جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « رقابت سیاسی » در نشریات گروه « علوم انسانی »

There are different ideas about democracy. One of the relatively new views that have been raised in this regard is the view of democratic pluralism. According to this view, the basis of democracy is the plurality of active groups in politics and their competition in the form of elections to gain power. In general, pluralist democracy is based on three principles: multiplicity of sources of power and groups, competitive electoral system and lack of desirability of broad political participation.The current research tries to look at the political situation of Iran in the years after the Islamic revolution based on the theory of democratic pluralism. In Iran, after the revolution, for various reasons, political parties have not had an effective presence in politics, and instead of them, political factions have been active in the political arena. The question of the current research is, "What were the reasons for the continued multiplicity of active political forces in Iran's political arena after the revolution, and what effect did this multiplicity have on political development in Iran?" The hypothesis is that in the years after the revolution, despite the desire of each of the factions to eliminate the rival faction from the political arena, the plurality of political factions has continued and this continuity is rooted in the social base of different factions. Descriptive-analytical method has been used to test the hypothesis. The findings show that the continuation of the plurality of political factions in the years after the Islamic Revolution and their competition has prevented the complete unification of power and the destruction of democracy

Among the political crises that exist in the Islamic world, the lack of democracy and the desire for authoritarianism are at the top of them. Apart from the causes and sociological factors that they mention about it, it seems that the lack of analysis of its essence in the shadow of religious thought has become an additional cause. Democracy belongs to the West and its acceptance in the Islamic world requires its reconstruction on the basis of text. It is important that the structure should be removed from authoritarianism and the role of the people in political life should be increased, but what was neglected is dealing with the essence of democracy, i.e. political competition, without which democracy basically becomes meaningless. What gives democracy an identity and separates it from the structure of authoritarianism is political competition and not political participation; In an authoritarian system, participation may increase and the government with a high vote will remain in power, but it will still remain authoritarian. Since the 1920s, which is called the spring of welcoming democracy in the Islamic world, there have been many reflections on the various aspects of democracy from an Islamic perspective, but less attention has been paid to its essence, which is political competition. What is the position of religious thought regarding this concept? And which of the chapters of jurisprudence is able to regulate it within a political system? ( Issue ) . From the point of view of this article, the chapter on lessons learned can clarify the path of such a competition and explain its Islamic rules. (hypothesis). The methodology of this article is the common method of new jurisprudential subjects, which is based on the ijtihad of the seminary. (Methodology) This review shows that jurisprudence accepts political competition and assigns rules to it that can justify such competition. (findings)

The concept of development in the Islamic Republic of Iran is institutionalized based on competition and partnerships, and paying attention to the future of these two factors indicates the strength or weakness of the Islamic Republic system. Increasing participation, as a multidimensional process, affects or is influenced by many components; In such a way that its realization requires teamwork, intellectual-procedural stability of the system's agents, in relation to positive trends and optimal synergy of potential and actual capacities and infrastructures. Therefore, the question of the present article is, what are the future-oriented guidelines for increasing competition and political participation in Iran? The current research is analytical-descriptive with a future research approach, using the scenario method. The findings indicate a scenario development for a favorable future for civil society in relation to political participation; which includes the possible scenario; possible scenario; He pointed out the favorable future scenario.

One of the ways to conduction the experiences and skills of political activities in different generations is to be aware of the lived experiences of politicians. The experience of politician acting is differentiated according to the type of political system in each society because the institutional, legal and organizational structures of political systems and on the other hand cultural, historical, religious and mentality characteristics affect the methods of political acting, rules and also its results and achievements. Political education is important as the first and main step for politician activities; So that the types of political education have a great impact on the characteristics of political action which the most important place for it to appear is in political competition. In this paper, using semi-structured interviews and qualitative data analysis and coding by Juliet Corbin and Anselm Strauss method was extracted the central categories of the two concepts of political education and political competition and they were studied in relation to the lived experiences of Iranian women politicians. A total of three models, Follower political education, Combative political education, Citizenship political education was conceptualized and two models of political competition studied in Hidden type and Competition in political authority. Finally, the relationship between political education models and the type of political competition was summarized and analyzed.

Iran's Islamic revolution, with every analysis that has been presented about its occurrence, caused vast changes in Iranian society. These changes have also been effective in the class structure of the society and brought about changes in it. So that despite the participation of the middle class, both traditional and new, in the victory process of the Islamic Revolution; But gradually, with the passage of time, the traditional middle class strata in competition with the new middle class strata gained more influence on the political decision-making process and control over economic and political funds and resources. In terms of methodology, it is a descriptive-analytical study that has been used to collect information from library and documentary methods. In total, the results of the research show that despite the formation and growth of the traditional and new middle class in the period of construction, but in the period of reforms, we witness the peak of the political action of the new middle class and in the period of fundamentalism, we witness the peak of the political action of the traditional middle class in political competitions.

