جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « democratization » در نشریات گروه « علوم انسانی »

Democratization stands as one of the most momentous occurrences of the 20th century, profoundly shaping the trajectory of social change in numerous societies. Throughout this era, waves of democratization swept across different nations and Iran was not exempt from this transformative tide. Considering a pivotal part of this democratization movement, the 1979 Revolution in Iran served as the focal point for this research. The objective was to delve into key concepts within the democratization literature, specifically examining the revolutionary period spanning from 1963 to 1979. To accomplish this, the research drew upon the conceptual models presented by Samuel Huntington, Gream Gill, and Charles Tilly, using their frameworks as a basis for analyzing the research data. Employing the historical institutionalism method, the primary and secondary historical references served as the primary sources of data. The findings of this study elucidated that the activities of the Rouhaniat institution and the emergence of underground Marxist parties in 1963 marked the inception of the Islamic revolution, ultimately leading to the events of 1978. Despite the state's efforts to regulate the democratization process by creating political space, historical incidents like the episode of  September 8 and the society's disillusionment with the state played pivotal roles in accelerating the democratization process.

Interpretation of the Islamic revolution in Iran is varied, encompassing Marxist, Islamic, and democratic perspectives. This research viewed the revolution of 1979 as a significant stride towards democratization in Iran. The historical institutionalism approach was employed to identify key historical factors and establish causal relationships between events. In this method, the researchers examined the chosen historical period to identify pivotal moments and trace the chain of events. Subsequently, the researchers elucidated the temporal and causal sequences that connected these events (Pierson, 2014: 227). To accomplish this, the research relied on a foundation of historical documents, including historical journals and books, as primary sources.

The research framework was rooted in concepts derived from theories on democratization processes. Charles Tilly's notion of mobilization of protesters finds support in the mosque networks and underground Marxist groups that facilitated a large-scale demonstration in 1979. Gream Geal's emphasis on civil society and the breakdown of elite unity was evident in historical actions, such as protest speeches and nationwide demonstrations in 1977. Indications of elite disunity included punishment of former political elites and the army's refusal to suppress the populace. Samuel Huntington's theory on the struggle to establish a new political order was reflected in the absence of nominations within the Rstakhis party and the demand for an Islamic republic.The process of democratization during this period originated from ideological disagreements between Islamic and underground Marxist groups and the state. In response, the state sought to suppress these dissenting actions by establishing its own party. Meanwhile, the society witnessed an increase in demonstrations and strengthening of civil society activities. However, the state also escalated violence against demonstrators, marking a pivotal historical moment known as the "Black Friday", which led to two subsequent significant events: widespread demonstrations and strikes. The persistence of street protests following these events ultimately culminated in the final stage of democratization characterized by the collapse of elite unity.Applying the historical institutionalism approach, the results demonstrated that after the incident of "Black Friday" in September 8th, 1978, the state responded with severe repression, using violence as a means to control the society. In turn, the society responded by intensifying its civil resistance, leading to a significant number of protests involving millions of participants and nationwide strikes. These events collectively formed a causal chain that played a central role in the process of the 1979 revolution.

Democratization is a process which is construed as a inevitable way to reach development, to redistribute income among citizens. The hypothesis of research was the relationship between intergroup inequality and democratization.

we tried to address the process of democratization in two contries, Iran and Saudi Arabia, based on deferent statistics and analyses, with a descriptive- analytic appraoch.

first of all, we found the political system type of the two countries was not democracy. In addition, democratic movements had an up and down trend in Iran while was not appeared these movements in Saudi Arabia. Another finding was that, based on diferent statistics and researches, there was an intergroup inequality in Iran.

It can be argued that, based on Acemoglu and Rabinson`s economic theory, democratic movements in Iran is a response to socio-economic inequalities in the scale of society. In comparison, in spite of a monarchic system governing the Saudi Arabia country, and based upon economic growth and welfare, and to some extend distributing fairly wealth among the country`s citizens, there were not democratic and radical movements.

