality, fights it. In all legislative and executive fields, It countries commit on the creation of defined frameworks for the elimination of discrimination and the guarantee of women's rights in education

The devastating Iran - Iraq war was the longest war of the 20 century, that also affected Iranian children from Sep 1980 to August 1988, suffering immediate or subsequent physical, mental, sociological and economic impacts. The focus of this paper is children’s victimisation as there are thousands of them killed, injured, captured as prisoners of war, acts that all are now categorised as grave violations of children rights during armed conflicts by the UN. To highlight the extent of these violations and their con-sequences, this study investigate ‘war of cities’ with missile attacks on Iranian cities, schools and hospital.  Despite existence legal framework for protection the children in International Humanitarian Law and other documents, United Nations failed to positive action to protect them even as a moral imperative. Study will also recount stories of children affected by chemical weapons and remaining mines in western Iran, that still killing them.

On the occasion of the 70th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, in this paper, the role of the Declaration in development of regional instruments and mechanisms is being examined. So far, five regions in the world (Africa, Americas, Europe, the Islamic-Arabic region and Asia-Pacific) have been inspired by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and established their regional arrangements, such as instruments and mechanisms for monitoring and enforcing human rights, including declarations, commissions and special courts of human rights. In these regional arrangements, while maintaining the principles and values set forth in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, regional features such as philosophical foundations, values, norms, concerns and local and regional needs are taken into account. For this reason, the establishment of regional arrangements, in addition to the development of universal human rights principles, promotes the acceptance and implementation of these principles at local and regional levels.The present study demonstrates that regional human rights systems continue to strengthen the UN system in protecting and promoting human rights at the regional level and enhancing its effectiveness.

Crisis as one of permanent variables in international Politics replace war in nuclear weapon era.When crisis take place in regions with strategic importance, the issue of crisis management and role of (non)-governmental actors highlighted. Particularly those are active in peacekeeping, for example Security Council of United Nations. This organization with its actions has significant role in crisis management all over the word. With due attention to its actions, there is a question what factor affect on role of Security Council. Proposed hypothesis is that crisis nature, extension and Great power politics may affect on the role of international organization

When crises take place anywhere in the word, different actors take action to manage them. Actors such as organizations that most important of them is the security council as main responsibility of peacekeeping and international security. In addition to the Security Council, some organization have essential mechanisms. So they, based on the chapter 8 of UN Charter, play role in crisis management. One of these organizations is North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). NATO after the end of the cold war and the collapse of the Soviet Union faced with identity crisis, try to use various mechanism to expand itself mission and strength itself position. One of these mechanism was taking over tasks in the field of crisis management. So that NATO has played role in various crisis such as Iraq, Afghanistan, Libya. But in crises that have occurred in recent years such as Ukraine crisis hasn’t played active role. This situation raised the question what factors affect the role of this organization. To answer this question, this hypothesis is raised that nature of the crisis, past experience and achievements and the policies of the great powers affect NATO’s role. Research finding indicates that new policies, insignificant achievements and abundant costs of pervious interventions and the requirement to obtain a permit from the security council for intervention while Russia is the main actor of crisis led NATO didn’t play an active role in Ukraine crisis.

Today Human Rights has a deep attention to issue of protection of people affected by natural disasters, because such incidents occur every year around the world and bring with themselves a lot of human and financial losses. Nevertheless, this issue has become a challenging discussion in relations between governments and individuals, as well as in relations of international relief organizations with affected states. The question we have been seeking in this reaserch for its answer, is that what is the nature of the protection of people against natural disasters, and if such protection is a fulfillment of human rights, is it only should be asked from the government, or that it can demand also from the international community, and in particular from international relief organizations? Based on the results, the affected state has a main task to protect of victims of natural disasters, and of course, in the case of inability or unwillingness of the government to give an effective relief and occur a violation to the fundamental rights of victims, then the international community will be responsible to protect them, via international relief organizations.