In the literature of political macroeconomics stresses role of political competition in the economic performance of countries; Political competition can influence economic growth by affecting resources allocation and quality of economic policies. This paper examines the effect of political competition on economic performance in Iran in the framework of a dynamic growth model by Heteroscedasticity and autocorrelation consistent estimators (HAC) method over the period 1364 to 1397. In this regard, we use the degree of alignment of government and parliament, power balance, power distribution, political and economic freedom and a composite index as the determinants of political competition. The results of estimates confirm the hypothesis of non-linear effect of political competition on economic growth in the Iranian economy as U-shape relationship such as at first the higher levels of political completion tend to be associated to smaller real GDP per capita, but after the optimal value (minimum political competition), production will increase. In this step, the actors of political system, by accepting the rules of political competition and avoiding factional policies focuses policies, focus policies that promote economic growth. This situation, which is known as the learning of political competition, enjoys society the benefits of competition political parties. The findings of this research supports the importance of political competition as one of the sources of economic growth.

Due to its geopolitical and geoeconomic importance, the Persian Gulf region is of great importance for regional and extra-regional actors. The Persian Gulf region has a dual function; peace/war and convergence/divergence and endogenous/exogenous security. What is important in this article is the analysis of the nature of exogenous security on the regionalism mechanism of the Arab countries of the Persian Gulf in the field of their domestic and foreign policy. The main question of the research is what effect does exogenous security have on the regionalism mechanism of the Arab countries of the Persian Gulf? The main hypothesis is that the regionalism of the Persian Gulf countries is based on exogenous security and relies on the provision of regional security by extra-regional powers, and pan-Arab attitudes, Shiite and Sunni geopolitics, maintaining the political system and unity against Large regional players have intensified this strategy. Bringing up topics such as Arab NATO even at the theoretical level and bilateral and multilateral defense agreements with great powers is in line with the completion of the exogenous security project. The research method is descriptive-analytical and based on library and internet collection methods

The literature of political economy emphasizes the role of political institutions in controlling the behavior of politicians and economic choices. Political institutions include the arrangements established in the ruling political structure such as elections, parliament, government, laws, etc, in which, the political competition is one of the most important descriptors of the mentioned structure. This competition for political power, such as the candidacy of candidates for the parliamentary seats, will include the right to control, shape the content, and guide the public policy. Except the institutional factors, the natural resources abundance such as oil will affect the economic performance of countries dependent on the generated proceeds.Therefore, the present study examines the impact of political competition and oil revenues on the economic growth of Iranian provinces using the dynamic panel data method in the period of 2000-2019. The results show that, there is a non-linear relationship between the political competition and the U-shaped economic growth in various contexts, so that after the desired level of political competition, increasing the political competition forces politicians to formulate growth-promoting economic policies. The interaction of political competition and oil revenues on the economic growth of regions is positive, so increasing the political competition will moderate the destructive impact of oil revenues on the economic growth.

Political competition, which is called the struggle of political rivals for political power, has always been discussed by experts because of its role in strengthening and efficiency or swaying and weakening the political system.The purpose of this study is to obtain the answer to the question "What is the nature, principles and principles of political competition in Imam Khomeini's (as) thought", so that political competition at the level of the Islamic Revolution can be drawn and engineered.

This study collected its data using the documentary-library method and focused on the content of books, lectures, messages and orders and socio-political positions of Imam Khomeini (ra), described and explained. And put analysis.

According to Imam Khomeini's political thought, political power is competitive in nature. That is, both in its origin and in its mechanism of action, it arises from the will and participation of individuals in society, and in the fundamental rights formed on the basis of Imam Khomeini's thought, the necessary infrastructures and practical frameworks for a comprehensive political competition are embedded. Has been.

Imam Khomeini (ra) by denying any tyranny of political power and accepting a decisive role for the people, defines political competition as task-oriented and in the interests of society, and it as a comprehensive religious and sharia worship and adaptation in Charity has been explained to the deserving of politics.