This study focuses on the cycle of authoritarianism in post-revolutionary Iran. The epistemic foundation of the pattern of authoritarianism dynamics in Iran is the democratization theory. This study claims that the democratization dynamics moves the Iranian society from the authoritarian regime to the democratic transition stage. In this process, the authoritarian regime collapses and the democratic transition period begins. In a very short time, the process of democratization in the transition zone gets stuck, and then gradually the historical trajectories move it toward authoritarianism. In response to the reproduction of the wave of authoritarianism, a revolutionary movement usually occurs. This movement leads to the collapse of the authoritarian regime. This study claims that a cyclical pattern has been prevalent in Iran during some historical periods. It means that Iran has experienced the democratization of the authoritarian system, but it has alternated back and forth between democratization and the authoritarian regime. The theoretical argument is that the cycle of authoritarianism is explained by a conjunctural causation. The causal conditions are the quality of political institutions and the agency of elites in power and social actors. Society moves towards authoritarianism if political institutions are exclusive and the agency of power elites is based on structural constraints on the opposition and social actors have structural limitations in their strategic choices. This study used a historical approach to the analysis of the authoritarianism cycle. The analysis resulted in the proposition that if the path of democratic reforms is closed, authoritarians choose the strategy of repression and radical actors choose the strategy of violence. In this case, the dynamics of authoritarianism will gradually lead to the stagnation of power, and then the force of radical actors will move the society toward the collapse of the ruling regime.

After about four decades since the initial step, the Ankara agreement, the relations between Turkey and the European Union are still in a state of struggling over Turkey's eligibility to join the EU. In recent decades, this relationship has seen many changes, and there is still ambiguity and uncertainty about the end of this relationship. Turkey that has been considered one of the strategic allies of the European Union, is in the process of becoming a member of the EU, and sinusoidal negotiations of the parties have been the dominant framework in bilateral relations. In this regard, the current role of the army in Turkey's policies has been as the most important part of the EU membership process, as the army considers itself to be the protector of the republic and its principles in Turkey that is result of the past years. Because it is completely against the principles of the EU and opposing the interference of the military in politics, this feature has become a complex puzzle in the Turkey-EU bilateral relations. On this basis, in the process of Turkey's membership, the European Union has strongly sought to reform military-civilian relations in Turkey, and civilian control on military organizations. Democratization of military-civilian relations and control of civilians in military institutions has been one of the most important political issues raised in this process. With the coming to power of the Justice and Development Party, AKP, this process has continued at a faster pace in the domestic and foreign spheres.

Reformist Politics in Iran identifies itself with an essential avoidance of any sort of populism, claiming the capacity to represent the public demands of civil society. By the use of a retroductive approach, this article analyzes the configuration of Iranian reformist politics to provide an assessment of how reformism could be formulated in terms of either radicalizing the ideal of democracy following "Left Populism" or taking on policies and practices that keep the society exposed to a looming rise of "Right Populism". In recent decades, the Iranian Political Economy has witnessed a wide variety of demands hardly recognized and found entitled to go beyond expressing mere discontent with the status quo, resulting in a comprehensive political alienation. Additionally, the particular qualities of the ruling order have been of effect in keeping reformist politics in a defensive position. According to the results, the undeniable presence of left-wing reformism has not been enough to change the fact that reformist politics in Iran is still a combination of two axiomatically inconsistent approaches of which one is fundamentally devoted to the agenda of marketizing all spheres of social and political life, while the other fails to translate its theoretical differences into practical social policies.

