مینا معینی

Dorche area of Isfahan had areas, fields and pleasant nature due to Zayandeh River passing through it. One of these areas was a field or field known as Pacheshme, which was irrigated by means of gorkan material and there was a spring in it. Due to its proximity to Zayandeh River, there was plenty of water in this farm, and most of the spring and fall summer work was done in It used to be done.. In fact, with the drying up of the Zayandeh River, only semi-deep wells provide water to the Pacheshmeh desert. The spring of this area has also dried up due to the complete cut off Zayandehrud water, the digging of Felman wells by the regional water organization and also the operation of the Islamabad Dorche power plant. But despite this tourist capability, this region could never attract the attention of a large number of people from other regions. Why this area could not become a tourist area and what effect did this have on the Dorche area are the main questions of this research that have been tried to be answered based on oral history and library studies and in a descriptive and analytical way. It seems that: "Due to the indiscriminate exploitation of underground water resources, the imprudence of the officials at the time, the failure to preserve the environment and the ignorance of the people of the region about such a capacity, the opportunity to become a tourist in the region was lost."

Such events as the constitutional revolution and the World War I in the early 20th century imposed socio-political crises on the socio-political atmosphere of Qajar government. The most obvious consequence of the issues was more insecurity on the roads of Iran. The situation made it problematic for Iranian and foreigners who traveled through the roads and transported their goods. Moreover, the insecurity of Qaenat and Sistan, where colonial countries especially Britain had special attention to since the 19th century, made it more significant. Britain tried to dominate the eastern Iran due to its significant goals and interests in India. This way, it would have defended its precious colony against Russia, though faced new challenges as the consequence of the insecurity and banditry on the roads of the two regions. Qaenat and Sistan were especially important to the foreign forces’ decisions in this period as the cities were located on the most significant commercial roads of the southeast Iran. Focusing on the library resources and taking a descriptive-analytical method, this study tried to explore the insecurities and banditries on the exchanging roads between the regions and Britain’s reactions to them. The results showed that banditry had been always a threat to the Iranian and foreign caravans, causing major damages to the local people and foreigners. On the contrary, British army defended their nationals against attackers and bandits to secure the regions, though they had encouraged sometimes bandits to achieve their own goals. The study concludes that Britain had conflicting behaviors regarding the security in Qaenat and Sistan regions. That is, sometimes they suppressed bandits and in occasions supported them to achieve their desirable goals.

Russia's attempts to infiltrate in Northern provinces of Iran became more serious during the Qajar period, and finally became more noticeable and evident after concluding the treaties of Golestan and Turkamanchai. The Russians paid special attention to Astarabad because of its unique commercial and geographical location. By influencing in Astarabad, they had a significant impact on the events of this area. This situation progressed  to the point that the ruler of the region was actually the Russian consul and the Iranian authorities had no power against him. This study aims to investigate the state of Astarabad province and the reasons for the inability of its rulers to deal with Russian infiltrate and domination and seeks to answer this question: Why the governors of Astarabad didn’t have a proper reaction to the influence of the Russians? According to the findings of this descriptive-analytical study, the absence of powerful and reforming rulers in the Asatrabad, the oppression and abuse of the Iranian authorities and rulers of this region to the people, the lack of unity among the residents, and finally the collusion of some Iranian officials with the Russians, increased Russian dominance and presence in the state.

Since 1332 AH (1914 AD), the migration of Russian subjects to northern Iran was the beginning of a new chapter in the relations between Iran and Russia. The main cause of this matter was the change in Russian immigration policy, which made it a political strategy for Russia. The Russian government planned to colonize these areas by settling immigrants in the northern parts of Iran, especially in Astarabad province, and gradually separate them from Iran. The immigrants who arrived in this area were composed of different groups who had their own reasons for migration. This article attempts to identify the composition of Russian immigrants in Iran and the reasons for their migration, the process of migration to Astarabad, and the response of Iranian authorities and local governors using a descriptive-analytical method based on archival and documentary sources. The results show that the immigrants were mainly Turkmen and Molokans who were encouraged by Russian statesmen through the promise of land. Consequently, their arrival in Astarabad led to the appropriation and seizure of the land, which in turn increased Russian power and influence in the area and left a deep cultural impact.

Just before the occurrence of constitutional revolution some riots and crises began in Mashhad. The events made the city the central place for opponents of tyranny, though at the same time deep oppositions could be seen against the constitutional movement. Mashhad’s different social classes consisted of both opposing and advocating groups at the dawn of the constitutional revolution. Strong bonds with Russia or England could be seen as well, making the groups stay against each other. Considering the mentioned conditions, the study tried to see of what social classes Mashhad was composed at the beginning of the constitutional revolution, what political tendencies and affiliations they had, and how the classes affected the sociopolitical structure of Mashhad. Taking a descriptive-analytical method and using library resources and documents pertaining to the consulates, the study tried to find an appropriate answer for the mentioned questions. The results obtained from exploration of related documents on the issue showed that due to political and ethnic-tribal affiliations and aristocratic relationships, the dominant tendency of Mashhad's social classes was reactionary and against the constitution. The situation caused Mashhad’s failure to be just like Tehran, Tabriz, and Isfahan in being outstanding and pioneering in the constitutional revolution.