Abstract
Political competition is one of the important factors in the improving society economic performance; the growth of political competition increases the possibility of the presence of elites in the political system and by limiting political rents and dominating special groups over economic resources, forces politicians to adjust economic policies to increase citizen’s welfare. Accordingly, it is argued that increasing political competition improves economic efficiency. Such an approach has attracted government attention to the development of political competition. The purpose of this paper is to investigate the relative position of the country's provinces in terms of political competition indicator and also to examine its changes at the provincial level to evaluate the status of political competition indicator as an important component in the regional economy performance.
The hypothesis of research is that, firstly, there is a considerable dispersion among different regions in terms of political competition, and secondly, the performance of this type of competition in the country has not been as expected. In this regard, first, based on different indicators of political competition, a comprehensive index of political competition based on the Root Mean Square method is introduced and measured. Then, the status of the political competition index in the provinces during the years 2000 to 2019 will be evaluated. The estimation results show that firstly, there is a considerable dispersion among different regions in terms of political competition index so that the country provinces can be divided to three levels of political competition as low, medium and high. Secondly, the average trend of political competition index is generally declining in the provinces of the country in the 20-year period, whereby it is necessary to create the necessary policies for growth of political competition at the national and regional levels, given the role of political actors in regional performance.

Political competition as a natural and even useful behavior is the hallmark of decentralized and democratic political construction. Of course, all political efforts must be focused on preventing political competition from turning into conflict. Accordingly, theoretically, three types of political competition can be considered, which are "political competition for the political system", "political competition for the political system" and "political competition within the political system; That is the type of "political competition within the political system." From this point of view, the components of political competition are considered as the rules of political competition, in order to create order, to which all actors are committed. In the following, the most important components in the field of Islamic-Iranian political competition are discussed. In this research, using indigenous sources, the qualitative method and theoretical foundations of political competition with documentary and library methods have been studied and the components of Islamic-Iranian political competition have been extracted, and the weight of each has been determined and operationalized quantitatively in the form of a questionnaire (Delphi method).

The fourth to sixth centuries AH marked the concurrent ruling of the Fatimid Shiite caliphate and the Sunni Abbasid caliphate in a vast stretch of the Islamic territory. The two caliphates extensively used textiles as a means of political confrontation. This study aims to conduct a contextual analysis of the impact of the Fatimid political rivalry with the Abbasids on Fatimid textiles. Accordingly, the main question is how these political rivalries influenced the Fatimid textiles. The contextualism framework, informed by the theory that a work of art is a social product shaped in the historical context of society, lays the ground for exploring the role of textiles in this rivalry within the historical-political context of that period. In this research, a document analysis method has been adopted for data collection along with a descriptive-analytical method that draws on the theoretical research. According to the findings, the role of textiles in the Fatimid political rivalry with the Abbasids covers three periods: the first one is the Fatimid Caliphate, in which textiles played a symbolic role in overthrowing the Abbasid agents in North Africa and establishing the Fatimid Caliphate. The second is the golden age of the Fatimid period and the domination of the Egyptian textile industry, when textiles were exploited for political lobby in the Abbasid land. The third one is the last years of Fatimid caliphate, in which, due to internal and external crises, textiles served as means of establishing political relations with the Abbasids.

Political rivalry as a peaceful strategy of shift of power in modern politics is an established fact. This concept in liberalism has been formulated on certain principles and grounds. The present article, while studying the principles and grounds of political rivalry in liberal democracy, tries to level criticism at them in order to challenge the political rivalry which emerge from these principles and grounds. Drawing upon an analytic-inferential method, the findings from the library data have come to this conclusion that as liberal democracy has degraded from the requisites of teleological reason into the carnal desires in its task of explaining rights and values, it carries with it certain consequences the most important of which in the realm of political rivalry is that the political rivalries are not regarded as dependent on the ápriori values and they are independent of the wills and desires of the individuals and this independency brings about evil consequences for liberal democracy. Key words liberalism, principles of democracy, liberal democracy, political rivalry. 'The Study and Criticism of Political Rivalry in Liberal Democracy :by Dāwūd Taqilū Political rivalry as a peaceful strategy of shift of power in modern politics is an established fact. This concept in liberalism has been formulated on certain principles and grounds. The present article, while studying the principles and grounds of political rivalry in liberal democracy, tries to level criticism at them in order to challenge the political rivalry which emerge from these principles and grounds. Drawing upon an analytic-inferential method, the findings from the library data have come to this conclusion that as liberal democracy has degraded from the requisites of teleological reason into the carnal desires in its task of explaining rights and values, it carries with it certain consequences the most important of which in the realm of political rivalry is that the political rivalries are not regarded as dependent on the ápriori values and they are independent of the wills and desires of the individuals and this independency brings about evil consequences for liberal democracy.

The purpose of this article is to survey the historic process of democracy in Iran after Islamic revolution by benefiting from Robert Dahl’s polyarchy model and qualifying his threefold indexes as political participation, political competition and political supervision and their mixture through Boolean algebra technic as to show the historic fluctuation process of democracy in Iran after revolution. By periodization the history after Islamic revolution into four periods, i.e. first period (1979-82), second period (1982-98), third period (1988-2006), fourth period (2006-2013), the collected data show that the amount of democracy indicators has fluctuated over time except the period of 1979-1982, but, the fluctuation has leaned to up, not down. In spite of affluent sources which have surveyed this topic mostly qualitatively or have surveyed some parts of this topic, this article has attempted to survey the different parts of this topic methodically and quantitatively through mixed method; this article has also received an outcome that the historic process of democracy in Iran after revolution has progressed so far, and presumably it would progress in future if its looked through a historical sociology.