Non-democratic Politics, brutality of politics, stable presence of military forces in the eco-political life, institutionalization of authoritarianism, detachment of ideological and strategic thoughts, the descriptive function of democracy in the Egyptian political history had turned politics as the exclusive prerogative of political sovereignty and military forces. By discourse of anti-otherness, attempting to monopolize the politics, and considering the democratizing movements as an action vacating the spoiled fervors of collective actions, this kind of governance prevented to transition to democracy. Affecting by the power structure and the behaviors of the main policymakers on the one hand, and the ceaseless cycle of populist authoritarianism, pseudo-democracy, and neo-authoritarianism on the other hand, the failed democratic experience, and fluctuation of transition to democracy in Egypt is regarded as the triumph of the structure against the agency. Thus, the main question of the current paper is to study why the process of transition to democracy was unsuccessful in Egypt? According to the main hypothesis, policymaking and governance in Egypt are based on undemocratic liberalism. In other words, despite rising the pseudo-liberal creeds in different periods, Egypt has never experienced an institutionalized democratic political life. So, by the logic of historical sociology and the theory of transition to democracy, this paper will test the mentioned hypothesis analytically. By showing up the cycle of populist authoritarianism, quasi-authoritarianism, pseudo-democracy, and neo-authoritarianism in Egypt, the findings show that alienation with democratic values, institutionalized authoritarian values, and lack of democratic culture in the political life of Egypt led to the failure of democratization movements.
As the most populous country in the Middle East subsystem and the third most populous country in the Black Continent, Egypt is one of the main candidates for the transition to democracy. Despite the suspension of political development and the geopolitical and geostrategic instability of the region, the desire for democracy and the effort to transition to a democratic political life is a social and sustainable demand in Egypt. From a historical point of view, despite the experience of democracy in Egypt, the lack of political participation of the people caused the fragility and instability of these movements until the 1980s. But with the transition to the third wave of democracy, the collapse of the Soviet Union, and the gradual transition of Latin American and Eastern European countries to democracy, pro-democracy actions in Egypt were pursued more seriously. Studying the history of political and social developments in Egypt as a vanguard of the transition to native democracy is a sign of the emergence of an authoritarian structure and society, which seeks to lay the groundwork for the emergence of political pluralism and democracy by constantly trying to marginalize the hierarchical structure of power. In fact, the growth of social demands, political developments, the emergence of technological and cognitive processes, and the rising waves of globalization caused democracy to become one of the main demands of the Egyptian society. But such a demand is not a one-time thing, but has a hundred years of political history.
The first round of the transition to democracy in Egypt began with the country's independence in 1922, which continued until 1949 despite its fragility and instability. Colonialism, as the dominant logic on the African continent, made no country capable of transitioning to democracy. Now, during the constitutional monarchy of King Farouk in the years 1922 to 1949, Egypt was able to experience a quasi-democratic political system for the first time. Egypt experienced the second period of transition to democracy during the rule of Anwar Sadat. The emergence of various political forces, the support of Islamist organizations and forces, and the application of open-door liberal policies were considered as signs of Egypt's desire for democracy, which leads it to political development and social reforms. But the third period of the transition to democracy in Egypt can be seen as the result of the political and social developments of 2011, when the revolutionaries were trying to establish a new political plan for governance and politics. It is worth noting that neglecting the differences between different periods of transition to democracy in Egypt is a kind of cognitive reductionism.
One of the main differences between the third transition period and the previous two periods is the type of democratic and reformist social actors. In the sense that the main reformists and democrats in the first and second period were the political rulers and the main actors in the national power scene, while the main pro-democracy activists in the third period were the society and the people. Democracy and political reformism in the first and second periods were hierarchical and from top to bottom, in the third period it came from the bottom to the top. Unlike the first and second periods, democratization and reformism in the third period were derived from the cognitive equipping of society and the emergence of the third wave of knowledge due to the existence of social networks. Democracy in the first and second period did not necessarily change the structure of political power, while the rotation of political actors and the relative change in the ruling attitudes towards the society have been the reasons for the third period of transition. Despite these differences, fragility and instability are common features of different transition periods in Egypt. In such a way that after a short period of time, the movement for democracy and reformism was stopped. In this article, we want to pathologically examine the pro-democracy movements in Egypt from 1950 to 2020. This question is raised, why the transition to democracy in Egypt has failed? In response to this hypothesis, politics and governance in Egypt is based on undemocratic liberalism; In this way, despite the emergence of pseudo-liberal teachings in different periods, democratic political life was never institutionalized in Egypt. According to the hypothesis of the research, institutional cultural and traditional habits, unfamiliarity with democratic teachings and the institutionalization of authoritarian norms in Egypt caused closeness with some pseudo-liberal behaviors. These conditions, along with the lack of democratic biopolitical institutions, failed the transition to democracy.
In a summary, it should be said that the political and social developments in Egypt during the post-Mubarak era, especially after the inauguration of Muhammad Morsi, with the relative increase in the level of economic activity and the creation of a platform for the emergence of various political and social parties and forces, promised democracy in the new era. But the lack of strategic vision between the revolutionary coalition forces, the lack of serious commitment of the Islamist, liberal, secular and leftist forces to democratic teachings, seeking power as the main logic of the Islamists in the 2012 elections and tactical alliance with the military to win the election, increasing the political and economic privileges of the military by The ruling Islamists after the election victory, the cooperation of liberal and secular forces with the military in 2013 in criticizing the Islamists, the inability of the ruling political forces to connect strategic thoughts and ideological stances, the distance from democratic teachings and cultural habits ruling Egypt and the cooperation of transnational forces to support The presence of the military in the political and economic life of Egypt caused the transition to democracy to face many challenges in the current era. In other words, Egypt's failure to transition to democracy and the continuation of the cycle of authoritarianism and quasi-democracy is a strategy to control power and stabilize the political position of those in power.