The establishment of the Russian Mortgage bank in Iran was the beginning of a new chapter in the development and hegemonic policies of this country in Iran, which had a profound effect on the political, economic and social pillars of this land. After establishment a central branch of the Mortgage Bank in Tehran, Russia gradually established its bank branches in important states, including the northern states of Iran, And more than ever, expanded its economic and political influence. Astarabad because of its geographical location, proximity and relations with the Russians, was given their special attention, and was one of the first states to establish a branch of a Mortgage bank; However, this bank was established in the coastal city of Bandar-e-Gaz, which was the most important foreign trade port of Astarabad, not in the center of the state.The reason for choosing Bandar-e-Gaz as the location of the bank and the activities and operation of the bank in this state and what did impact the bank have on the lives of the people of Astarabad? Is the main questions of this research.The present study, while answering the above questions, examines the performance of the Mortgage bank in the state of Astarabad in a descriptive-analytical manner.Research findings show that the Mortgage bank in Bandar-e-Gaz, in addition to monetary and financial activities, also had a political function and in line Russia's political goals, oppressed the people so much that it forced them to set fire to the bank.

The issue of immigration during the Timurid period was significantly linked to the two components of uneven urban development and tribal authoritarianism. As a result of these two approaches, two important consequences also occurred in the link between the city and immigration. First, the increasing prosperity of some urban centers in eastern Iran and the strengthening of their cultural-economic foundations by taking advantage of mandatory immigration policies that deprive other urban centers of retaining capacities and attractions. Led to the influence of tribal authoritarianism on immigration trends, which manifested themselves in phenomena such as growing tax pressures, a looting economy, forced and intermittent population movements to control unrest, and a kind of indifference to other urban centers. Showed the dispersion of power according to tribal criteria and so on. In this study, assuming that policies based on uneven urban development and tribal authoritarianism have a profound effect on the increase of migration processes, an attempt is made to investigate the role of these policies in upsetting the balance of cities, urban disorders. And show the social anxiety arising from the type of exercise of Illyrian power, their explanation, and their direct impact on immigration processes. The results of this study show that the phenomenon of migration in this period was mainly forced-command and from above, all of which were directly influenced by the nature of government and especially the two main trends in Timurid politics, namely uneven development and tribal authoritarianism.

The narration of Safavid historians of the first Shah-Ghezelbash confrontation during the reign of Shah Tahmasb is a relatively realistic and, of course, not very clear account of the early decline of a sacred structure in a non-sacred formulation. Therefore, the farther we go from the stage of the early Safavid movement, the historians narrative of a sacred content turns to a kind of realism. According to this, the narration of historians from the first encounter between Shah and Ghezelbash can be considered from two methodological and content perspectives. Methodologically, although the narrative of these historians is relatively descriptive, it is less focused on holiness. In terms of the content of this re-reading, the emphasis is on the decline of Ghezelbash disciples under the increasing demands of the economy and their growing political thirst, emphasizing their role in challenging the theology of the monarchy and ultimately building it. The heroic faces of the king as the ultimate winner of this controversy. This research seeks to explore in a descriptive-analytical way the elements that shape the narrative of historians from the first confrontation between Shah and Ghezelbash at the beginning of Shah Tahmasbc era

Mahdism has been one of the important and fundamental issues in the Islamic period of Iran. This issue has suffered much from problems such as false Mahdis and this has caused problems for the Islamic community. These problems have continued to concern the community to the present. Seyed Mohammad Kelardashti was one of these Mahdis. He made his claim public in Kelardasht in 1892 and assembled a group of people. The most important questions addressed in this study are what the background of his claim was, what the current government did to confront him, and what consequences he faced. It seems that the background of his claim was the gap between the people of Khajeh Vand tribe with each other, with Kelardasht inhabitants, and even with the government. Although this rebellion was suppressed and he was arrested and imprisoned, he was released from prison after a while and was assigned a pension. The present study attempts to investigate this issue based on the documents of the National Library and Archives of the Islamic Republic of Iran

This article studies the performance and influence of Dr. Arthur Millspaugh and his mission based on the documents and the press of that time and also the Persian National Assembly (Majless) transactions. Millspaugh was the head of the second American economic mission to Persia that aimed to organize the Persian economic conditions and traveled to Persia twice. Before him, a group headed by Morgan Shuster had entered to Persia by the order of Persian National Assembly. Millspaugh came to Persia in 1922 for the first time. During this 5-year-period, he was Treasurer-General of Persia with expanded latitude. Once again he came to Iran in 1942 and became Treasurer-General of Persia once again. The activities of this group were finally unsuccessful for Iran and they were forced to leave because of the competition between the colonial governments in Iran.