In recent decades, paying attention to the subject of Climate Change and its destructive effects on different countries around the world have caused regular activities as holding international conferences, and ratifying some international documents. Developing and non-developed countries have less facilities and infrastructures to protect themselves from climate change effects and are more vulnerable. Moreover, African countries due to their climate conditions are the most vulnerable. Even more, they have the main population of climate refugees. Although an increasing effort in Africa has resulted in more legal protection for victims of climate change especially women as the most volunrable people, and has been appeared in many regional treaties, but inconsistency and denial of responsibilities from developing countries have caused serious challenges for long term legal-protection of environmental refugees and displacements, especially women and children who are the most vulnerable of climate change victims. Since a sufficient protection of these people requires a common concern and responsibility between states, referring to the "common but different responsibility" principle is one of the most important legal pillar for burden sharing of the massive climate – change movements.

While in combat conditions, assistance to victims, citing the provisions of binding humanitarian law, often easily takes place, but there are no similar provisions in terms of natural disasters, and legal vacuum in this case, provides a fertile ground, for abuse of the traditional principles of sovereignty and non-intervention, in order to prevent international relief. In the meantime, international disaster response law as a new branch of public international law, is looking for log-on the basics of humanitarian assistance provided in such events, and the doctrine of the responsibility to protect, seems an appropriate field, for this purpose.
On the other hand, the international community is not reached a consensus about applicable the doctrine of the responsibility to protect in the case of disasters, and however, results of this study suggests that even on the assumption of the possibility of attainment a consensus by the international community for inclusion of this doctrine to natural disasters, will not creat a significant and effectiveness change in the international relief to the victims of such events, by itself.

The Security treaty concluded by Australia, New Zealand and the United States (ANZUS) in September 1951 in San Francisco with the aim of ensurity securing in the Pacific. Issues such as the expansion of communism in Southeast Asia, potential threat by Japan's military power, and constitutional crises prevalent in the new independent countries were posing a threat for regional security following the World War II. The main question discussed by this article is about the survival of this treaty even after the end of the Cold War, Generally, this treaty has based its strategy on confronting hegemonic policies pursued by China, Russia and facing potential threats posed by them or increasing influence exerted by them in the Pacific region.

The increased industrial activities during the past decades have resulted in fundamental changes in the climatic patterns. In the most vulnerable places, these climate changes could lead to disasters such as sea level rise, increased frequency of extreme weather, and drought and water scarcity. One of the most important consequences of these events on human's lives is the creation of new flows of forced migration. It is predicted that over the course of this century, more than two hundred million people will be displaced as a direct result of climate change. Protection of a new group of asylum seekers, which is almost twenty times bigger than what the refugee instruments currently protect, is one of the emerging concerns of the international legal studies. This article aims to illustrate the incapability of the current refugee protection system in providing sufficient protection for climate change-induced displaced persons through the analysis of the leading international and regional legal documents relating to the refugee's rights and protection, as well as evaluating the specific requirements of this group of refugees. Despite the significant attempts towards protecting the climate change refugees in regional level, there is still a serious need for a novel mechanism both in regional and international domains in order for the authorities to deal with this issue.

This article discusses the emergence and evolution of Shanghai Cooperation Organization which is potentially a balancing measure in reaction to the Unilateralism of the United States. Severe balancing in Unipolar systems is considered to be a highly dangerous problem. Therefore, governments mostly seek to form a softer balance. In this respect, Shanghai Cooperation Organization is seen as a tool utilized by Russia ( with the cooperation of China) to bring balance against the United States. Moreover, this paper evaluates the dual game of Russia regarding Iran permanent membership in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. Actually, the proposal of Iran`s permanent membership in SCO is attributed to Russia's concern with regard to Iran's cooperation with the  United states. This is all due to the fact that if Islamic Republic can develop a constructive relationship based on mutual respect with the western countries, Russia will have to devote more attention to the Interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

The Capitalism Free Market System is a system that has gone beyond the Ideal level and has realized in all over the world. Although it has some achievement for mankind, it has lost its function due to its role in destruction of environment. The theoretical bases of this system are lead to this negative operation. The Islam Universal System is an ideal system that its theoretical bases, that are originated from Quran, prophet and imam’s conduct, will lead to perfection, in addition to keep balance environment. By investigation of Islamic System theoretical foundations compared to Free Market System theoretical foundations it could be found that Islamic System will able to solve current global ecological crisis, unlike Free Market System. This article will explain main origins of this crisis and then propose a fundamental solution for this crisis, in addition to describe the current ecological crisis.