The transition to democracy or even the beginning of the democratization process is affected by various factors that researchers have pointed out based on their theoretical tendencies: modernization, economic situation, external pressure, integration of trust networks in public policy, trust in the government. Institutions have been introduced as effective factors in the transition. Political culture, which is generally based on the link between politics, culture, and especially the influence of culture, beliefs and values in the cultural structure of political societies, is included in this matter. The participation of citizens in political issues and government affairs is very important in the establishment of the system and it requires the active participation of people in their destiny and their society with rational judgment for intervention and be effective in making decisions to achieve national goals and at the same time in determining public policies and how to govern the country. In the last hundred years, Afghanistan has gone through many periods to achieve the rule of law, the right to vote, the enjoyment of civil rights and liberties and the limitation of the powers of rulers and politicians to enact laws and constitutions.Research Question: This research seeks to answer the question that according to the political and cultural conditions of Afghanistan, what factors have hindered the transition to a democratic and participatory political culture?Research Hypothesis: Due to the structural weaknesses and widespread administrative corruption of Afghanistan's previous political system, democracy has had less opportunity to grow and spread in this country.

In this research, due to the researcher's inability to travel to Afghanistan after the Taliban took control of this country, it was not possible to identify a statistically significant population for the survey. Therefore, interviews were conducted with selected individuals by asking a series of questions. The interview consisted of 17 questions and a personal information table. Factors that were important for the interviews included indicators such as gender, religion, ethnicity, literacy level and residence in Afghanistan. Therefore, people were identified who were either living in Afghanistan or recently immigrated from Afghanistan or came to Iran for a trip. After providing necessary infrastructure for conducting the interviews and identifying the selected individuals, the data for this study were collected through semi-structured interviews, the sample size of this study.In this study, through open coding, more than 120 concepts were extracted from meaningful sentences. These concepts were combined in 22 subcategories and 13 main categories and a final core category, "Obstacles to Participatory and Democratic Political Culture in Afghanistan," was extracted from all the main categories.

In this research, the central and fundamental issue that always emerges from the data and to which all other main issues are related is "obstacles to a participatory and democratic political culture in Afghanistan". The central phenomenon of this study explains what obstacles prevent the establishment of a democratic and participatory political culture in Afghanistan. Additionally, because the central phenomenon is constructed from key concepts such as "inefficiency of the national government in the context of historical developments", "weakness of national and local political institutions", "marginalization and elimination of women and political elites in society", "political passivity and disillusionment of people in the shadow of a rent-seeking and independent government", and "lack of political outlook growth and structural and administrative corruption as barriers to democracy", it is called "obstacles to a participatory and democratic political culture in Afghanistan."

The main concern of this research is to identify the structural and mental obstacles that have prevented the democratization of the political system in Afghanistan for years. According to Huntington's action-oriented approach, which focuses on the analysis of factors preventing the transition to democracy, the structure of the non-democratic political system of Afghanistan from 2001 to 2021, with fewer opportunities for political expansion and development within the framework of democracy, can be viewed from the perspective of nationalism. He has analyzed monopolization, administrative corruption and rent-seeking, suppression of political parties and organizations, lack of rule of law, unhealthy and non-transparent elections, and factors of this kind, all of which contribute to the failure to transition to a democratic and participatory political culture in the country. An important point that is constantly visible under the comments of the participants and has been mentioned in the main and sub-categories, is the strong demand of the people to hold safe and transparent elections and of course to emphasize the constructive and effective activities of political institutions. Although the level of political participation in Afghanistan is low due to the above-mentioned reasons, the result of this research points to the lack of development of the desired political attitude of democracy in this country, therefore this does not mean that people feel the need for constructive and decisive participation in their political destiny. They don't have it, except that the maximum demand is to hold safe elections with the presence of candidates from various ethnic and religious spectrums, which will be postponed for the time being when the Taliban comes back to power. Successful democratization in Afghanistan depends on the existence of developed socio-economic structures with the condition of the presence of civil society, the positive role of foreign and international factors and the appropriate democratic model among political elites, which increases the possibility of achieving it. Without any of these elements, democratization will not take place.