Shortly after the formation of the National Assembly, many problems occurd in the social, political and economic sheres. These problems brought in security in different areas, including local unrest and riots in different parts of the country. Due to the vacuum of power and under the influence of other factors, incesrity was created in the communication paths of different cities and their surroundings, which was not exvluded by Isfahan. Robbery and predatory p;underings in the urban and suburban routes transformed the area into one of the centeral insecure areas. Reza Khan Jozdani was one of the central insecure areas. From 1329-1337 AH/ 1911-1919AD continud. What causes Reza Khan Jozdanis vl? H dd has fmanc cas nscuty arnd sfahan, and hy can h b blls and blls abut his activities? Are the main questions of this research.
The present study, which answering the above questions, investinges and analyzez the rebellion of Reza khan Jozdani in Isfahan. It seems that factors such as famine, the prevalence of contagious di seases, The lack of powerful ruler and the interference of foreigners in Iran have led to the grows of robbery looting, and rumors that Reza Khan Jozdani was one its products.

In City of Isfahan during Qajar period, groups such as thugs, thieves, scoundrels, rebels, etc. launched some movements and caused chaos and disorder in the city for personal interests or the interests of other groups. One of the rebel persons was Haji Hashem Khan Lonbani, who gathered a group of people around himself, launched a revolt, and plunged the city of Isfahan in fear and anxiety. In 1240 AH, Fath Ali Shah entered the city with his division and suppressed the rebellion. The main purpose of this article is to determine the reason for the rebellion by Haji Hashem Khan and his belonging to rebel groups or ruffians, which is tried to be discussed and analyzed in historical ways, using descriptive-analytical method and information compliance based on available resources and references. Haji Hashem Khan Lonabani and his men seemed to belong to rogue and lower class of society who were motivated by greed in the property of others, pride, and revenge and abused deteriorating political conditions to launch a rebellion. If the ruffians were considered as descendants of Chivalries, it cannot be applied to Haji Hashem Khan Lonbani and his men. They should be considered among rogue opportunistic people.

The adjacency of Iran and Ottoman and their cultural and historical commonalities made numerous citizens, who were facing difficulties in their own countries, immigrate to the neighboring country and change their nationalities during the Qajar dynasty. While living and working in the neighboring country, some immigrants preferred to be still identified as citizens of their own countries; however, they changed their nationality after a while. The question is what motivated them to change their nationalities, and what was the Iranian government’s reaction to the nationality change of its citizens? This paper investigated the issue through a library-oriented study and by referring to the available body of published and unpublished documents. The findings indicate that reasons such as religious conflicts, maltreatments by agents and governments, the citizens’ emancipation from the restrictions of their own countries, and the economic conditions made them change their own nationalities, though this was often accompanied by successive objections from the Iranian government.

A Review of the contemporary sociopolitical history of Iran, and in particular that of the period after the Constitutional Revolution, would reveal a disturbing fact. In the wake of the establishment of a law-based system, the country witnessed events whose causes, reactionary natures and means were initiated from individuals and groups belonging to the lowest social ranks. In fact, the tacit disapproval of the constitutional system by the last Qajar and afterwards the Pahlavi kings was the motive for the Kings to take advantage of lumpen individuals and groups, whose unproductivity in the society made them the right tool for fulfilling aspirations of the ruling class and other political groups. The election periods of the 17th and 18th National Consultative Assemblies and the lifetime of these Assemblies are good gauges for studying the role of the lumpen in the country’s contemporary history. In this period, during which important events unfolded in the country, the lumpen played an efficient role both in creating a charged atmosphere during the elections which affected the results and in sparking uprisings in the lifetime of the Assemblies. The present paper studies this important issue. The main question of the study is: What roles the lumpen class played in changing the atmosphere of elections and provoking uprisings in the lifetimes of the 17th and 18th National Consultative Assemblies? The study then tests the following hypothesis: The lumpen were the cause of the fraudulent elections and the trigger of the uprisings during the lifetime of the 17th and 18th Assemblies. The findings reveal that, in the contemporary history of Iran, lumpen groups caused the greatest losses in the country’s sociopolitical system while incurring the least expenses on those manipulating them.

In politics, obstruction is the deliberate interference with the progress of legislation by various means such as filibusting, slow walking, and even leaving the parliament in order to delay or completely prevent a vote on a given proposal.In the 14th Majlis of Iran, obstruction was widely practiced by the minority to oppose the passage of unsatisfactory proposals. The question posed is whether obstruction was used for personal or national interests. The 14th Majlis was obstructed twice by the minority to oppose Mohsen Sadr’s appointment as prime minister and to help Qavam al-Saltaneh. This policy seems to be a method for fighting factionalism and ethnicism and has managed to safeguard Iranian national interests for the first time. The policy of obstruction was, thus, a policy uniting the minority against the majority.This article is an attempt to review the policy of obstruction in the 14th Majlis and the clashes between the minority and the majority due to its practice.