جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه "جامعه مدنی" در نشریات گروه "تاریخ"

Before the Islamic Revolution of Iran (1357 AH), religious democracy had no place in the literature of world governance and there was not much belief based on this category. But since Shahid Beheshti's intellectual foundations had divine roots and were based on his religious beliefs; And this belief and gem of the heart made him a firm and determined person, and he had such a belief that the possibility of establishing such a government was not and is not very difficult, but it requires the will, motivation and enthusiasm of all people, the properties and support of the people, and this is the symbol of this importance in the eye-catching presence of the people in the scenes of the revolution. And he considered religious democracy to be the guarantor of advancing the ideals of the Islamic Revolution, and he was firmly convinced that without the people on this path, he would not be able to move forward, and he believed that obedience to the orders of the Imam of the Revolution, and obedience to the strategic orders of Imam Khomeini (PBUH) is the only way to stabilize and survive the Islamic system. This research, with a descriptive and analytical method, aims to answer the question that what are the components of religious democracy from the perspective of the theorist of the Islamic Revolution Constitution, that is, Shahid Beheshti? And this article, in response to the research question; He considers words such as: civil freedom and expression, justice (no class gap), social development (social progress), partisanship (healthy competition) and political ethics (Islamic behavior and leadership) as components of religious democracy.

One of the salient features of the Cold War was the cultural rivalry between the Eastern and Western blocs. To dominate different countries, instead of pursuing a direct policy and using military force, the Soviet Union and the United States sought to penetrate the civil society through cultural instruments and by focusing on people’s thought. In this campaign, the United States managed to dominate the civil society of developing countries by means of music, film, fashion, book publishing, and by instilling the idea of ​​democracy and liberalism, and thus became the hegemonic power. In the field of publication, Franklin Book Program, by establishing numerous branches in many developing countries, transformed the book publishing industry, and managed to influence the civil society of these countries and capture the cultural arena. The findings of the present descriptive-analytical study, based on historical documents, show how the US hegemony in Iran was developed by relying on the publishing industry. In addition, this research sees the activities of the Franklin Book Program in Iran and the world in the context of a macro-cultural competition in the international sphere.

Contemporary Iran has had a tumultuous history in terms of independence and liberation struggles, internal and external struggles, and the presence of great powers, but the era of Mohammed Mossadegh's rise to power due to the unexpected events that followed The era happened, a very important period in the history of contemporary Iran. Because of the thematic significance of this period, there are several theories about the cause of the failure at this juncture. The main question in this study is to what extent does Mosaddeq reflect democratic processes in his political action. To achieve this purpose, a combination of the analytical-historical method and the Hermione Skinner method was used. The research hypothesis is that Mossadegh pursued guided liberal democracy, but the fragile political context prevented his democratization. The final analysis of this study is that the political context of this period was weak and the root weakness of civil society the most important reason for the failure of demo doctrine.

It was during the premiership of Dr. Mohammad Mosaddegh that the pursuit of independence and freedom, and tolerance of dissent gained momentum as dominant discourse, challenging part of despotic discourse of the royal court. As a result, Iran’s political spectrum became more pluralistic, the Shah’s power was restricted, political parties became diversified, power became legal and democratic, and the dissent enjoyed maximum tolerance on the part of the government. Enacting the Press Law not only stipulated maximum tolerance of the dissent, but also state-run organizations were banned to bring an action against the press criticizing the government or the prime minister. This is why Mosaddegh period is known in contemporary history as “the age of free press”. The dominant discourse in that period encompassed independence, freedom, civil sovereignty, political participation and public welfare. During his 28 months of premiership, Mosaddegh administered the country almost without petrodollars. Unaffected by lack of oil incomes, the crisis-stricken, stagnating and bankrupt national economy regained its footing and became an example of a balanced economy. These indexes indicate that the collection of Mosaddegh’s plans, achievements, and beliefs during 28 months of premiership had maximum compatibility with criteria of political development.

The tribes and nomads have always composed major part of the population in Iran and directly or indirectly have had roles in politics and government as the Iran society was a traditional, tribal one and this became more remarkable and important as the Qajars stepped onto the power and one of these fields is the issue of civil society, Therefore the current article which is to study the role of the tribes in not shaping the civil society in Qajar era will study the two issue of tribes and nomads and their roles in the field of civil society after developing the conceptual atmosphere of the subject of the research. According to the topical documents presented in this research, the research method is descriptional - analytical and the the data gathering method was a library one. The findings of the research indicates that first, the changes in Iranian society and the movement to a civil society like what happened in West needed the frame-works. The radical traditionalism has decreased the speed of these changes. The constitutionalism revolution speeded these changes which was not compatible with Iranian Society, for this reason was ended in failour and only a formal structure was resulted out of what was expected. Second. Qajarid was a tribal ruling and each state was governed by a prince and and there was no solidarity in the state and the tribal ruling was one of the reason for not shaping the civil society in Iran.

This paper intends to find answers to these questions: What process has political development, i.e. political participation and competition, gone through during the Pahlavi II period in Iran and what ups and downs has it experienced? What serious obstacles and challenges has it faced during this period of political development in the country? The answers to these questions lie in the political sociology, so we resorted to theories by N. Chandhoke, B. Moore, S. P. Huntington, T. Skocpol, and G. Luciani on the weakness of civil society and the rentier state, as the serious obstacles to and challenges of the political development. We finally hypothesized that the more government monopoly on oil income and the weaker the structure of civil society, the less will be the probability of realization of political development. The hypothesis was analyzed and tested with the assistance of valid historical documents and statistical evidence. The results indicate that at any period the government has turned into a rentier state, being independent and needless of public taxes and enjoying power concentration, the circle for political participation and competition has been narrowed down, taking away any chance for political development.