The purpose of the present study is to review the American demarcation project in the Greater Middle East Initiative (GMEI). The research method is descriptive-analytic and the results showed that the US as the only super power remaining from the cold war era, aimed to become a global hegemonic power by its domination over the strategic region of the Middle East so that the USA in the American order is at the top of the pyramid and other powers are below in a linear line. When the US attacked the region and occupied Iraq, it raised two strategies of the elimination of the weapons of mass destruction and countering terrorism. Yet this hypothesis is proposed that the US main strategy in GMEI was the American democratization project in the region. If the US succeeds in this strategy, the condition of reaching its goals in the GMEI is facilitated.

The essence of politics and political sociology is based on how to regulate the unequal power relations between the rulers and the ruled. This is exactly what justifies the existential necessity of the political order and its continuation or overthrow. Therefore, the institutional construction of the state and its political stability, based on whether it has the necessary political legitimacy or not, plays a prominent role in its continuation or overthrow. In this regard, the current research emphasizes that state-building in the first Pahlavi period was established in conflict with democracy, and as a result, it suffered from a lack of legitimacy and its political stability was fragile; Therefore, in this research, the institutional structure of the government and its relationship with the institutions of democracy are examined as the most important component of legitimizing unequal power relations And it tries to answer the question why the political order did not have the necessary political legitimacy during the first Pahlavi period? The hypothesis of the research is based on the answer that the desire of the government in the first Pahlavi period towards illegitimate power through the conflict between personal and impersonal interests came into conflict with political institutionalism, and as a result, the regime was incapable of reproducing political legitimacy and the political order was deteriorating. The lack of legitimacy was faced. The data has been collected through the library-document method and data analysis has been done using Thomas Nigel's "Conflict of Interests and Values Theory".

The Islamic Awakening and the beginning of the popular uprising that led to the overthrow of Mubarak marked the beginning of a new phase in Egyptian politics, which was expected to see the tyranny and dictatorship removed from the country forever and replaced by a democratic government based on a new political order. As president, the process of democratization continued, but in a short time, General al-Sisi arrested Morsi in a creeping coup and continued to seize power personally. What is the main question in this article is that; What have been the consequences of the uprising of the Egyptian people in 2011 so far? And which forces have influenced the process of democratization of the Egyptian people? The results of the investigation show that the pro-democracy uprising of the Egyptian people has failed with the intervention of the army and the removal of Mohamed Morsi from the presidency. The most important influential forces in the process of democratization of Egypt are: the army, the Muslim Brotherhood, secular nationalist parties and groups. The research method is qualitative, documentary and library, with the help of filing tools from Persian and English books and articles.

Comparative historical analysis is one of the most important and efficient methodologies in contemporary social sciences. It seems that this methodology can help us develop C. Wright Mills's concepts of sociological imagination.  Theda Skocpol, under the influence of Mills, employed sociology's historical imagination in analyzing social problems.  He argues that there are three approaches to historical sociology: interpretive historical sociology, macro-historical sociology, and analytical historical sociology. In this paper, the characteristics of comparative historical analysis are explained and then the application of this methodology is clarified in analyzing Iran s problems. In the end, the limitations and possibilities are mentioned.