Legal rules of lawful and responsible activity of parties in elections; With emphasis on general election policies; In any electoral system, how to use the legal framework to succeed in elections is one of the essential elements and the main component in achieving the desired result in elections; Given that in many systems, electoral processes are formed and managed around parties, the role of parties in these processes is undeniable. Therefore, paying attention to the legal rules of electoral activities, taking into account the centrality of the parties, is a fundamental issue in many electoral systems, of which the Islamic Republic is no exception. The position of political competition in religious thought, explaining the position of councils, presenting discussions on the relationship between freedom and political competition, as well as the positions, approaches and activities of parties in electoral systems, are the description of the issues emphasized in this study.

Given that political marketing has come from the behaviors of reality in political affairs to universities, and has been theorized in the faculties of political science, so existing theories are usually the only ones explaining the facts and usually the deeper and deeper layers of science, the less these theories. Is taken into consideration. Accordingly, and as political market players need a more cognitive and cognitive model for conducting political affairs, in particular, understanding the factors that influence voter behavior, they can both effectively and accurately identify voter behavior. To predict behaviors and ultimately vote to avoid errors in political forecasting and planning, the researcher first criticizes existing political marketing theories and then presents a neural (cognitive) model of political marketing. Based on research by the researcher. The author's point of view in critiquing political marketing patterns is based on the marketing perspective and has been examined on this basis. Finally, the researcher presented the cognitive marketing model (basal nerve) as a functional model based on the function of the nerves and the way the human brain works. The model presented in this study is presented in three levels: Level 1, the level of voters and voters, which focuses more on the internal and psychological issues that have cognitive origins; And there are domestic laws; the third level, the political environment abroad, which includes the international media and international political institutions. The Delphi method was used to design the model. The Delphi panel was comprised of specialists in cognitive and neuroscience, political science, and marketing science. Given that the model should be tested, the researcher used a pls tool to test the model with 384 respondents from over 18 years of Iranian political affairs inside and outside the country using a questionnaire. Other parts of the model in this study have been tested by the Delphi method.

The objective of the present study is to survey the criteria of optimal factionalism to promote active political participation in the Islamic Republic of Iran. Using Ijtihadi method (independent reasoning of a jurist’s mental faculty) and the literature review of the works of Allameh Naiini, this research explains the indices of efficient political parties. The results showed that factionalism and political institutionalization is a state which displays existing events in society. In its positive concept, this notion has been used by Muslims in their good competitions and charity festivals. With regard to the expansion of industrialization, mass media, and middle class in society, it is necessary to attract institutionalized public participation through political parties. In order to consolidate optimal condition for factionalism, it is essential to foster political equality, political freedom, political competition, accurate election system, and also instituniolize needed organizations, party membership, code of conduct, financial supporting, and also avoid issues such as Iron Law of Oligarchy, monopolization, violation of codes, and dependence to the foreigners. Iranian society needs factionalism to encourage public and peaceful participation, and any delay or negligence in this process may lead to non-peaceful activities in the country.

The systematic nature of political competitions is regarded as one of the challenges of political systems, especially the religion-based political system. This paper aims at presenting theological approaches founded on theological jurisprudence and the theoretical framework of competition within the regime. To achieve this, the article suggests strategic focus on the vertices of theological geometry and proposes solutions such as the moderate and diverse political theology, the maximum political participation based on the divine-communal legitimacy, and the development of plurality and political freedom, Islamic broadmindedness, and religious political education, each of which can cover some aspects of such systems. The focus of article on the moderate and diverse political theology which includes an extreme end of absolute nature and on the other end a secularist minimum explains the separation of religion in various biological fields and areas of management based on the textual and metaphysical facts of Islam; in this respect, apart from the obligatory rulings, in Islamic view, a significant part of human life is separate from religious obligations and is distinguishable; there are generalities in all fields; in some areas generalities exist with some details. In the divine and public legitimacy the acceptance and satisfaction of the majority of the people is regarded as the judicial principle of “part of cause “for the legitimacy of judicial authority and government without which such authority cannot be considered legitimate and cannot be exercised. On the other hand, in Islam, political plurality is accepted in accordance with the laws of the religious community. And the verses 13 of Hijab Sura, 48 of Ma›edeh Surah, and 251 of Baqarah imply pluralism. Religious and political tolerance also contributes to systematizing the environment and political behavior of the religious community.