Instagram is one of the most popular social networks in Iran, which in recent years has become a platform for the emergence of new celebrities. The aim of this study was to investigate the role of Instagram social network in the emergence of new celebrities and the democratization of celebrity culture among Iranian Instagram users. Many thinkers believe that today, with the advent of new technologies and technologies, virtual social networks have become a kind of network community through which people interact with each other, including the social network Instagram with all its capabilities. The rule is no exception. In this study, using the qualitative method of virtual ethnography and purposeful sampling, we have examined Three celebrities who have recently become popular among Iranian users. The results of this study show that the celebrities studied by emphasizing components such as creating their own margin and scandal, commodifying the body and beauty and emphasizing extreme consumerism have been able to find many fans among Instagram users .Proper policy-making in the field of cyberspace, especially the social network Instagram, is very important and vital, and those in charge are expected to inform the general public by creating a proper culture and increasing media literacy in this field.

This paper examines the role of loya Jirga as a traditional civil society. The problem addressed by this study is defined in term of mismatch between actions of Loya Jirga as a traditional civil society and civil society functions; sometimes Loya Jirga has contributed to the process of democratization and occasionally assisted authoritarian rulers in Afghanistan. The paper aims to answer the question: what conditions make Loya Jirga contribute to the process of democratization in Afghanistan? Conceptual framework model used in the research is composed of socioeconomic underdevelopment, tribalism and limitation of Loya Jirga’s democratic action. The empirical findings indicate that if the rate of economic development increases and tribalism, as an anti-democratic political culture, is weak, Loyal Jirga contributes to the democratization in Afghanistan. It means that Loya Jirga has an institutional capacity to democratize the country, however, the nature of its functions depends on its economic, social and political contexts.

Basically, the issue of democratization and consolidation of democracy has been the main concern of humanity, especially intellectuals and philosophers throughout history; because, firstly, democracy is the most effective system for achieving balance and only order involves the least evil, and secondly, in the words of Alfred Smith, all the failures of democracy can be cured with more democracy. However, the rate and percentage of failures and defects are not the same in all countries; For this reason, it is necessary to analyze the systems that have fulfilled all the conditions of democracy to a great extent, the systems that have fulfilled some of the conditions of democracy and the systems that sometimes even have the minimum conditions of democracy. Systems with the first feature are usually democratized, systems with the second feature are hybrid, and systems with the third feature are undemocratic. Each of these governance methods has a direct or indirect relationship with the process of democratization and the consolidation of democracy. In principle, the main problem and question in this research are to explain the relationship between "governmental method" and "the process of democratization and consolidation of democracy" (problem and question). Achieving this goal is pursued with the help of "descriptive-analytical" methods and using the library and digital resources (method). It seems that among the various models of democracy, "minimal democracy" is more closely related to the governing periods of the Islamic Republic of Iran, and "maximum democracy" has the most positive impact on the "process of democratization and consolidation”. (Findings)

In democratization approach, the root of war and insecurity in the international system is the lack of democracy. Therefore, democratization of the governments has changed to an important procedure in the cold postwar world. This important issue is in progress sometimes in the form of process, and sometimes in the form of project, by the international organizations that have legitimation and universal acceptance. The objective of this research is to analyze the role of the international organizations on democratization of the governments that are in non-democratic status. Hence, by focusing on the role of the UN as one of the most effective public international organizations, this question is raised that what is the role of the international organizations, especially UN, in democratization of the governments? Hypothesis of the research, which is conducted in descriptive- analytical method, is that “the UN plays an active role through its major institutions such as Security Council, general meeting and secretary-general by implementing and executing the legal and political (or diplomatic) actions and institutionalizing for accelerating anti-authoritarianism and fixing democracy in the non-democratic countries”. Findings of the paper show that the high levels of independence and legitimation of the international organizations such as UN have made the democratization of the non-democratic governments possible. The case of Afghanistan will be reviewed for clarifying this interaction.

After introducing tourism destinations in social media, tourists' power in describing, commenting, changing, and distorting the destination-related narratives by considering their personal experiences and opinions was increasing, results in creatinga large challenge for tourism marketing organization asthe way oftelling their intended stories in social media for developing a tourism destination. Accordingly, the present study aimed to recognize the dimensions related to the storytelling power of online social media in developing a tourism destination by focusing the mentioned challenge. The study was conducted through qualitative approach among all the stories related to Qeshm tourism destination and told in online social media. In addition, 108 stories were selected through judgmental sampling and analyzed by searching in tourism websites and weblogs by using a three-stage open, axial, and selective coding in the form of thematic network. Based on the results, nine organizing and 44 basic themes were identified as comprehensive ones regarding the power of tourism storytelling of Qeshm. Further, utilizing storytelling capabilities and its dimensions in social media allows users to explain their identities, activities, experiences, and ideas, create social role, improve their situation, expand their discourses, and affect destination narratives by attracting audiences. The use of qualitative storytelling method is one of the strengths of the present study, because it has not been used in any similar domestic research to analyze the narratives of a tourist destination.

This study adopts a mixed approach: qualitative-quantitative. The statistical population in the qualitative section was all the stories of Ramsar destinations in the social media. Using judgmental sampling, 62 stories were selected. The study used a narrative analysis strategy. Data collection method was online written stories which were analyzed through narrative analysis and content analysis. Next, the identified dimensions of social media storytelling power were presented first in the form of a thematic network and then in the framework of a conceptual model for this destination. In the quantitative phase, the research strategy was conducting a survey. The statistical population here included all tourists who had read the tourism stories of this destination on the social media. Nonprobability convenience sampling method was used and the sample size, given the unlimited statistical population, was estimated to be 450 people per destination based on Morganchr('39')s table. Data collection method was electronic questionnaires sent to the tourists. The results of structural equations modeling show that all aspects of Ramsar online social media storytelling power, including literary knowledge, attractiveness, dynamism, tourism, trust, reliability, cognition, emotion, and ethics significantly affect the development of this destination.

This study compares democratization in Iran and Turkey during the periods from 1906 to 1913.  We show that Iranian and Ottoman society experienced the wave of democratization in 1906 and 1908 respectively. We argue that although Iran and Turkey established some fundamental requirements of democratic system such as parliamentary election, Majlis and constitutional law, after a very short time, the countries returned to authoritarianism. Our argument is that the dynamics of the authoritarianism revolve around strategic interactions between the military actors and political elites in the regime and the foreign powers. The strategic choices made by these groups determined the main process of the authoritarianism. This study uses comparative historical analysis. Methodologically,the comparative historical analysis focuses on both historically interpretive and causally analytic.The findings indicate  that the return to authoritarianism in Iran  and Tukey is a result of the combination of three causal conditions,  the suppressive strategy of political actors such as  the dissolution of parliament or the dissolution of opposition parties and the military intervention in politics (military coup or martial law or military suppression: kill or arrest) and  the political-military intervention of  foreign actors in domestic politics such as support for the authoritarian regime or the dissolution of parliament or the suppression of internal actors:kill or arrest.

According to Huntington, quantitative growth and qualitative change of a new middle class lead to the development of civil institutions and the decline of authoritarian symbols, and majority for political changes are supported. The question is that why the process of political changes has not been materialized in spite of this class increase in Saudi Arabia and Iraq? Based on the theory of transition to democracy and the comparative method, findings show that both countries are similar in increasing symbolic features of emerged middle classes, such as the development of higher education, bureaucracy and per capita income. However, due to cultural barriers, the rentier nature of the government, the patronage relationship, and the negative role of the external factor, any role in advancing democratization is excluded from this class, and tactical liberalization from above may lead to revolutionary change if democratic demands are not met, and may cause a general uprising. Political instability and structures imposed by American after the collapse of the Baathist regime are also responsible for dysfunction of this classes in Iraq in the establishment of democracy while Iraq has passed the first process of democratization by the collapse regime of Saddam and entered the second phase of democratic institutional consolidation, yet Saudi Arabia has faced serious barriers in her first phase.

This study compares democratization in Iran and Turkey. We show that Iranian and Ottoman society experienced the wave of democratization in 1906 and 1908 respectively. Our argument is that democratization is the result of the combination of three causal conditions, educational development and the agency of political actors and the agency of social actors. Theoretically, educational development only can potentially facilitate the process of democratization, but this is dependent on how political elites respond to it. The strategic choices made by the élites determine the main process of democratization. This study uses comparative historical analysis. Methodologically, the comparative historical analysis focuses on both historically interpretive and causally analytic.The findings indicate that the educational development as a structural resource in combination with the strategic choeces of political and social actors such as negotiation or coalition or the creation of a social movement has led to democratization.